In what is clearly a case of pandering to poltical tastes, the Secretary of the Department of Justice (DOJ), Leila de Lima, led a multi-agency task force to a non-desript empty parcel of land in the municipality of Datu Hofer Ampatuan- not to be confused with the municipality of Datu Saudi Ampatuan- OR- the municipality OF Ampatuan- in Maguindanao Province in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao, known to most simply as "ARMM." With Secretary de Lima was an excavator and other assorted heavy equipment that began tearing into the knee high Cogon Grass and loam beneath it in search of yet even more victims of what is today perhaps the most recognisable clan on Mindanao, the Ampatuans- despite most of the clan's heavy hitters being buried under the jail in Camp Bagong Diwa, in Metro Manila's Taguig City.
The men are jailed there of course for their having created the monstrosity known as the Maguindanao Massacre two years and a day before Secretary tried to collect anal-Pogi Points by alerting the media to what should be a highly sensitive excavation. Sensitive politicaly, militarily, and even religiously owing to Islamic Law not exactly smiling on disinternment of human remains- though, for the life of me, I don't recall a single Muslim on Mindanao ever once objecting to what has become an all too regular facet of life on our fair isle. Most of all, the operation is extremely sensitive to the loved ones of the Ampatuan Clan's many victims over the decades.
Although more than one set of skeletal remains was uncovered within the first 90 minutes of digging, I will relegate the Ps and Qs of that sordid outing to an entry I plan to compose within the next day or so although I reckon it just might make better sense to await the excavation's closure to see just what might pop out of the task force's many potholes. This entry is instead about a Human Rights Watch report that the American-based NGO whipped up to memorialise the Maguindanao Massacre, on the incident's first anniversary, November 23rd, 2010. Entitled, "They Own the People," the report doesn't deal with the Massacre, but rather it discusses what is said to be at least five dozen victims of the clan who were murdered for a variety of reasons, in a variety of ways- including dismemberment by chainsaw, in the decades before the Massacre.
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"They Own the People"
pp1 (Title and Contents)
pp2 (Map of Mindanao with a Focus on ARMM)
pp3 (Glossary of Terms and Abbreviations)
pp4 Summary
"In Maguindanao, the word of the Ampatuans was the law. It was either you said 'yes' to (them), or you got yourself killed for daring to say 'no'."- Suwaib Upham, Ampatuan militia member, March 9th, 2010.
"Warlordism exists because it has blessing from the top [sic]."- Philippine academic, Mindanao State University, General Santos City, February 14th, 2010
On November 23rd, 2009, around 200 armed men stopped a convoy carrying family members and supporters of a local vice mayor in the southern Philippine island of Mindanao as they went to register his candidacy in upcoming gubernatorial elections. The gunmen forced the group of 58 people- which included some 30 media workers and six passerby, off the highway near the town of Ampatuan, ordered them from their vehicles, and then executed them all.
The massacre- the worst in recent Philippine history- has since been attributed to members of the Ampatuan family, which has controlled life and death in Maguindanao Province for more than two decades through a "private army" of 2,000 to 5,000 armed men comprised of Government-supported militia, local police, and military personnel. Many members of the family, which is headed by Andal Ampatuan Sr.-Maguindanao's Governor from 2001 to 2009- hold official posts in the province and in the region. Before the 2007 Elections, most of Maguindanao's 27 mayors were the sons, grandsons, or other relatives of Andal Ampatuan Sr., including his son, Andal Jr., who stands charged with 57 counts of Murder in connection with the 2009 massacre. Ampatuan Jr. is currently on trial in Manila for the killings, together with 16 police officers and two alleged militia members. Currently, 195 people have been charged, including 29 members of the Ampatuan family and their allies; over half of those charged remain at large.
While killings among ruling families in Central Mindanao are not uncommon, the scale and brutality of the November 23rd massacre far exceed previous attacks in this violent region. It also focused international attention on ruling families like the Ampatuans, and the lawlessness that persists in much of the Philippines. Less scrutinized than the violence itself, however, but ultimately of greater significance, is the support that the National Government provides such families throughout the country, and the near total impunity that their abusive militias enjoy. Successive National Governments have not dismanteled and disarmed these militia forces, as stipulated in the 1987 Philippine Constitution, nor have they investigated and prosecuted unlawful activities by those who control, arm, and used them for private ends. Indeed, rather than trying to prevent militias from carrying out illegal criminal acts, the military and police often provide them with manpower, weapons, and protection from prosecution.
This report focuses on the Ampatuan family and its forces, one of the most powerful and abusive state-backed militias in the Philippines. It charts the Ampatuans' rise and expansion, aided by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, who relied on the family for crucial votes and support in the protracted armed conflict with Moro armed groups in Mindanao. The report also details the Ampatuans' many abuses, including more than 50 incidents of killings, torture, sexual assault, and abductions and "disappearances." In addition to the 58 killed in the Maguindanao Massacre, the family is implicated over the years in the killing of at least 56 people, including relatives of opposition politicians, landowners who resisted forced acquisition of their property, eyewitnesses to the Ampatuans' crimes, including their own militia members, and even children.
One year after the Maguindanao Massacre, the Ampatuans remain a powerful and dangerous force with which to be reckoned. For more than two decades, the Ampatuans operated unchecked by the Philippine National Police, the Military, and the Department of Justice, which not only have failed to seriously investigate crimes allegedly committed by the family's militia, but have even armed and worked alongside its members. Despite an initial flurry of activity after the November 23rd killings, including some arrests, 126 suspects remain at large and the Government prosecution remains woefully slow and limited. Senior police and military officers who failed to act upon knowledge of Ampatuan crimes have not been investigated; investigations into the source of the family's weapons have lacked transparency and independence; and the national institutions responsible for accountability- the Justice Department, the Ombudsman's Office, and the Commission on Human Rights- have done nothing significant to address the situation. "What can we do?" asked one police officer. "This is an influential family."
In his successful campaign for the presidency this year, Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III vowed to abolish private armies that flourished under President Arroyo, who authorized the arming of Civilian Volunteer Organizations (CVOs) and Police Auxiliary Units, and allowed Local Government Units to enter contractual arrangements with the Military for barely trained militia forces called Special CAFGUs (SCAAs). Aquino also promised to hold accountable the perpetrators of the Maguindanao Massacre, and seek justice for the hundreds of other human rights abuses. Aquino should fufill these promises by taking immediate action to disarm and disband all militias, including state-sanctioned paramilitary forces, in Maguindanao and throughout the country. He should also institute tougher controls on local government procurement of weapons, and prosecute perpetrators of human rights abuses regardless of position or rabk.
Broad and lasting change will not come easily. Suspicious of police collusion, few victims or witnesses of crimes by government officials trust the country's haphazard Witness Protection Program. Many of the Ampatuan's victims have never reported the abuses they have suffered at the hands of the family which has long relied on threats and other forms of intimidation to build and maintain its power. Indeed, several victims and witnesses declined to be interviewed by Human Rights Watch, despite undertaking actions to protect their identities, because they feared retaliation by the family and its private army.
The term "private army" is commonly used in the Philippines to describe security forces of powerful politicians, wealthy landowners, and other private interests. The term is accurate in that it describes the loyalties of such forces- armed bodies that act on behalf of private, an not public, interests. As a result, human rights abuses committed by private armies are often dismissed as a manifestation of regional culture or an exhibition of "Rido," or clan conflict. But such explanations- and the very term "private armies"- fails to capture the state's role in these forces make-up, support, and involvement in abuses.
According to inviduals with knowledge of the Ampatuans' force structure, most members of their private army are also members of the state-sanctioned paramilitary forces, namely the Civilian Volunteer Organization (CVO), Police Auxiliary Unit, Citizens Active Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU), or Special Citizens Active Auxiliary. Their forces also include regular members of the police or military. Many are relatives of local government officials. Militia members, who receive virtually no training, swear allegiance to the family and operate without police or military supervision, as is required by law. The number of militiamen is limited only by the local government's ability to fund operational costs.
The Ampatuans have provided their militia with formidable modern military weaponry. In the aftermath of the Maguindanao Massacre, investigators recovered at least 1,000 weapons in and around the homes of Andal Ampatuan Sr. and Jr., including anti-tank weapons, mortars, machine guns, automatic pistols, and sniper and assault rifles, as well as tens of thousands of rounds of ammunition. Ampatuan family insiders and police officers investigating the Massacre say that the Military and police provided the Ampatuans with most of these weapons, a situation facilitated by Philippine law, which permits local government officials to legally buy an unlimited number of weapons without any obligation to report the type or number purchased.
According to insiders, the Ampatuans used their militia for a wide range of criminal activity intended to eliminate threats to the family's rule, or to warn anyone considering posing such a threat. Cases involving the Ampatuan militia forces include:
• On July 20th, 2005, about 25 armed men in military uniforms shot and killed Haji Noria Tambungalan and her child in Barangay Kitango. Her husband, Mando Tambungalan, said he recognized three of the armed men as hired killers on the Ampatuan payroll. He told Human Rights Watch that he had been targeted by the Ampatuans since running for Vice Mayor of Datu Piang in 2001.
• On December 2nd, 2006, in Cotabato City, motorcycle riding gunmen linked to the Ampatuan Clan shot and killed Judge Sahara Silongan while he was driving his family home. A relative of the judge believes he was killed for failing to issue an illegal warrant of arrest demanded by the Ampatuans: "It was a form of liquidation." Noone has been arrested for the killing.
• On June 23rd, 2006, the Ampatuans planted a bomb which exploded near the Shariff Ahuak Market, killing five people including Ed Mangansakan. Mangansakan was a known weapons supplier for the Ampatuans. A man working as a CVO for the Ampatuans at this time told Human Rights Watch that Ampatuans' men planted the bomb in order to get weapons purchased from Mangansakan for free.
• On August 28th, 2008, a cousin of Andal Ampatuan Jr., and his armed men allegedly shot and killed eight members of the Lumenda and Aleb families, including one child, as they harvested rice in Barangay Tapikan, in Shariff Aguak municipality. One gunman, a member of the Police Auxiliary Unit, told Human Rights Watch that he and others were ordered to shoot the family because the Ampatuans doubted their loyalty.
Crimes linked to Ampatuan family members have not stopped since the Maguindanao Massacre and the massive attention focused on the case and the region. A member of the family's militia who participated in the killings- Suwaib Upham, 27- told Human Rights Watch that he had killed a witness to the Maguindanao shootings with a grenade launcher several days after Andal Ampatuan Jr. was arrested by authorities. Upham described himself as close to the Ampatuan family for most of his life and gave his statement to a Private Prosecutor, which was then submitted ro the authorities under a pseudonym. He was shot and killed on June 14th, 2010, while still awaiting inclusion in the Government Witness Protection Program.
The private army of the Ampatuan family may be among the most abusive in the Philippines, but it is just one among many. More than 100 private armies, large and small, are estimated to be operating throughout the Philippines, primarily but not exclusively in rural areas, and often but not always where there is an active insurgency. The level of direct Government support for these militias varies, but if the Ampatuan example is any indication, a history of abuses is no disqualifier. So long as such official support continues, so will these forces and the atrocities for which they have been responsible. The Maguindanao Massacre was an aberation only because of how many people died, not because of its cold blooded brutality, which the Government, Military, and police has long tolerated, and even fueled. Instead, the killings were an atrocity waiting to happen. It is up to the Aquino Administration to ensure they are the last of their kind.
pp5
(Methodology)
pp6
I) Background
The Legacy of Violence in Mindanao
The Philippines main southern island of Mindanao has been a focal point for insurgencies since the beginning of the American colonial period at the turn of the twentieth century. The Muslim population, known as "Moros," make up more than 20% of Mindanao, and have long resisted encroachment by the predominantly Christian majority.
Since Philippine Independence in 1946, armed conflict between Moro groups and the Philippine Government have continued with varying levels of intensity.
In the 1970s Moro secessionists formed a separatist movement, the Moro National Liberation Movement (MNLF), which later splintered, creating the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). Since then, armed confrontations between the Government and the Moro groups have resulted in the death of an estimated 120,000 people, mostly civilians, and the displacement of some two million more.
Negotiations in the 1980s led to the creation of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in 1990, discussed below. After a resurgence of violence in 2008, a shaky ceasefire was forged in 2009. At this writing, the Aquino Government and the MILF are preparing to engage in peace negotiations.
Violence in Mindanao has many forms. Mindanao was a stronghold of the Communist New People's Army (NPA) from the late 1970s until the mid-1980s, when it was confronted not only by the army and militia forces, but by abusive state supported "viginlante groups" such as "Alsa Masa" (Masses Arise). A radical Islamist group, Abu Sayyaf, emerged in the 1990s. All of these forces continue to perpetrate numerous serious human rights abuses- including abductions, torture, and killings- against suspected adversaries and ordinary civilains in Mindanao.
In Mindanao, as elsewhere in the Philippines, wealthy and politically powerful families have sought to defend and expand their holdings through the use of so called "private armies." While the size, composition, and strength of these forces varies considerably, their designation as "private" is a misnomer. They frequently consist of state-endorsed paramilitary forces and unofficial militia forces and have the direct support of local police and military personnel.
Nowhere in Mindanao in recent years have the complexities of these volatile forces been as evident as in the case of Ampatuans, the most powerful ruling family in Maguindanao Province. The Ampatuans, who are themselves Muslims, have been a loyal ally of sucessive national governments against Moro separatists. Fightings between the Ampatuans and the MILF leaders has at times been treated as "Rido," or clan conflict, but the actual situation is more complex. Ampatuan family members and other Maguindanao residents said that the conflict developed because the Ampatuans are identified with the Government f
Forces, because the Ampatuans perpetrate human rights abuses, and because they target emerging Moro leaders who are considered a threat to their power.
Human rights abuses by local officials backed by private armies continue to be a factor in drawing individuals into the MILF. A November 2004 confidential AFP memorandum on the effects of family feuds in Maguindanao reportedly stated that communities pillaged and looted by CVO and Special CAFGU members "often seek the protection of the MILF because they perceive the Military to be partial to the Ampatuans and his political allies" [sic]. Human Rights Watch documented several cases in which the victims of militia abuses joined the MILF. An MILF commander, "Commander Rustam," told Human Rights Watch: "Many people seek refuge from the Ampatuans (with) the MILF." For example, "Fayyad" evacuated from Datu Piang and sought protection in an MILF community after three of his relatives were killed in 2002 and 2003, allegedly by the Ampatuans and CAFGU members working with them. He told Human Rights Watch that he still cannot leave the MILF community in which he resides to go into Datu Piang town center or Cotabato City without an escort.
The Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)
The ARMM oficially came into being on November 6th, 1990, after plebiscites took place in several provinces and cities in accordance with the Organic Act of 1989. Autonomy essentially arose out of the December 23rd, 1976 Tripoli Agreement, which ended the 1971-76 separatist conflict. The ARMM conmprises five provinces: Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu, Tawi Tawi, and Basilan, and one city, Marawi. It is the most impoverished region in the Philippines.
Cotabato City, which is predominantly Moro, is located within the boundries of Maguindanao, but is independent of the province and is not part of the ARMM.
The ARMM Government operates with a degree of autonomy. However, the President of the Philipines exercises general supervision over the regional governor to ensure that his acts are within the scope of his powers and functions, and has the power to suspend him. Aditionally, the National Government provides provincial, municipal, and city governments in the ARMM with the vast share of their annual budget via the Internal Revenue Allocation (IRA), creating a financial dependence that greatly limits autonomy.
Executive power in the ARMM is vested in the elected Regional Governor, assisted by a Cabinet. The Regional Legislative Assembly has the power to legislate "for the benefit of the people and for the development of the region." This power does not extend to issues such as National Security and Administration of Justice, though it may legislate on matters relating to Shari'a (Islamic Law).
The Philippine Government and MILF Peace Panels are currently preparing to negotiate an agreement that is expected to enhance ARMM autonomy by increasin both its geographical bounds and its political and economic powers. The Peace Panels negotiated such an agreement, the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain, in 2008. However, prior to the signing, scheduled for August 2008 in Malaysia, the Supreme Court of the Philippines issued a Temporary Restraining Order blocking it, on the Petition of local and national Christian political leaders. In October 2008, the Court ruled the Agreement un-Constitutional. The Agreement's collapse has been cited as one of the causes of renewed fighting in Central Mindanao in 2008 to 2009.
Rise of the Ampatuans
The Ampatuan family is a Moro Clan that lives in Maguindanao Province. Under successive Philippine Administrations since the 1980s, the Ampatuans have consolidated power and, over time, acquired control over the political, security, and commercial life of Maguindanao. Andal Ampatuan Sr., the family patriarch, was the Governor of Maguindanao from 2001 to 2009. His sons and other family members have held numerous elected and appointed Government offices. Most notably, Zaldy Ampatuan was the elected Regional Governor of the ARMM from 2005 to 2009 and Andal Ampatuan Jr., commonly known as "Datu Unsay," was the Mayor of Datu Unsay municipality from 2004 to 2010.
Andal Ampatuan Sr. first entered local politics in Maguindanao in the 1970s, following President Ferdinand Marco's declaration of Martial Law in the country. During this period, the Military perpetrated widespread human rights violations throughout the Philippines. Ampatuan Sr., went from commander of a paramilitary unit to Vice Mayor and then Mayor of Maganoy (now Shariff Aguak), a municipality in Maguindanao. Two years after the 1986 "People Power Revolution" drove Marcos from power, Ampatuan Sr. was reelected the Mayor of Maganoy in an election plagued by violence. For example, on December 30th, 1987, unidentified armed men ambushed the Campaign Manager of Ampatuan Sr.'s chief rival Surab Abutazil, and his two companions. In January 1988, an Election Aide was shot dead by unidentified assailants. And on January 5th, 1990, Abutazil was shot dead in broad daylight in the Maganoy town center after having challenged the legality of Ampatuan Sr.'s reelection.
Several residents of Maguindanao alleged that since the late 1980s the Ampatuans gained commercial power by using threats and unlawful force to acquire land. "Hassan," a former resident of Shariff Aguak, who said he was once close with Ampatuan Sr., told Human Rights Watch, "He would give the landowner two options: allow him to buy the land for P10,000 ($220) or choose the bullet." "Kedtog," a former community leader in Barangay Kuloy said that in 1988:
"We were called for a meeting with Andal Ampatuan Sr. Inside, on a table was a 45 caliber pistol and a sum of money put side by side in front of the old man (Ampatuan Sr.). We were asked which of the two we would choose...In Kuloy, almost all the villagers were forced to leave. There were thousands of hectares...They built fences around the (land) which (was taken)."
Kedtog said he did not go to the meeting with Ampatuan Sr., out of fear, but his 5 1/2 hectares of land was still forcibly taken. Only two landowners actually attended such meetings and "chose" the nominal payment. One landowner that attended such a meeting, "Akil," said that he chose to take the money, fearing he would be killed if he did not.
Through his lawyers, Ampatuan Sr., denied any allegations of forcible takeover of land, saying that the properties owned by the Ampatuan family have been "acquired through lawful transactions evidenced by contracts and duly issued titles."
In the early 1990s, the Vice Mayor of Maganoy, Paglala Bantilan, and several of his family members and supporters were killed after he announced he would contest Ampatuan's election. Those responsible were never brought to trial.
These killings and many other serious crimes allegedly carried out by Ampatuan family members were reported to President Arroyo in a May 2002 letter, some of which are detailed below:
• In July 1992, more than 20 men in fatigue uniforms armed with rifles and allegedly commander by "Commander Beri"- the head of Ampatuan Sr.'s militia at the time- killed a candidate for local government and his child, and wounded his seven year old child while they slept in their home in Maganoy (now Shariff Aguak), Maguindanao. The victim, Haji Usop Akmad, had run for Municipal Councilor in the May 1992 Elections. CAFGUs allegedly killed another of Akmad's sons later that year.
• In February 1994 Ampatuan Sr. allegedly killed Garcia Upham in Barangay Makir, Dinaig town (now Datu Odin Sinsuat). According to a witness, he had been sitting with Upham in a kiosk along the National Hiway in Makir when the nearly 50 vehicle convoy- including about six police cars- of Ampatuan Sr. passed by. According to the witness, Ampatuan Sr. "got out of the vehicle and shot (and killed) Garcia with his 45 caliber pistol. He then got back inside his car and drove on to Cotabato City.
• On March 14th, 1994, Zaldy Ampatuan allegedly gunned down cousins Akas Pagala and Rashid Mamalantong, Vice Mayor Bantilan's son, at a gas station in Cotabato City.
The Ampatuan family gained significant power when Ampatuan Sr. was elected Governor of Maguindanao in 2001, despite accusations of Electoral Fraud. He consolidated his power by giving family members various positions in the province and isolating mayors he did not consider loyal. He was reelected Governor in 2004 and ran unopposed in 2007. Until the 2007 elections, the majority of Maguindanao's 27 mayors were the sons, grandsons, or other relatives of Ampatuan Sr. Newspaper reports quoted Ampatuan Sr. as saying this dominance was due to "popular support...Because I am so loved by the constituencies of the municipalities, they ask me to have my sons as representatives." He added that "not a single candidate for the opposition dared to challenge his slate." In 2007, all but one of the town mayors allied with Ampatuan Sr. ran unopposed.
On June 9th, 2007, the Maguindanao school district supervisor, Musa Dimasidsing, who had exposed alleged Election Fraud, was shot dead in a madrassa (Islamic school) in Maguindanao during a brief power outage. No one has been prosecuted for his killing.
The Ampatuan family took advantage of Zaldy Ampatuan's position as Governor of the ARMM and their influence over the Regional Assembly to create new municipalities and strengthen their control over the region. In 2009, the Regional Assembly created the municipalities of Datu Hoffer, Datu Salibo, and Sharoff Saydona Mustapha. Zaldy Ampatuan used his power as Regional Governor to appoint Officers- in- Charge, including his wife, Bongbong Midtimbang Ampatuan, as Acting Mayor of Datu Hoffer Ampatuan; Akmad Ampatuan as Acting Mayor of Datu Salibo; and his sister in law, Ampatuan Jr.'s wife, Zandria Ampatuan, as Acting Mayor of Shariff Saydona Mustapha. Each of these Ampatuans was elected in the May 2010 Elections.
The arrests that followed the November 2009 Maguindanao Massacre appear to have weakened, but by no means eliminated Ampatuan power in the region. As a result of the May 2010 Elections, 8 of the 34 mayors in Maguindanao carry the Ampatuan name; still others are related to Ampatuan Sr. Only 6 of the 29 Ampatuan family members and allies accused of involvement in the Massacre are in custody: Andal Ampatuan Sr.,his sons Andal Jr., Zaldy, Anwar Sr., Sajid Islam, and son in law Akmad "Tato" Ampatuan.
Paramilitary Forces and Private Armies
"It would not be right to say 'private armies,' they are paramilitary units...They are created, armed, and funded by the Government."- A senior member of the Ampatuan family, General Santos City, Fenruary 21st, 2010.
" (Local governments) create civilian armed groups, thereby providing a cloak of legitimacy to the action of these groups who are presumed to be acting in accordance with their official duties, when more often than not they simply do the bidding of their political godfathers."- Justice Monina Averalo -Zenarosa, Chair of the Independent Commission Against Private Armies, May 5th, 2010.
State supported militias have existed in the Philippines since the late 1940s. The Government organised these paramilitaries to defend against Communist insurgents- first the Hukbalahap and later the New People's Army- and Moro separatist forces. Frequently the Army or police deployed them in offensive operations. Whatever their guise or official status, these militias have been responsible for widespread abuses against suspected rebels and ordinary civilians. Despite this, successive Philippine Governments have taken no serious steps to either dismantle or disarm the militias on a large scale. Over the years only a few members have been prosecuted for abuses, and none of their commanders have ever been charged on the basis of Command or Superior Responsibility.
In the 1960s, the paramilitary forces were called the Barrio Self Defense Units. Later that decade, President Ferdinand Marcos replaced these units with the Integrated Civilian Home Defense Force, which was enlarged in 1976 to include the Civilian Home Defense Force (CHDF). Each of these militias was implicated in numerous atrocities, though the CHDF was regarded as particularly brutal.
The post-Marcos Constitution of 1987 provided for the dismanteling of private armies and dissolving paramilitary forces. Despite President Corazon Aquino's July 1987 Order that paramilitaries be dissolved within 180 days, the Government merely replaced the CHDF with the Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU). In 1989, the Government instituted a Special CAFGU Program, which alowed businesses to enter into a Memorandum of Understanding with the Armed Forces to effectively apply CAFGUs as armed security guards. Since then, CAFGU militiamen have been involved in serious human rights abuses.
Anti-insurgent "vigilante groups" have operated alongside the militias since the mid-1980s. These armed groups have taken various forms, from small religious sects such as the "Tadtad" (literall "chop chop") armed with "Bolo" (machete" knives, to mass based groups such as "Alsa Masa" (Masses Arise) in Davao City that had the open support of the authorities, including President Corazon Aquino. The Military increasingly armed and supported the vigilante groups with military weaponry and deployed them in offensive counterinsurgency operations, where they quickly became notorious for abuses and lack of accountability.
In 1986, many vigilante groups were officialy named Civilian Volunteer Organizations (CVOs) to give the appearance, if not the actual practice, of state regulation and control. The next year the Aquino Government issued guidelines on Civilian Volunteer Defense Organizations, ostensibly regulating the activities of such groups rather than disbanding them. The "Bantay Bayan" (People's Guard), the officially sanctioned CVO, was unarmed and was not to engage in counterinsurgency operations. These limits were not observed. In practice, the Bantay Bayan continued to operate as an auxiliary armed force that was repeatedly implicated in abuses. In September 1993, President Fidel Ramos issued an Administrative Order seeking to dismantle private armies, acknowledging that "there are Government officials and abusive personalities who utilize numerous AFP, PNP, or civilian bodyguards, as security personnel to the consternation of the general public." He ordered the AFP and the PNP to evaluate "the tactical necessity of all community defense forses (e.g. CAFGUs, CVOs, etc.) Organized according to law and immediately deactivate those which are no longer needed for counterinsurgency operations (Administrative Order #81, September 13th, 1993)."
In 1996, President Ramos empowered city and municipal mayors in the National Capital Region to organize, support, and finance local police auxiliary units in response to an increasing crime problem in Manila. However, these auxiliaries were not issued, or even permitted to carry firearms, nor were they to be detailed or assigned as general security of local officials.
As the threat from the New People's Army receded during the late 1990s, serious abuses by all sides declined. Successuve Philippine Administrations have publicly committed to disbanding CAFGUs, vigilante groups, and so called private armies from time to time, but efforts have been cursory. In 1998, the AFP announced that CAFGUs were disbanded, but they remained active in rural areas. In 2000, the CAFGU force still contained about 30,000 members.
In July 2001, President Arroyo's Government announced that the CAFGU force would be "revitalized" in Mindanao to fight against the Communist Insurgency. Today, the force comprises some 56,000 members. In 2004, the Special CAFGU Program was expanded to allow local governments, not just businesses, to contract Soecial CAFGUs. The Arroyo Administration also expanded and increasingly armed police auxiliary forces, comprised of members of CVOs and Police Auxiliary Forces.
In 2006, President Arroyo issued Executive Order #546, following major fighting between the Ampatuan's militia and the 105 Base Command of the MILF from June 28th to July 6th, 2006. This was interpreted as legal grounds to arm CVOs, which were previously only authorized to carry "a baton and a flashlight." The order authorized police to assist the Military in counterinsurgency operations and "Barangay Tanods"- unarmed, village-based law enforcement officers- to be used as "Force Multipliers," supposedly under police control. CVOs were armed on a selective basis.
In late 2006, the Armed Forces authorized four new Special CAFGU companies for the Ampatuans, each with 88 armed civilians and 12 soldiers ("The Philippines: After the Maguindanao Massacre" International Crisis Group, "Asia Briefing #98," December 21st, 2009). In August 2008, when hostilities again erupted between the MILF and Government Forces, the Interior Secretary Ronald Puno distributed more than 12,000 shotguns to police auxiliary forces in Central Mindanao's Conflict Affected Areas. The Armed Forces said that there were 2,000 Special CAFGU militiamen in Sultan Kudarat, North Cotabato, and Maguindanao at the time of the Massacre on November 23rd, 2009. Lieutenant General Raymundo Ferrer, the AFP Commander for Eastern Mindanao, told Human Rights Watch that in some areas, "CAFGUs make the problems worse because they are committing the abuse...Relatives bring them in as body guards and use them to harass the opposition."
In practice, the various paramilitary forces created in Maguindanao fell under the command of the ruling Ampatuan family. The Special CAFGUs were contracted directly to the Government units, run by the Ampatuans. The police and police auxiliary forces reported directly to the Ampatuans rather than to the police command structure. These armed men were then converted into the Ampatuan's private army, used not only to fight the MILF and the New People's Army, but to do the bidding of local politicians.
While this report focuses on militia abuses in Maguindanao Province, state backed militias perpetrate abuses throughout much of Mindanao and elsewhere in the country. As Lieutenant General Ferrer told the media, abuse of power and "warlordism" is not a phenomenon limited to the Ampatuans.
"(President Arroyo's) party expelled the Ampatuans, and got the Mangudadatus...Now they are they allies with the Masturas. The Masturas are also warlords, right? (The Mangudadatus have) many guns, and they have allied themselves with the Sinsuats. Those people have also have private armed groups, and they have not surrendered any firearms. Combine all their arms, and that's another group of warlords.'
In its report to President Arroyo, the Independent Commission Against Private Armies highlighted the existence of such groups in Surigao del Norte, Lanao del Sur, Davao City, Zamboanga del Norte, Tagum City, and Abra. Nowhere do the authorities take adequate steps to investigate and prosecute militia abuses or the Government officials who are responsible for their actions. A barangay official told Human Rights Watch, "The establishment of private armies of CVOs us an agreement between the Government, Governor, and the Military. Almost all the Mayors' political clans have their own CVOs." A senior member of the Ampatuan family echoed this, saying, "In all areas where there are insurgencies...(Governing families) are provided with CAFGUs and CVOs to promote peace and order in areas."
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The preceding section on "paramilitaries," CAFGU, etc., is riddled with factual inaccuracies. In facr, I noted seven majot factual errors so, please just that entire section with a grain of sand. The last, and final part of this two part entry will begin where I left off, page 7.
Showing posts with label Maguindanao Massacre. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Maguindanao Massacre. Show all posts
Friday, December 9, 2011
Thursday, August 26, 2010
MILF/BIAF Developments for the Second and Third Quarters of 2010
The MILF is gearing up for the Peace Process once again, set to resume after Ramadan, i.e. in mid-September to early October, though of course we will be lucky if it happens anytime close to late October. While the MILF has yet to announce its new Peace Panel, GRP (Govt.) has, and I will get to that in this entry. In the interim the killing continues though of course without official MILF sanctioning (cough).
June 5th, 2010 saw Norway joining the MILF-GRP Peace Process. Norway has agreed to join the IMT (International Monitoring Team, an entity I have explained in detail a bit further on in this post) via a letter from Norwegian Ambassador to the Philippines, Kmot Solem to GHP Peace Panel Chairman Rafael Seguis with a corresponding copy to MILF Peace Panel chairman Mohagher Iqbal.
July 4th, 2010 in Barangay Buluan, Sultan Kudarat (town, not province), in Maguindanao Province, an IED, or Improvised Explosive Device (as in "bomb") fashioned from a 60MM mortar shell detonated and critically wounded one man. As the 54IB (Infantry Battalion) responded and set up a security perimeter and the 6ID (Infantry Division) EOD (Ordnance Team) Detachment set about scouring the immediate area for clues an alert soldier discovered a well concealed, second IED fasioned from an 81MM mortar shell. This 2nd device, much more powerful than the first was primed to detonate just as 1st Responders (medical, police and soldiers) reached critical mass on scene. Luckily this was averted and the device was decommisioned by Phased Water Cannon.
Predictably, and tiredly, the AFP tried to spin it as an MILF-SOG (MILF Special Operations Group, an almost apocryphal element of the MILF blamed for any type of bombing not thoroughly linked to any of the Kidnap for Ransom cum Extortion Gangs in the MILF AOR). The MILF though tried to outdo the AFP in implausability as it actually issued a release 9as opposed to unoffical comment or innuendo) blaming the AFP for a "False Flag Operation." For those unaware, a False Flag Operation is an act of war , or sabotage/terrorism undertaken by one side but served up as to appear as if it is from a second group. A good historical example might be the "Lavon Affair" that Israel undertook in Egypt in the very early 1950s.
The MILF is claiming, amazingly, that soldiers belonging to Datu Piang's Mayor Samer Uy's CVO had personally witnessed men in MILF fatigues walking from the town of Datu Piang across the border into the municipality of Sultan Kudarat and setting the 60MM IED. They then allegedly witnessed this group of men walking back into Datu Piang and entering the 29IB post, from which they were not observed leaving. In other words, 29IB soldiers wearing MILF camoflauge uniforms walked right past MILF supporters, crossed a municipal border, and in full view primed and buried a large IED. They then supposedly walked back across the border and down the street, back past MILF supporters, and then casually sauntered into an AFP post...in MILF uniforms. Riiiight.
In reality it was the work of BIAF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (armed wing of the MILF) Kumander Tata Uy, the nephew of the Mayor of Datu Piang, Samer Uy. The 2 kinsmen are battling each other over the younger man, Tata, not bowing to his older and more powerful kinsman, Mayor Samer Uy.
At 805PM on July 12th, 2010 in Datu Piang's Barangay Poblacion, a young man carrying an ADIDDAS gymbag hurriedly walked towards the towns MPO, or Municipal Police Office and set the bag down on the ground. Next door the town plaza was full of young students from Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School who were having a school celebration in the cool evening air. Then the powerful IED inside the bag detonated and rained debris for a radius of at least a half a kilometer. 8 year old student Moktar Ma was vapourised, a principal of a school in Datu Saudi Ampatuan, a neighbouring community and two 12 year old High School students were also critically wounded.
Young Moktar Ma had attended the school function in the town plaza and after it ended had gone across the road for a take away meal with his dad. Getting into a Triskiad (i.e. "Trike," i.e. "Tuk Tuk,"the most popular form of public transport in most Philippine communities. Fashioned from a dirt bike or off road motorcycle with a small cubic centimeter engine, inserted into an aluminum or iron carriage with bench seats front and back for passengers, unlike the similar contraptions one sees in Mainland SE Asia). As the triskiad began the ride to the Ma home, several streets away, the IED detonated and left little of the small boy. Amazingly, his father sitting next to him as well as the driver were left entirely unscathed.
The "School Principal" was on his own motorcycle and passing by the plaza as the detonation took place. He was able to survive with just a slight flesh wound in his leg. The two high schoolers were walking along the shoulder of the main road, en route to their homes after witnessing the event in the plaza. Both suffered moderate shrapnel wounds. All victims were residents of Datu Piang's Barangay Poblacion.
The BIAF itself is not known for laying IEDs though its members are often times involved in profitable sidelines, feuds and even stated political objectives that are, quite interestingly, 100% in synch with MILF/BIAF Objectives. IS-AFP (AFP Intelligence) often talks about the MILF-SOG (MILF Special Operations Group) as if it is an actual MILF entity, which it is not. What IS factual though is that particular BIAF Kumanders (Base Command brass) sanction these operations either for profit (as in Lanao del Sur and Norte transformers and Globe Telecom cell towers being blown to bits) or for political ends, as in the 105, 101 and 102 Base Commands, the so called "MILF Lost Commands" (another bit of fantasy) which use these bombings to manipulate both the GPH, or Government of the Philippines and the MILF political echelon.
The Datu Piang bombing, the 2nd in 2 months to hit the town, is the work of the 105 Base Command, in a matter of speaking since it is the work of its sub-Kumander Tata Uy, and though the MILF has made quite a show of giving its Kumander Ustadz Kato a lateral transfer into the political echelon, he is sanctioning the attacks for Kumander Tata Uy and his long running sub-conflict in Barangay Reina Regente. The fact of the matter is that the entire town has been terrorised since 2008 (actually since 1968 but you get the idea) and so, at present, the reasons why these bombings take place no longer really matters.
That same day, July 12, at 10PM, in Barangay Barurao, Sultan sa Barongis, Maguindanao Province the 105 Base Command's sub-Kumander Maestro Felmin led 400 of his well armed guerillas into town and surrounded roughly 100 homes belonging to clansmen and supporters of ex-Vice Mayor Oca Badal. The MILF then proceeded to burn almost the entire barangay to the ground. Badal is a Kumander in the ILLEGAL (as opposed to the re-formed and legal) Ampatuan CVO, the entity behind the Maguindanao Massacre. The CVO and the MILF have been at each other's throats for nearly 3 decades due to the Ampatuan's loyalty to the MNLF and their having exerted considerable power within the MILF AOR (Area of Operations).
As if Datu Piang, Maguindanao Province didnt have enough problems with its Mayor, Samer Uy battling his nephew and MILF sub-Kumander, Tata Uy, it also must contend with 2 other MILF groups battling EACH OTHER. Kumander Abunawas of the 104 Base Command is at odds with Kumander Adzmi of the 106 Base Command in one of those rice harvest blood baths that strike all over the island during the twice yearly harvest. It began when small detachments of uerillas from both groups came into the town to assist (i.e. "guard" i.e. "EXTORT") villagers with their rice harvests.
Tempers being what they are, especially when it comes to one fo the more lucrative forms of income for these guerillas, a fire fight borke out, lasting approximayely 45 minutes before both sides withdrew back into the bush. This initial exchange caused 500 IDPs to flee Barangays Liong and Balanaken, most taking shelter in Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School in Barangay Poblacion.
At that point it was only a matter of time before violence re-erupted and at 1130AM on August 07 it took place once again. By then the 29IB had set up a small lean-to outside the main gate to the school housing the IDPs from the earlier exchange. Open 9AM to 5PM, 7 days a week, and again from 730PM to 11PM on week nights it has managed to ensure the safety of all IDPs taking refuge inside the school compound. An additional 1200 people sought shelter at the school and at 2 other locations (Fish Landing Shelter on the Pulangi/rio Grande de Mindanao River in Barangay Buayan, at GLAC13, a.k.a. Gani L.Abpi College, a local private school also serving as an IDP centre).
On August 08 the 29IB, only tallying those IDPs at Datu Gumbay recorded, in number of families not individuals, 89 families from Barangay Alonganen, 63 from Barangay Balanaken and 194 from Barangay Liong. To the 29IB's credit it has taken it upon itself to show films on the school's stage, almost every evening to try and entertain the IDPs, a measure not usually taken by other Infantry Battalions. Outside the school that evening, 2 of Kumander Abunawas' guerillas were shot to death.
July 14, at 7PM in Barangay Labu Labu, Datu Hofer, Maguindanao Province, Labu Labu Elementary School was struck with a pre-mature IED detonation whose only casulaty was its courier.24 year old Sabtula Kad Unte was arrested at Cotabato Regional Medical Center as he was being treated for shrapnel wounds. He was then transferred to the 6th Infantry Division Hospital at Camp Siongco outside the city.
On July 19, 2010, the MILF formally announced the 4 month suspension of BDA (Bangsamoro Development Agency) BOD (Board of Directors) Chairman, Dr.Safrullah Dipatuan.The suspension formally began on July 15 and will run until November 15. He has been suspended for not having gotten his superiors' permission prior to a trip abroad. He had left on June 09 for Kuala Lampur, Malaysia to attend an Islamic conference where he harshly criticised Israel's Blockade of Gaza. This of courswe would probbally earn him kudos for a job well done with the MILF except that hidden in the Suspension Order is an interesting mention of his having gone there to "meet a friend."
Dr.Dipatuan had become chairman in 2009 when his predecessor Dr.Parido Pigkaulan was demoted to Member of the Board (on BOD)in what the MILF has claimed was a regular rotation of staff in that all appointees to the BDA are there for a 2 year rotation unless extended. Of course that doesnt explain just why Dr.Pigkaulan became a Member after serving as the Board's Chairman.
From July 19 to July 21, 2010 in Sitio Risingan, Barangay Dunguan, aleosan, North Cotabato Province, just over the river from Datu Piang, the municipality discussed in my last paragraph(s), Kumander Hadju Sajid of the 105 Base Command was warring with his arch nemesis Norodin Ungkay, a Town Councilotr in Aleosan and local CVO Kumander.
On the 19th Sajid attacked a CAFGU post loyal to Ungkay in Sitio Manggahan, Barangay Dunguan and caused an unknown (but large) number of IDPs to flee into the adjoining towns of Pikit, North Cotabato.
July 25 to August 01, 2010 in Barangay Matabong, Ampatuan, Maguindanao Province saw the LEGAL Ampatuan CVO under Kumander Marcos battling the MILF's 105 Base Command. The "Legal Ampatuan CVO" is the newly organised and trained, government sanctioned CVO operating out of Shariff Aguak, the provincial capitol of Maguindano but with branches in the towns once dominated by the ILLEGAL Ampatuan CVO (towns like Datu Saudi, etc,etc). A CVO, or "Civilain Volunteer Organisation" is an official government paramilitary that operates as a very localised military reserve. Manned by citizens of and only operating in specific municipalities and sublimated to the LGU at hand (Local Governmental Unit, i.e. "municipality or barangay), and usually operating under supervision of an infantry Battalion though the Ampatuan CVO did not have much to do with the AFP. The illegal Ampatuan CVO was the group responsible for the so called "Maguindanao Massacre" in late November of 2009. Almost all Filipinos and ex-pats reading this will know pretty much whom and what I am talking about, owning to the entire brouhaha's domination of the media for the first 6 months of 2010. However, imagining that others may not know these things, I will briefly offer up some context.
The Ampatuan Clan is, or perhaps was (actually still is) Maguindanao's most powerful clan. Led by patriarch Andal Sr, who at the time of the Massacre was the provincial governor, with his son and heir apparent Anadal Jr, the mayor of a town created just for him (1 of a few created by andal Sr, who also created an entire province, Shariff Aguak before the Supreme Court dissolved it). the Clan held a tite reign over the province but one time aly, Mayor Eshmael"Toto"Mangudadatu" sought to chalenge this monopoly of power with a run for the governor's seat in the last election, in 2010. Making known his intent, he sought to negate any chance for violence by deploying his wife at the head of a large convoy of SUVs filled with female clan members, allied attorneys and a horde of media representatives.
Driving down National Hiway towards to provincial capitol of Shariff Aguak (town, not the afore mentioned failed province), they were held at a PNP checkpoint in the town of Ampatuan. Andal jr., leading about 100 well armed members of the Ampatuan CVO appeared out of the jungle by the side of the road, and after some physical assaults had the CVO soldiers drive the vehicles in the Mangudadatu convoy to a hill about 2 kms away but over looking the checkpoint. At that site all 57 people (including a few who had only been sandwiched in by the convoy and weren't attached toit at all) were murdered by chain-fed M16 (1 journalist, hogtied and in the front seat of an SUV had been shot in the head with a double barrled shotgun).
The dead and their vehicles were being interred in 3 hastily excavated pits, with provincially owned construction machinery when CVO scouts alerted the group to an approaching detachment of AFP soldies not allied with the Ampatuan Clan. the soldiers had been deployed after a flurry of communications between the media and the AFP, by the companies employing the murdered journalists. the gruseome scene was recorded for all posterity instead of simply becoming yet another one of the many Philippine "Killing Fields" and the Ampatuans themselves were pretty much under the microscope, but not out of power, and not separated from their vast ill gotten fortune.
198 people have been charged in the incident, of which more than 100 remain at large. Many of those wanted men are CVO soldiers. interestingly, the CVO which had roughly 2500 men, has pretty much gone rogue with an estimated 2000 gunmen operating in Maguindanao and N.Cotabato Provinces, battling both the AFP as well as their perennial enemy , the MILF.
The whole sordid affair deserves its own series of entires and I will be producing them soon.
After the Massacre a State of Emergency, then a State of Martial Law which soon reverted back to a State of Emergency was declared for Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provinces (the latter being the base of the Mangudadatu Clan, themselves fairly powerful), as well as Cotabato City. Cotabato City was added because it is the capitol of the ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao). Besides Maguindanao being 1 of 5 ARMM provinces, the Governor of the ARMM (at the time) was another Ampatuan son, Zaldi Ampatuan. The region remains under a State of Emergency and the Ampatuan CVO (illegal) is spilling alot of blood up until the present.
On the day in question, the MILF 105 Base Command battled the legal Ampatuan CVO and around nightfall the moratars began pounding both sides without let up. At that point the AFP's 46IB came in and reinforced the CVO. The bloodshed stopped on August 01 when the IMT (International Monitoring Team, an entity composed of Brunei, Japan, Norway and the EU and led by Malaysia, created to monitor and support the Cease Fire between the MILF and the AFP/GRP), and the CCCH-MILF and the CCCH-GRP (explained in an earlier portion of this post) set up shoppe in Barangay Matabong and the adjoining Barangay Kapimpilan. This enabled both sides to save face due to international pressure and attention.
During this same period, July 25 through August 01, 2010 in Barangay Salat, President Quirino, Sultan Kudarat Province, 400 MILF guerillas under sub-Kumander Daud Macaalay entered the barangay and burned more than 100 homes to the ground. Most of the burned homes and buildings belonged to MNLF Kumander Magalona Ampatuan, a barangay councilor in Barangay Salat. Ampatuan's brother, Manny, also an MNLF Kumander was killed in an earlier exchange of gunfire. IDPs in the town have set up temporary shacks around the city hall compound.
July 26 through July 30, 2010 in Malabalay City, Bukidnon Province, the PMA (Pangadapu Mindanao Association) under Supreme Datu Migketay Victorino Saway, a Lumad (Hill Tribes) umbrella organisation held an important meeting of tribal chiefs in which they produced a Resolution demanding that Lumads (of course via the PMA) be given a seat at the next MILF-GRP Talks in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia after Ramadan. They demand that their rights with regard to Ancestral Domain be respected.
Datu Saway is a nemesis of the MILF's alternate Peace Panel member, Datu Antonio P.Ki , a B'laan tribal Historian who takes the opposite tact, i.e. the MILF party line. The MILF of course tries to sell a defected bill of goods claiming that while the MILF would hold political sovereignity of the Lumad Ancestral Domains, it would not actually "control" them. Instead it says, the Lumad themselves would handle the tracts. Naturally this has failed to satisfy anyone but the few Lumad puppets on the MILF payroll.
Again, a subject deserving of its own entry, Ancestral Domain is a concept akin to the US' Native American "Reservation" system with limited autonomy to indigenous groups over patches of land, not neccessarily contigious with which specific indigenous groups have a recorded historical conenction. These Domains involve alot of money because of timber, minerals, metals, and agricultral land. The Talks so far have hardly even mentioned the Lumad, and when mentioning them have sublimated their concerns to that of the Moros, the collective term for Muslims. in other words, the MILF wants to have ultimate control over Lumad lands within lands awarded to the Moros. Naturally this doesnt sit well with Lumads themselves.
On July 29, 2010, the Chairman of the MDA (Mindanao Development Authority). Jesus Dureza who concurrently has served in successive Peace Panels in MILF Talks, most recently as Chairman of the last Panel under the Arroyo Government in the 2003 Talks (which took place after the 2003 MILF-GRP War), has resigned his position at MDA. He was in the middle of a 6 year term but left his position because of his heavy identification with the former Administration.
Some may recall that as Chairman of the 2003 GRP-MILF Talks he became embroiled in some controversy when he was accused of "annotating" the proceedings minutes (the transcript of what is said during negotations), specifically 1 very important parlez in Kaula Lampur, Malaysia on February 28 that year. interestingly, and not known to very many, in 1999 long before the government utilised his services or gave him a position in any office he had contacted the MILF on his own and had offered to serve on THEIR Panel.
There is alot that can be said about this, and some may even argue that as a lifelong resident of Mindanao and a well known attorney not connected to either side that there was nothing wrong in what he did but it does show a certain level of ambitiousness that has caused some to call his abilities into question. when a person is attracted to the limelight, and more specifically to the hallowed halls of pwoer they will do anything within their reach to stay there, no matter the cause, the ends will justify the means. With that said, since his appointment to the GRP, both on the Panel as well as in his position at the MDA, he has done nothing to prove his critics right.
That same day, July 29, Sultan Muhammad Fuad Abdullah Kiram I of Suluofficially asked the GRP to disqualify Malaysia from its role as mediator of the GRP-MILF PEace PRocess Talks owing to his long time claim on Sabah. As I briefly discussed in my "Whole Lot of Ugly cum Operation Merdeka" series of entries, although Malaysia has flown its flag over Sabah State on Borneo since Malaysian Independance the state historically belongs to the Sulu Sultanate.
The remarks first surfaced at the CMD (Christian Muslim Democrats, as in Lakas-KAMPI-CMD) joint SultanteAward Presentation at Quezon City's Sulo Hotel. The Sultan (actually 1 of several claimants for the title of Sultan) clarified that he does not advocate seccession of Mindanao but does advocate a form of autonomy akin to Finalnd's entity created for its Sami ("Lapp") minority. The MILF which is heavily biased towards Malaysia came out swining and warned the Sultan to "be careful" with his words and made sure to describe him as a "claimant" to the throne.
In a related development, on Monday, August 30 GRP re-certified Malaysian participation and rationalised this by pointing out Malaysia's lengthly and deeply immersed service to the process. Malaysia which joined the Process as Mediator in March of 2001 also heads the IMT (International Monitoring Team), an entity devoted to preserving the Cease Fire. Malaysia reciprocated on Wednesday, September 01 by officially re-commmitting itself. If the government had not re-certified Malaysia it would have not only grreatly delayed the Talks, but could have very well jeapourdised the Process owing to MILF's afore mentioned bias towards the country. To reject the nation would have taken a bi-lateral agreement by both the GRP AND the MILF, and the latter would have never come.
July 30 to August 01, 2010 in Barangay Makasendeg, Pikit, North Cotabato saw the 29IB ensconed and shelling the MILF under Kumander Tata Uy who were dug in across the provincial border in Barangays Reina Regente and Dasawao in Datu Piang, Maguindanao. The AFP was lobbing 81MM mortar shells for 2 days stright and one of the last shells, at 3PM on August 01 managed to critically wound 4th grader Datu Mama Samiling (the child's first name is "Datu," he was not actually a "Datu" which means "Most Esteemed Man" and idiomatically means "Tribal Chief").
On August 07, 2010 in Sitio Kimudal, Barangay Balanakan, Datu Piang, Maguindanao Province, a detachment from the 29IB (Infantry Battalion), under Lt.Orcullo has ensconced itself in a village mosque as it sets up shoppe trying to pacify a local Rido (Clan Warfare) between 2 MILF factions from 2 different Base Commands ("Base Command" is a designation akin to conventional Brigade, a format the MILF adopted after the 2000 GRP-MILF War when the MILF destroyed almost all the MILF's static camps.
The fighting, which I had discussed earlier in this entry, reached its apex on August 10, but has ebbed and flowed continuously since then with very hot flare ups. I do know that 4 guerillas from the 106 Base Command died on the 10th but other than that it is exceedingly difficult to keep a tally since according to Shar'ia Law (Islamic Law), the dead must be buried before the following nightfall (though alternatively, "martyrs" in the undertaking of Jihad can be left as is but that is a Maranaw and Yakan custom not universally adhered to y all Moro ethnicities and certainly not at all held by the Islamic World in general).
The villagers are angry at the AFP for living in the mosque, especially since most in the AFP are non-Muslim and drink beer, eat pork, etc. As of posting, today is August 28, they are still biouvaced in that mosque. Some may recall that in 2009 the 54IB came under criticism for doing this same thing in Barangay Sambulawan, in Datu Salibo in that same province. This has also happened in Datu Piang's Barangays Magaslong and Balanakan in the past. In fairness to the AFP, there just arent that many semi-modern buildings large enough, and safe enough to house at least a platoon, and usually a company of soldiers. As long as the soldiers do not desecrate the building and make allowances for worshippers it shouldnt be a problem, irrespective of the Muslim belief that non-muslims shouldnt be living there.
The MILF has filed an official complaint for a Cease Fire Violation, by the AFP (i.e. "GRP") via the CCCH (an entity consisting of a panel from each side that is designed to mediate so called Violations so as to prolong the Cease Fire). The comaplaint is against an alleged bombing run by 2 AFP OV-10s ("Broncos," jets) that the MILF maintains bombed an entire barangay, Algunganan in Datu Piang, Maguindanao in fighting related to the 104 and 106 Base Commands. On August 07 those 2 jets dropped WP (White Phosphorus) in a rice paddy where the 2 groups were battling as a distinct warning. WP, as some may very well know, is the munition which turned the world's angry attention (once again) to Israel during the IDF's (Israeli Defense Forces) December 2008/Janurary 2009 operation in Gaza. Amazing how THAT can get the world on the edge of its collective seat while the very same munition can land on heads in umpteenth other conflicts that the West could not care the least about.
In truth, WP is completely legal and is NOT an AP (Anti-Personnel) Munition, meaning that it is not used to cause death or injury. Rather, when used correctly, it is designed to denude brush (clear foilage), Mark terrain (for subsequent bombing runs) , for Illumination (to provide light in dark conditions, or as an Obscurant (to give "Smoke" so that Ground Forces, i.e. infantry can operate in a much improved environment, safety wise).
On the day in question, the AFP dropped it a a Marker, so as to send a loud and clear message to the 2 MILF Base Commands to knock off the nonsense or take some 500 pounders on the head (stop fighting or you will be bombed into submission). The MILF, ignoring the fact that the entire sub-conflict is an MILF on MILF affair, and ignoring the bloodshed and misery not only amongst its own guerillas but the civlians amongst whom the operate instead chooses to spin the 2 WP shells as a propaganda exercise that noone even pays attention to. That day in question, 6000 new villagers (in total) became IDPs (Refugees).
August 09, 2010, Camp Darapanan, in Barangay Darapnan, Sultan Kudarat (town, not province), in Maguindanao Province, the camp holding the MILF's main political apparattus was home to the MILF-FOCAP (Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines), "Forum of the Peace Process." al Haj Ebrahim Murad, the Chairman of the MILF gave the Opening Speech.
In his speech chairman Murad claimed that there is merely 1 "Substantiative Agenda Item" holding the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) and the MILF apart. Om Janurary 27, 2010 both sides attempted to solve the impasse via the "Comprehensive Compact" Draft Agreement. The exchange of Drafts failed to bbring the 2 sides together. Murad claims that the MILF merely reiterated its last position, the so caled, "Assymetrical State and Sub-State Arrangement of Governance" where as the GRP recycled an untenable position it had held from 2000 to 2003.
The circa 2003 position, "Enhanced Autonomy" is merely a slight riff on the current programme, "ARMM" (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao). He continued, relating that at the last tet a tet in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia on June 03, 2010 left the GRP merely repeating its stated lack of direction. Murad sees no difference twith the new Administration, thus far but is taking a wait and see approach.
August 12, 2010 saw the IS-AFP (AFP Intelligence) distribute a Report on the MILF's "State of Readiness" over the preceeding 7 months. Camp Palestine, in butig, Lanao del Sur Province was home to 8 Training cycles. Of these 8, 2 were 90 day Basic Training courses, one 30 day Intelligence course and 6 courses of 3 day Reivews (Brush Ups) on Infantry technique. The 3 day Reviews of course entailed hundreds of trainnes per cycle. there was also 1 cycle in Tawi Tawi under the 117 Base Command, in Jungle Warfare, something that the MILF hasnt really concentrated on given the terrain under which it usually operates (Maranaw and Maguindanaowan area are marsh or river basins, or otherwise very denunded farmland that would not look entirely out of place in say, Essex in England or Wisconsin in the US). 2 Base Commands, the 114 and afore mentioned 117 do primarily operate in the jungle but then the 117th, whose AOR is Sulu and Tawi Tawi but basically only exists on Tawi Tawi, is ineffectual and basically concentrates its efforts at "fundraising," while the 114, whose AOR (Area of Operations) is on Basilan Island, is for all intensive purposes folded into the ASG (Abu Sayyaf Group).
On august 18, 2010, MILF Peace Panel Chairman (or I should say former since the Panel was officially deactivated almost 2 months ago though it is an open secret that he will once again be made Chairman when the re-constituted Panel is announced within the week) Jun Mantawil responded to media reports that Congressman Rodolfo Biazon has remarked that "Cha Cha" (Charter change, i.e. Constituional Ammending) is a pre-requisite for any realisation of the MoA (Memorandum of Agreement) on Ad (Ancestral Domain), per the current MILF position on the issue. Mantawil pointed out that under the current MILF position (this "position" being "Assymetrical State and Sub-State Arrangement") there are no demands for anything not currently allowed by the 1987 Constitution.
Mantawil stresses that the MILF is not demanding ultimate control over Currency/Monetary Arrangements or Foreign Relations and that indeed the MILF conceeds these to the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) along with Postal Powers (maybe this last aspect was given as a joke given the absolutely deplorable state of the Philippine Postal System, with most Mindanowan towns taking 6 months or more to receive DOMESTIC mail if they even ever receive it at all).
It is also worth noting that Mantawil also flogged the latest joint venture of the MILF and the Asia Foundation, a nicely bound (and rather expencive) compendium of all signed GRP-MILG Agreements post 1996 's Jakarta Accord. for those keeping count, there are 87 including the non-sensical blather like the last Agreement signed in Kuala Lampur in early june this year.
On August 21, 2010 on the eastside of Zamboanga City, 2 MILF guerillas were taken into custody re the AFP's Order of Battle. They were wanted though for their involvement with a local extortion gang along the likes of al Khobar and the Pentagon Gang, groups who I will discuss, as well as their dynamic, in an upcoming entry. The 2 men are charged with having strafed alocal bus with M16s as it sped by with passengers in an extortion plot against the bus company. The first attack in this spate took place on Janurary 17, 2010 in Licomo, Zamboanga del Sur Province when 12 people were wounded by an M16 strafing. 2 of those 12 people were plainclothes PNP Marshalls working with the bus company, Rural Transit.
June 5th, 2010 saw Norway joining the MILF-GRP Peace Process. Norway has agreed to join the IMT (International Monitoring Team, an entity I have explained in detail a bit further on in this post) via a letter from Norwegian Ambassador to the Philippines, Kmot Solem to GHP Peace Panel Chairman Rafael Seguis with a corresponding copy to MILF Peace Panel chairman Mohagher Iqbal.
July 4th, 2010 in Barangay Buluan, Sultan Kudarat (town, not province), in Maguindanao Province, an IED, or Improvised Explosive Device (as in "bomb") fashioned from a 60MM mortar shell detonated and critically wounded one man. As the 54IB (Infantry Battalion) responded and set up a security perimeter and the 6ID (Infantry Division) EOD (Ordnance Team) Detachment set about scouring the immediate area for clues an alert soldier discovered a well concealed, second IED fasioned from an 81MM mortar shell. This 2nd device, much more powerful than the first was primed to detonate just as 1st Responders (medical, police and soldiers) reached critical mass on scene. Luckily this was averted and the device was decommisioned by Phased Water Cannon.
Predictably, and tiredly, the AFP tried to spin it as an MILF-SOG (MILF Special Operations Group, an almost apocryphal element of the MILF blamed for any type of bombing not thoroughly linked to any of the Kidnap for Ransom cum Extortion Gangs in the MILF AOR). The MILF though tried to outdo the AFP in implausability as it actually issued a release 9as opposed to unoffical comment or innuendo) blaming the AFP for a "False Flag Operation." For those unaware, a False Flag Operation is an act of war , or sabotage/terrorism undertaken by one side but served up as to appear as if it is from a second group. A good historical example might be the "Lavon Affair" that Israel undertook in Egypt in the very early 1950s.
The MILF is claiming, amazingly, that soldiers belonging to Datu Piang's Mayor Samer Uy's CVO had personally witnessed men in MILF fatigues walking from the town of Datu Piang across the border into the municipality of Sultan Kudarat and setting the 60MM IED. They then allegedly witnessed this group of men walking back into Datu Piang and entering the 29IB post, from which they were not observed leaving. In other words, 29IB soldiers wearing MILF camoflauge uniforms walked right past MILF supporters, crossed a municipal border, and in full view primed and buried a large IED. They then supposedly walked back across the border and down the street, back past MILF supporters, and then casually sauntered into an AFP post...in MILF uniforms. Riiiight.
In reality it was the work of BIAF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (armed wing of the MILF) Kumander Tata Uy, the nephew of the Mayor of Datu Piang, Samer Uy. The 2 kinsmen are battling each other over the younger man, Tata, not bowing to his older and more powerful kinsman, Mayor Samer Uy.
At 805PM on July 12th, 2010 in Datu Piang's Barangay Poblacion, a young man carrying an ADIDDAS gymbag hurriedly walked towards the towns MPO, or Municipal Police Office and set the bag down on the ground. Next door the town plaza was full of young students from Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School who were having a school celebration in the cool evening air. Then the powerful IED inside the bag detonated and rained debris for a radius of at least a half a kilometer. 8 year old student Moktar Ma was vapourised, a principal of a school in Datu Saudi Ampatuan, a neighbouring community and two 12 year old High School students were also critically wounded.
Young Moktar Ma had attended the school function in the town plaza and after it ended had gone across the road for a take away meal with his dad. Getting into a Triskiad (i.e. "Trike," i.e. "Tuk Tuk,"the most popular form of public transport in most Philippine communities. Fashioned from a dirt bike or off road motorcycle with a small cubic centimeter engine, inserted into an aluminum or iron carriage with bench seats front and back for passengers, unlike the similar contraptions one sees in Mainland SE Asia). As the triskiad began the ride to the Ma home, several streets away, the IED detonated and left little of the small boy. Amazingly, his father sitting next to him as well as the driver were left entirely unscathed.
The "School Principal" was on his own motorcycle and passing by the plaza as the detonation took place. He was able to survive with just a slight flesh wound in his leg. The two high schoolers were walking along the shoulder of the main road, en route to their homes after witnessing the event in the plaza. Both suffered moderate shrapnel wounds. All victims were residents of Datu Piang's Barangay Poblacion.
The BIAF itself is not known for laying IEDs though its members are often times involved in profitable sidelines, feuds and even stated political objectives that are, quite interestingly, 100% in synch with MILF/BIAF Objectives. IS-AFP (AFP Intelligence) often talks about the MILF-SOG (MILF Special Operations Group) as if it is an actual MILF entity, which it is not. What IS factual though is that particular BIAF Kumanders (Base Command brass) sanction these operations either for profit (as in Lanao del Sur and Norte transformers and Globe Telecom cell towers being blown to bits) or for political ends, as in the 105, 101 and 102 Base Commands, the so called "MILF Lost Commands" (another bit of fantasy) which use these bombings to manipulate both the GPH, or Government of the Philippines and the MILF political echelon.
The Datu Piang bombing, the 2nd in 2 months to hit the town, is the work of the 105 Base Command, in a matter of speaking since it is the work of its sub-Kumander Tata Uy, and though the MILF has made quite a show of giving its Kumander Ustadz Kato a lateral transfer into the political echelon, he is sanctioning the attacks for Kumander Tata Uy and his long running sub-conflict in Barangay Reina Regente. The fact of the matter is that the entire town has been terrorised since 2008 (actually since 1968 but you get the idea) and so, at present, the reasons why these bombings take place no longer really matters.
That same day, July 12, at 10PM, in Barangay Barurao, Sultan sa Barongis, Maguindanao Province the 105 Base Command's sub-Kumander Maestro Felmin led 400 of his well armed guerillas into town and surrounded roughly 100 homes belonging to clansmen and supporters of ex-Vice Mayor Oca Badal. The MILF then proceeded to burn almost the entire barangay to the ground. Badal is a Kumander in the ILLEGAL (as opposed to the re-formed and legal) Ampatuan CVO, the entity behind the Maguindanao Massacre. The CVO and the MILF have been at each other's throats for nearly 3 decades due to the Ampatuan's loyalty to the MNLF and their having exerted considerable power within the MILF AOR (Area of Operations).
As if Datu Piang, Maguindanao Province didnt have enough problems with its Mayor, Samer Uy battling his nephew and MILF sub-Kumander, Tata Uy, it also must contend with 2 other MILF groups battling EACH OTHER. Kumander Abunawas of the 104 Base Command is at odds with Kumander Adzmi of the 106 Base Command in one of those rice harvest blood baths that strike all over the island during the twice yearly harvest. It began when small detachments of uerillas from both groups came into the town to assist (i.e. "guard" i.e. "EXTORT") villagers with their rice harvests.
Tempers being what they are, especially when it comes to one fo the more lucrative forms of income for these guerillas, a fire fight borke out, lasting approximayely 45 minutes before both sides withdrew back into the bush. This initial exchange caused 500 IDPs to flee Barangays Liong and Balanaken, most taking shelter in Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School in Barangay Poblacion.
At that point it was only a matter of time before violence re-erupted and at 1130AM on August 07 it took place once again. By then the 29IB had set up a small lean-to outside the main gate to the school housing the IDPs from the earlier exchange. Open 9AM to 5PM, 7 days a week, and again from 730PM to 11PM on week nights it has managed to ensure the safety of all IDPs taking refuge inside the school compound. An additional 1200 people sought shelter at the school and at 2 other locations (Fish Landing Shelter on the Pulangi/rio Grande de Mindanao River in Barangay Buayan, at GLAC13, a.k.a. Gani L.Abpi College, a local private school also serving as an IDP centre).
On August 08 the 29IB, only tallying those IDPs at Datu Gumbay recorded, in number of families not individuals, 89 families from Barangay Alonganen, 63 from Barangay Balanaken and 194 from Barangay Liong. To the 29IB's credit it has taken it upon itself to show films on the school's stage, almost every evening to try and entertain the IDPs, a measure not usually taken by other Infantry Battalions. Outside the school that evening, 2 of Kumander Abunawas' guerillas were shot to death.
July 14, at 7PM in Barangay Labu Labu, Datu Hofer, Maguindanao Province, Labu Labu Elementary School was struck with a pre-mature IED detonation whose only casulaty was its courier.24 year old Sabtula Kad Unte was arrested at Cotabato Regional Medical Center as he was being treated for shrapnel wounds. He was then transferred to the 6th Infantry Division Hospital at Camp Siongco outside the city.
On July 19, 2010, the MILF formally announced the 4 month suspension of BDA (Bangsamoro Development Agency) BOD (Board of Directors) Chairman, Dr.Safrullah Dipatuan.The suspension formally began on July 15 and will run until November 15. He has been suspended for not having gotten his superiors' permission prior to a trip abroad. He had left on June 09 for Kuala Lampur, Malaysia to attend an Islamic conference where he harshly criticised Israel's Blockade of Gaza. This of courswe would probbally earn him kudos for a job well done with the MILF except that hidden in the Suspension Order is an interesting mention of his having gone there to "meet a friend."
Dr.Dipatuan had become chairman in 2009 when his predecessor Dr.Parido Pigkaulan was demoted to Member of the Board (on BOD)in what the MILF has claimed was a regular rotation of staff in that all appointees to the BDA are there for a 2 year rotation unless extended. Of course that doesnt explain just why Dr.Pigkaulan became a Member after serving as the Board's Chairman.
From July 19 to July 21, 2010 in Sitio Risingan, Barangay Dunguan, aleosan, North Cotabato Province, just over the river from Datu Piang, the municipality discussed in my last paragraph(s), Kumander Hadju Sajid of the 105 Base Command was warring with his arch nemesis Norodin Ungkay, a Town Councilotr in Aleosan and local CVO Kumander.
On the 19th Sajid attacked a CAFGU post loyal to Ungkay in Sitio Manggahan, Barangay Dunguan and caused an unknown (but large) number of IDPs to flee into the adjoining towns of Pikit, North Cotabato.
July 25 to August 01, 2010 in Barangay Matabong, Ampatuan, Maguindanao Province saw the LEGAL Ampatuan CVO under Kumander Marcos battling the MILF's 105 Base Command. The "Legal Ampatuan CVO" is the newly organised and trained, government sanctioned CVO operating out of Shariff Aguak, the provincial capitol of Maguindano but with branches in the towns once dominated by the ILLEGAL Ampatuan CVO (towns like Datu Saudi, etc,etc). A CVO, or "Civilain Volunteer Organisation" is an official government paramilitary that operates as a very localised military reserve. Manned by citizens of and only operating in specific municipalities and sublimated to the LGU at hand (Local Governmental Unit, i.e. "municipality or barangay), and usually operating under supervision of an infantry Battalion though the Ampatuan CVO did not have much to do with the AFP. The illegal Ampatuan CVO was the group responsible for the so called "Maguindanao Massacre" in late November of 2009. Almost all Filipinos and ex-pats reading this will know pretty much whom and what I am talking about, owning to the entire brouhaha's domination of the media for the first 6 months of 2010. However, imagining that others may not know these things, I will briefly offer up some context.
The Ampatuan Clan is, or perhaps was (actually still is) Maguindanao's most powerful clan. Led by patriarch Andal Sr, who at the time of the Massacre was the provincial governor, with his son and heir apparent Anadal Jr, the mayor of a town created just for him (1 of a few created by andal Sr, who also created an entire province, Shariff Aguak before the Supreme Court dissolved it). the Clan held a tite reign over the province but one time aly, Mayor Eshmael"Toto"Mangudadatu" sought to chalenge this monopoly of power with a run for the governor's seat in the last election, in 2010. Making known his intent, he sought to negate any chance for violence by deploying his wife at the head of a large convoy of SUVs filled with female clan members, allied attorneys and a horde of media representatives.
Driving down National Hiway towards to provincial capitol of Shariff Aguak (town, not the afore mentioned failed province), they were held at a PNP checkpoint in the town of Ampatuan. Andal jr., leading about 100 well armed members of the Ampatuan CVO appeared out of the jungle by the side of the road, and after some physical assaults had the CVO soldiers drive the vehicles in the Mangudadatu convoy to a hill about 2 kms away but over looking the checkpoint. At that site all 57 people (including a few who had only been sandwiched in by the convoy and weren't attached toit at all) were murdered by chain-fed M16 (1 journalist, hogtied and in the front seat of an SUV had been shot in the head with a double barrled shotgun).
The dead and their vehicles were being interred in 3 hastily excavated pits, with provincially owned construction machinery when CVO scouts alerted the group to an approaching detachment of AFP soldies not allied with the Ampatuan Clan. the soldiers had been deployed after a flurry of communications between the media and the AFP, by the companies employing the murdered journalists. the gruseome scene was recorded for all posterity instead of simply becoming yet another one of the many Philippine "Killing Fields" and the Ampatuans themselves were pretty much under the microscope, but not out of power, and not separated from their vast ill gotten fortune.
198 people have been charged in the incident, of which more than 100 remain at large. Many of those wanted men are CVO soldiers. interestingly, the CVO which had roughly 2500 men, has pretty much gone rogue with an estimated 2000 gunmen operating in Maguindanao and N.Cotabato Provinces, battling both the AFP as well as their perennial enemy , the MILF.
The whole sordid affair deserves its own series of entires and I will be producing them soon.
After the Massacre a State of Emergency, then a State of Martial Law which soon reverted back to a State of Emergency was declared for Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provinces (the latter being the base of the Mangudadatu Clan, themselves fairly powerful), as well as Cotabato City. Cotabato City was added because it is the capitol of the ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao). Besides Maguindanao being 1 of 5 ARMM provinces, the Governor of the ARMM (at the time) was another Ampatuan son, Zaldi Ampatuan. The region remains under a State of Emergency and the Ampatuan CVO (illegal) is spilling alot of blood up until the present.
On the day in question, the MILF 105 Base Command battled the legal Ampatuan CVO and around nightfall the moratars began pounding both sides without let up. At that point the AFP's 46IB came in and reinforced the CVO. The bloodshed stopped on August 01 when the IMT (International Monitoring Team, an entity composed of Brunei, Japan, Norway and the EU and led by Malaysia, created to monitor and support the Cease Fire between the MILF and the AFP/GRP), and the CCCH-MILF and the CCCH-GRP (explained in an earlier portion of this post) set up shoppe in Barangay Matabong and the adjoining Barangay Kapimpilan. This enabled both sides to save face due to international pressure and attention.
During this same period, July 25 through August 01, 2010 in Barangay Salat, President Quirino, Sultan Kudarat Province, 400 MILF guerillas under sub-Kumander Daud Macaalay entered the barangay and burned more than 100 homes to the ground. Most of the burned homes and buildings belonged to MNLF Kumander Magalona Ampatuan, a barangay councilor in Barangay Salat. Ampatuan's brother, Manny, also an MNLF Kumander was killed in an earlier exchange of gunfire. IDPs in the town have set up temporary shacks around the city hall compound.
July 26 through July 30, 2010 in Malabalay City, Bukidnon Province, the PMA (Pangadapu Mindanao Association) under Supreme Datu Migketay Victorino Saway, a Lumad (Hill Tribes) umbrella organisation held an important meeting of tribal chiefs in which they produced a Resolution demanding that Lumads (of course via the PMA) be given a seat at the next MILF-GRP Talks in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia after Ramadan. They demand that their rights with regard to Ancestral Domain be respected.
Datu Saway is a nemesis of the MILF's alternate Peace Panel member, Datu Antonio P.Ki , a B'laan tribal Historian who takes the opposite tact, i.e. the MILF party line. The MILF of course tries to sell a defected bill of goods claiming that while the MILF would hold political sovereignity of the Lumad Ancestral Domains, it would not actually "control" them. Instead it says, the Lumad themselves would handle the tracts. Naturally this has failed to satisfy anyone but the few Lumad puppets on the MILF payroll.
Again, a subject deserving of its own entry, Ancestral Domain is a concept akin to the US' Native American "Reservation" system with limited autonomy to indigenous groups over patches of land, not neccessarily contigious with which specific indigenous groups have a recorded historical conenction. These Domains involve alot of money because of timber, minerals, metals, and agricultral land. The Talks so far have hardly even mentioned the Lumad, and when mentioning them have sublimated their concerns to that of the Moros, the collective term for Muslims. in other words, the MILF wants to have ultimate control over Lumad lands within lands awarded to the Moros. Naturally this doesnt sit well with Lumads themselves.
On July 29, 2010, the Chairman of the MDA (Mindanao Development Authority). Jesus Dureza who concurrently has served in successive Peace Panels in MILF Talks, most recently as Chairman of the last Panel under the Arroyo Government in the 2003 Talks (which took place after the 2003 MILF-GRP War), has resigned his position at MDA. He was in the middle of a 6 year term but left his position because of his heavy identification with the former Administration.
Some may recall that as Chairman of the 2003 GRP-MILF Talks he became embroiled in some controversy when he was accused of "annotating" the proceedings minutes (the transcript of what is said during negotations), specifically 1 very important parlez in Kaula Lampur, Malaysia on February 28 that year. interestingly, and not known to very many, in 1999 long before the government utilised his services or gave him a position in any office he had contacted the MILF on his own and had offered to serve on THEIR Panel.
There is alot that can be said about this, and some may even argue that as a lifelong resident of Mindanao and a well known attorney not connected to either side that there was nothing wrong in what he did but it does show a certain level of ambitiousness that has caused some to call his abilities into question. when a person is attracted to the limelight, and more specifically to the hallowed halls of pwoer they will do anything within their reach to stay there, no matter the cause, the ends will justify the means. With that said, since his appointment to the GRP, both on the Panel as well as in his position at the MDA, he has done nothing to prove his critics right.
That same day, July 29, Sultan Muhammad Fuad Abdullah Kiram I of Suluofficially asked the GRP to disqualify Malaysia from its role as mediator of the GRP-MILF PEace PRocess Talks owing to his long time claim on Sabah. As I briefly discussed in my "Whole Lot of Ugly cum Operation Merdeka" series of entries, although Malaysia has flown its flag over Sabah State on Borneo since Malaysian Independance the state historically belongs to the Sulu Sultanate.
The remarks first surfaced at the CMD (Christian Muslim Democrats, as in Lakas-KAMPI-CMD) joint SultanteAward Presentation at Quezon City's Sulo Hotel. The Sultan (actually 1 of several claimants for the title of Sultan) clarified that he does not advocate seccession of Mindanao but does advocate a form of autonomy akin to Finalnd's entity created for its Sami ("Lapp") minority. The MILF which is heavily biased towards Malaysia came out swining and warned the Sultan to "be careful" with his words and made sure to describe him as a "claimant" to the throne.
In a related development, on Monday, August 30 GRP re-certified Malaysian participation and rationalised this by pointing out Malaysia's lengthly and deeply immersed service to the process. Malaysia which joined the Process as Mediator in March of 2001 also heads the IMT (International Monitoring Team), an entity devoted to preserving the Cease Fire. Malaysia reciprocated on Wednesday, September 01 by officially re-commmitting itself. If the government had not re-certified Malaysia it would have not only grreatly delayed the Talks, but could have very well jeapourdised the Process owing to MILF's afore mentioned bias towards the country. To reject the nation would have taken a bi-lateral agreement by both the GRP AND the MILF, and the latter would have never come.
July 30 to August 01, 2010 in Barangay Makasendeg, Pikit, North Cotabato saw the 29IB ensconed and shelling the MILF under Kumander Tata Uy who were dug in across the provincial border in Barangays Reina Regente and Dasawao in Datu Piang, Maguindanao. The AFP was lobbing 81MM mortar shells for 2 days stright and one of the last shells, at 3PM on August 01 managed to critically wound 4th grader Datu Mama Samiling (the child's first name is "Datu," he was not actually a "Datu" which means "Most Esteemed Man" and idiomatically means "Tribal Chief").
On August 07, 2010 in Sitio Kimudal, Barangay Balanakan, Datu Piang, Maguindanao Province, a detachment from the 29IB (Infantry Battalion), under Lt.Orcullo has ensconced itself in a village mosque as it sets up shoppe trying to pacify a local Rido (Clan Warfare) between 2 MILF factions from 2 different Base Commands ("Base Command" is a designation akin to conventional Brigade, a format the MILF adopted after the 2000 GRP-MILF War when the MILF destroyed almost all the MILF's static camps.
The fighting, which I had discussed earlier in this entry, reached its apex on August 10, but has ebbed and flowed continuously since then with very hot flare ups. I do know that 4 guerillas from the 106 Base Command died on the 10th but other than that it is exceedingly difficult to keep a tally since according to Shar'ia Law (Islamic Law), the dead must be buried before the following nightfall (though alternatively, "martyrs" in the undertaking of Jihad can be left as is but that is a Maranaw and Yakan custom not universally adhered to y all Moro ethnicities and certainly not at all held by the Islamic World in general).
The villagers are angry at the AFP for living in the mosque, especially since most in the AFP are non-Muslim and drink beer, eat pork, etc. As of posting, today is August 28, they are still biouvaced in that mosque. Some may recall that in 2009 the 54IB came under criticism for doing this same thing in Barangay Sambulawan, in Datu Salibo in that same province. This has also happened in Datu Piang's Barangays Magaslong and Balanakan in the past. In fairness to the AFP, there just arent that many semi-modern buildings large enough, and safe enough to house at least a platoon, and usually a company of soldiers. As long as the soldiers do not desecrate the building and make allowances for worshippers it shouldnt be a problem, irrespective of the Muslim belief that non-muslims shouldnt be living there.
The MILF has filed an official complaint for a Cease Fire Violation, by the AFP (i.e. "GRP") via the CCCH (an entity consisting of a panel from each side that is designed to mediate so called Violations so as to prolong the Cease Fire). The comaplaint is against an alleged bombing run by 2 AFP OV-10s ("Broncos," jets) that the MILF maintains bombed an entire barangay, Algunganan in Datu Piang, Maguindanao in fighting related to the 104 and 106 Base Commands. On August 07 those 2 jets dropped WP (White Phosphorus) in a rice paddy where the 2 groups were battling as a distinct warning. WP, as some may very well know, is the munition which turned the world's angry attention (once again) to Israel during the IDF's (Israeli Defense Forces) December 2008/Janurary 2009 operation in Gaza. Amazing how THAT can get the world on the edge of its collective seat while the very same munition can land on heads in umpteenth other conflicts that the West could not care the least about.
In truth, WP is completely legal and is NOT an AP (Anti-Personnel) Munition, meaning that it is not used to cause death or injury. Rather, when used correctly, it is designed to denude brush (clear foilage), Mark terrain (for subsequent bombing runs) , for Illumination (to provide light in dark conditions, or as an Obscurant (to give "Smoke" so that Ground Forces, i.e. infantry can operate in a much improved environment, safety wise).
On the day in question, the AFP dropped it a a Marker, so as to send a loud and clear message to the 2 MILF Base Commands to knock off the nonsense or take some 500 pounders on the head (stop fighting or you will be bombed into submission). The MILF, ignoring the fact that the entire sub-conflict is an MILF on MILF affair, and ignoring the bloodshed and misery not only amongst its own guerillas but the civlians amongst whom the operate instead chooses to spin the 2 WP shells as a propaganda exercise that noone even pays attention to. That day in question, 6000 new villagers (in total) became IDPs (Refugees).
August 09, 2010, Camp Darapanan, in Barangay Darapnan, Sultan Kudarat (town, not province), in Maguindanao Province, the camp holding the MILF's main political apparattus was home to the MILF-FOCAP (Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines), "Forum of the Peace Process." al Haj Ebrahim Murad, the Chairman of the MILF gave the Opening Speech.
In his speech chairman Murad claimed that there is merely 1 "Substantiative Agenda Item" holding the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) and the MILF apart. Om Janurary 27, 2010 both sides attempted to solve the impasse via the "Comprehensive Compact" Draft Agreement. The exchange of Drafts failed to bbring the 2 sides together. Murad claims that the MILF merely reiterated its last position, the so caled, "Assymetrical State and Sub-State Arrangement of Governance" where as the GRP recycled an untenable position it had held from 2000 to 2003.
The circa 2003 position, "Enhanced Autonomy" is merely a slight riff on the current programme, "ARMM" (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao). He continued, relating that at the last tet a tet in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia on June 03, 2010 left the GRP merely repeating its stated lack of direction. Murad sees no difference twith the new Administration, thus far but is taking a wait and see approach.
August 12, 2010 saw the IS-AFP (AFP Intelligence) distribute a Report on the MILF's "State of Readiness" over the preceeding 7 months. Camp Palestine, in butig, Lanao del Sur Province was home to 8 Training cycles. Of these 8, 2 were 90 day Basic Training courses, one 30 day Intelligence course and 6 courses of 3 day Reivews (Brush Ups) on Infantry technique. The 3 day Reviews of course entailed hundreds of trainnes per cycle. there was also 1 cycle in Tawi Tawi under the 117 Base Command, in Jungle Warfare, something that the MILF hasnt really concentrated on given the terrain under which it usually operates (Maranaw and Maguindanaowan area are marsh or river basins, or otherwise very denunded farmland that would not look entirely out of place in say, Essex in England or Wisconsin in the US). 2 Base Commands, the 114 and afore mentioned 117 do primarily operate in the jungle but then the 117th, whose AOR is Sulu and Tawi Tawi but basically only exists on Tawi Tawi, is ineffectual and basically concentrates its efforts at "fundraising," while the 114, whose AOR (Area of Operations) is on Basilan Island, is for all intensive purposes folded into the ASG (Abu Sayyaf Group).
On august 18, 2010, MILF Peace Panel Chairman (or I should say former since the Panel was officially deactivated almost 2 months ago though it is an open secret that he will once again be made Chairman when the re-constituted Panel is announced within the week) Jun Mantawil responded to media reports that Congressman Rodolfo Biazon has remarked that "Cha Cha" (Charter change, i.e. Constituional Ammending) is a pre-requisite for any realisation of the MoA (Memorandum of Agreement) on Ad (Ancestral Domain), per the current MILF position on the issue. Mantawil pointed out that under the current MILF position (this "position" being "Assymetrical State and Sub-State Arrangement") there are no demands for anything not currently allowed by the 1987 Constitution.
Mantawil stresses that the MILF is not demanding ultimate control over Currency/Monetary Arrangements or Foreign Relations and that indeed the MILF conceeds these to the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) along with Postal Powers (maybe this last aspect was given as a joke given the absolutely deplorable state of the Philippine Postal System, with most Mindanowan towns taking 6 months or more to receive DOMESTIC mail if they even ever receive it at all).
It is also worth noting that Mantawil also flogged the latest joint venture of the MILF and the Asia Foundation, a nicely bound (and rather expencive) compendium of all signed GRP-MILG Agreements post 1996 's Jakarta Accord. for those keeping count, there are 87 including the non-sensical blather like the last Agreement signed in Kuala Lampur in early june this year.
On August 21, 2010 on the eastside of Zamboanga City, 2 MILF guerillas were taken into custody re the AFP's Order of Battle. They were wanted though for their involvement with a local extortion gang along the likes of al Khobar and the Pentagon Gang, groups who I will discuss, as well as their dynamic, in an upcoming entry. The 2 men are charged with having strafed alocal bus with M16s as it sped by with passengers in an extortion plot against the bus company. The first attack in this spate took place on Janurary 17, 2010 in Licomo, Zamboanga del Sur Province when 12 people were wounded by an M16 strafing. 2 of those 12 people were plainclothes PNP Marshalls working with the bus company, Rural Transit.
Monday, June 21, 2010
Political Developments,Second Quarter of 2010:Election Related Violence
Since I was discussing Maguindanao Province in my last entry I thought that I might just pick up right where I left off and concentrate on the region at large.At the most basic unit of governance is the"Barangay."Named after the ocean going outriggers ("Balangays") with which the Austronesian Peoples,of whom all Filipinos (except for Negritos) are part of.Traditionally Filipinos believe that each pre-Hispanic village consisted of a single outrigger,or"Barangay"and that this is how most of the islands were populated before the coming of Magellan in the 16th Century.
There are smaller units,known as"Sitios"(Sites) as well as another lesser unit in rural areas known as a"Purok" (Zone) but there is no level of governance below the Barangay.Above the Barangay is the Municipality.The Municipality can be either a"Town,"a"City"or a"Chartered City."Each Municipality consists of a collection of Barangays.A Municipality's classification as a Town or City depends upon its generated income and the size of its population.Originally the financial watermark was P20 Million (US460,000) in income generated anually without taking allotments from the national government into consideration.After intense lobbying from the"League of Cities"who feared that their own allotments would lessen if enough towns converted into cities,this watermark was raised to P100 Million (US2.5 Million),a huge sum in Philippine terms.Population requirements were also raised to 150,000 residents),though that is far less of an onus.
For purposes of clarification I must add that contrary to popular belief,not all cities are"Chartered Cities."The term"Chartered City"specifically refers to cities which,by an Act of Congress,have been granted specific,special powers not regularly granted to other cities.I also...hey!wake up!...need to point out that rare cities also contain"Districts."Districts are like"Regions,"they don't play a role in Governance,only in the distribution of services.Likewise,certain cities are granted the status of"Metropolitan Areas,"again relating only to infrastructure,delivery of services.On Mindanao only Cagayan del Oro City in Misamis Oriental Province and Davao City in Davao del Sur Province have been granted"Metropolitan Area"status.Likewise,only Davao City has"Districts"though Pagadian City on the Zamboanga Peninsula seems rto be moving in that direction with city officials sometimes referring to certain areas as"Districts."WAKE UP!!!
Municipalities are grouped together into"Provinces."Depending upon the size of the island a province can encompass an entire island,as is the case with Basilan Island/Basilan Province or a single island can hold dozens of provinces as is the case with Mainland Mindanao.Additionally,a province can be spread out over dozens of islands,as is the case with Sulu Province.As if this isn't confusing enough for the uninitiated,smaller islands are almost always linked administratively to larger islands despite an"Island"serving no purpose in terms of Governance.For example,both Basilan and Sulu Provinces are administratively attached to Mindanao,they ARE provinces of Mindanao.Because"Islands"aren't a cog in Governance the term"Administrative"refers to infrastructural logistics.
Above the Provincial Level is the"Region."Above the Region only stands the"National Government."
Simple thus far,right?Hahahaha.Suuuuuuuure...
As I have said,the lowest level of Governance is the Barangay.Each Barangay has a"Chairman,"or as they are popularly known,"Captain."The Chairman/Captain sits above a"Barangay Council"which has 7"Barangay Councillors,"or as they are more popularly known,"Barangay Kagawads."Each Councillor/Kagawad deals with 1 of 7 areas of Governance:
1) Finances/Treasury
2) Health
3) Education
4) Tourism
5) Development/Infrastructure
6) Peace and Order (local term for"Law and Order"/Security
7) Agriculture
each of these areas have 3 person committees composed of appointed members of the barangay with the respective Councillor/Kagawads serving as the Chairperson of that committee.In addition there is an 8th Councillor/Kagawad who sits as an ex-officio member of the Council by virtue of his or her position as Chairperson of the"Sangguiniang Kabataan,"or"SK" (Youth Council).Aged 15 to 18 this Councillor/Kagawad represents Youth Interests as well as Chairing the Barangay Council's"Sports"committee.
At the Municipal Level there is a"Mayor,"a"Vice Mayor"and then just as at the Barangay Level there is a"Municipal Council"which is formatted exactly like the Barangay Councils.Each Councillow handles a specific area of Governance and chairs a committee mandated for that respective subject.Above the Municipal Level is the Provincial Level.The"Governor"and"Vice Governor"fufill the same roles as the Mayor and Vice Mayor.Likewise the Provincial"Governor"and"Vice Governor"sit above a"Provincial Council"which is formatted exactly like the Barangay and Municipal Councils,each Provincial Councillor tasked with just 1 area of Governance but having an equal vote on provincial issues.
Regionally,except for the nation's 2"Autonomous Regions"(ARMM,or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao on Mindanao and"CAR,"or Cordilleran Autonomous Region" on Luzon) there is no system of Governance.Regions serve an infrastructural and logistical role in the distribution of services from the National Level.In many ways though it merely serves to create confusing redundancies.I will relegate this entry to a basic explanation of the overall structure and leave the critiques for a later,more in depth entry.
In addition,there is a parallel system of Governance that is itself a redundamcy;Each Municipality has an"ABC,"or"Association of Barangay Chairmen/Captains."All Barangay Chairmen/Captains belong and amongst themselves elect their own"Chairman/Captain."Then,each Municipal ABC Chairman/Captain sits in the"Provincial ABC,"which again elects its own"Chairman"or"Captain."All Provincial ABC Chairmen/Captains sit in a National ABC which itself elects a single"Chairman"or"Captain."The idea is to provide plurality of view of not an actual check or balance but in reality it is an entirely worthless endeavour.
The synchronised National and 0local Elections ("Local"as in Province and Municipality) took place on May,10,2010.The Barangay and SK Elections are set to take place in October of 2010.Regional Elections are set to take place in August of 2011.
On Wednesday March 19th,2010 Bai Mona Ampatuan, the principal of Shariff Aguak National High School in the provincial capitol of Maguindanao,Shariff Aguak had her home hit by 2 grenades thrown by 2 men riding tandem on a motorcycle wounding a 30 year old woman and her 2 kids who just happened to be walking by.Although Ms.Ampatuan IS a member of THE Ampatuan Clan (as in the"Maguindanao Massacre") it is believed that THIS attack is unrelated to that event and is instead due to recent extortion attempts made against public educational institutions in Maguindanao Province.Unfortunately most Filipino Muslims have little respect for secular education and find public institutions fair game since they are of course a product of the Philippine Government.Then their intellectuals bemoan the lack of government services in Muslim Communities.Gee,I wonder why...
On Sunday March 21st, 2010 at 11 AM a jeepney (form of public transportation) pulled into the Philippines Phoenix Petroleum gas station located on National Hiway in Barangay Poblacion,Ampatuan,Maguindanao Province.The attendant noticed after the jeepney had left that it had left behind a cardboard box.Walking over to it he was disturbed by the threatening writing on top of the package in that it threatened to kill the station owner.The young man stupidly-but bravely-pushed the box to the side of the hiway and immediately told his supervisor.The supervisor,the station manager,then called the authorities who discovered that the box contained an IED (Improvised Explosive Device,as in"bomb").
Later that day,just after sunset,the home of the station's owner was hit by at least 10 60MM mortar shells wounding 3 familiy members.Who is this beleagured atation owner you ask?None other than Zacarias Sangki,the OIC (Officer in Charge,meaning Govt.appointed,not elected) Mayor of Ampatuan (the municipality,not the Clan).Mr.Sangki gained his current political position after the Elected Mayor,Andal Ampatuan Sr.,was jailed over the aforementioned"Maguindanao Massacre"which took place on November 23rd,2009.For those unfamiliar with that sordid event Andal Sr.allegedly ordered his son Andal Jr.,the Mayor of another Maguindanowan municipality,Datu Unsay,to murder members of a rival Clan,the Mangudadatus.Unfortunately for Andal Sr.his son was a few arrows short of a quiver and he ALSO ended up killing nearly 3 dozen journalists and a handful of attorneys.The event marks the single worst case of directed violence towards journalists that the world has ever seen.The irony is that had Andal Jr.been intelligent enough to follow daddy's orders there wouldn't have been much more than couple of 3 sentence articles devoted to yet another case of Mindanowan blood letting.The Mangudadatus are no better than the Ampatuans and have just as many gory killings to their credit...just no journalists.
On Janurary 17th,2010,OIC Mayor Sangki had his 20 hectare farm ruined when gunmen burned down all buildings,including 11 houses,along with a crop nearly ready to harvest.The farm,located in Sitio Najib,Barangay Salman,also in Ampatuan is within a stone's throw of the barren field where the"Massacre"took place.Why is Zaraia Sangki so hated?Is it just aggravation that the former Vice Mayor now gets to sit in the hot seat while his former boss sits in stir?Of course not.Sangki almost immediately turned State's Witness against Andal Sr.and nearly 200 other individuals currently charged in the atrocity.Adding insult to injury Sangki,a member of a related Clan,wad ALSO a willing participant in the atrocity.
Only one day after the attack on the Sangki farm,Janurary 18th,2010,Dok Uling Salahuddin,a Barangay Captain in Barangay Kalkul in the municipality of Ampatuan,and a cousin of Zacarias Sangki was shot to death at 6PM by a single gunman.
On Tuesday April 6th,2010,51 year old Mohamadisa"Datu Haris"Sangki,brother of the OIC Mayor of Ampatuan,Zacarias Sangki,was riding his motorcycle past Cotabato City Plaza when 2 young men riding tandem on another motorcycle flagged him down at the corner of Sinsuat and S.K.Pendatun Streets in Barangay Poblacion #5.
Mr. Sangki pulled over and engaged the men in conversation when 1 of them suddenly stabbed him in the chest causing him to fall face down.The second man,later indentified as Kenny Osmena,walked over to the prostrate man and calmly shot him in the back with a 45 caliber pistol,killing him instantly.Both men then got onto their motorcycle and rode off towards the main town market.Though 5PM in the afternoon,and in full view of possibly thousands of people,not one person tried to intervene,or even pursue the gunmen.
On April 13th, 2010,in Sitio Masalay,Barangay Salman in the municipality of Ampatuan in Maguindanao Province,a CVO post (Civilian Volunteer Organisation,1 of 4 entities known collectively as"CAA,"or"Citizens Active Auxiliaries,"the cornerstone of the Government's Counterinsurgency Force Multiplication Programme.The CVO are sublimated to the PNP,or Philippine National Police and cannot bear arms unless their element has specifically been granted that right be the Secreatary of DILG,Department of the Interior and Local Government) was struck by eight M79 grenades without causing a single casualty.The attackers,Ampatuan Clan Paramilitary guerillas,were positioned in a nearby banana grove.Ironically perhaps,Barangay Salman is the same barangay where the"Massacre"took place.Not far away in Barangay Labulabu a 2nd CVO detachment was also attacked by M79 grenades and also managed to come out of it unscathed.Perhaps even more ironically,the Ampatuan Paramilitary is primarily composed of ex-CVO soldiers from that very same post!When President Arroyo first declared a State of Emergency over the Massacre most CVO personnel took to the hills knowing that they had no chance of living a law abiding life after being tarnished by their membership as Ampatuan Municipal (as well as Maguindanao Provincial) CVO.
The Ampatuan Paramilitary has been launching large scale assaults on the town since shortly after the"Massacre"took place.Despite a massive PNP and AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines) presence vis a vis the dedicated joint element known as"Task Force Alpha"the paramilitary has shelled the town with 60 MM mortars just about every night in March and April of 2010 with the attacks escalating as Election Day,May 10th draws near.It is not only the government that is suffering from the attacks as one can see with the repeated assaults on the Sangki family.Zacarias Sangki isn't even the Sangki to turn on the Ampatuans.The Vice Mayor of Shariff Aguak,the provincial capital of Maguindanao,is Rasul Sangki.In case his name is not familiar to you,he was the chief witness against Andal Ampatuan Jr.I will explore all that in a series of entries on the"Massacre"and all its just as bloody aftermath.It is worth noting here that the perennial enemies of the Ampatuan Clan,the MILF/BIAF (Moro Islamic Liberation Front/Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces),have also not been sitting idly by through all this drama heaped atop drama.
On Janurary 12th,2010 the BIAF's 105 Base Command under Kumander Usatadz Ameril Ombra Kato,almost always known simply by the moniker"Kumander Kato,"along with allied MNLF/BMA (Moro National Liberation Front/Bangsamoro Army) the parent organisation from which the MILF/BIAF broke away) guerillas engaged the Ampatuan Paramilitary in a 24 hour firefight in Sitio Balutukan,Barangay Kitapok in the town of Datu Saudi Ampatuan (a different town than the town of "Ampatuan" proper,also created by Andal Ampatuan Sr.when he sat as Governor of Maguindanao Province,for his family to rule).Several deaths resulted but both sides handled it quietly so no exact number is forthcoming.
On April 15th at the Hillside Resort in Datu Odin Sinsuat,also in Maguindanao Province,the owner of the resort and mayoral candidate for Datu Odin Sinsuat,Motasser Sabal and his brother and running mate for Vice Mayor, Abdulwahab "Abraham "Sabal were engaged in a campaign strategising session with a group of close supporters when a grenade was thrown into the room.A supporter,Kagi Ketong,of that same town was killed but the brothers were unhurt.
On Thursday April 22nd,2010 in Barangay Bako,Shariff Aguak,roughly 100 guerillas from the BIAF's 105th Base Command, which was at that time still under Kumander Kato (more about his being re-deployed in a subsequent entry),crossed the GPH (Govt.of the Philippines)-MILF/BIAF permimeter (the DMZ line) by about 1 kilometer and then managed to cross paths with 2 platoons from the 45IB (Infantry Battalion),which is itself based in Shariff Aguak's Barangay Poblacion.The predictable result was a 2 hour long firefight with no reported casulaties.
On Friday,April 30th, 2010 on the town of Ampatuan's 1st Street,in Purok 1,Barangay Kauran,an IED 20 meters away from National Hiway detonated just as gubneratorial candidate Esmael"Toto"Mangudadatu's convoy was passing en route to a political rally in the town's Barangay Poblacion.Luckily noone was injured or killed in the explosion.
On Saturday,May 8th,2010 OIC Mayor Zacarias Sangki's Phoenix petrol station was once again faced with an IED.This time the device was left by 2 men riding tandem on a motorcycle who rode non-chalantly over to the gas pumps and left it in a plastic bag.This time however the IED detonated but for an unkown reason failed to set off the petrol underneath it.No casualties.
On Election Day,Monday,May 10th,2010 at 1040AM,in Barangay Kapimpilan,North Kabuntalan,in that same province of Maguindanao,Sukarno Paglas was shot to death in the neck and chest,dying just 100 meters from a polling site as he tried to run into Barangay Bagungdang.The firefight that killed him was between the camps of 2 prospective vice Mayors,Bhernie Mamolintao Bagungdang (PMP) and Muslimin Guiama Baliwan (party unknown though initially it was said that it was with the camap of the Lakas-KAMPI-CMD candidate for Vice Mayor,Raul Vidal,a Bisayan).
That same day,May 10th,in Barangay Poblacion in Shariff Aguak,a poll site at Sasez Elementary School was hit by a grenade thrown by 2 men on a motorcycle.
Also on election Day,in the town of Datu Salibo,also in Maguindanao Province,voting was suspended after an RPG (BM2) attack near a PNP station.The road and bridge into the adjacent municipality of Datu Piang were closed down stranding many residents of both towns as fighting was heavy in Datu Piang as well.It began when BIAF snipers from the 105 Base Command,positioned in Barangay Pagatin,began firing on AFP soldiers in Barangay Dapiawan.The AFP in turn positioned snipers with 50 caliber Barrets in 3 positions along the Barangay's main road,and they continued firing into Barangay Pagatin for most of the day.
Also on Election Day,in S.K.Pendatun,another town in Maguindanao Province,50 meters from the poll site in Barangay Lao Lao,three IEDS were disarmed after being discovered throughout the day.The goal of course being to disrupt the elections and keeping people from voting at that site.The last device was found at 247PM.
Meanwhile,at 1145Am that morning in Barangay Datu Saligop,in the municipality of Datu Unsay,also in Maguindanao Province,the Ampatuan Paramilitary clashed with the 39IB shortly after three IEDs detonated in that barangay.As the firefight took place a 4th IED detonated as well with the government claiming no casualties,a point which I will address at the end of all my Election Day wrap up entries.
That evening at the 4th Call to Prayer (Islamic) 2 guerillas from the aforementioned Ampatuan Paramilitary were killed in a firefight with the 45th IB,just outside Barangay Poblacion in Ampatuan.
At 11AM Tuesday, May 25th, 2010,in Barangay Dansalan,in the town of Rajah Buayan in Maguindanao Province,Barangay Captain Datu Norodin Utto and his paramilitary came under attack from the Ampatuan Paramilitary.
Datu Utto's men,numbering roughly 50 gunmen were assaulted by 57MM and 90MM recoiless rifle and 60MM mortar volleys before being approached from different directions by approximately 200 guerillas being personally led by the new leader of the force,Bahnarin Ampatuan,a grandson of Andal Sr.,and like his grandfather and almost 70 other clansmen, under indictment for the massacre.No word on paramilitary casulaties but 2 civlians were killed.
Again on Thursday May 27th,from 7AM to 3PM an 8 hour long firefight took place after mortar volleys.In this last attack the Ampatuan Paramilitary were led by 2 underlings,Kagi Nasser and Kagi Sangatin.The 2,500 IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,i.e."Refugees") that resulted from this clash are camping along the Sultan Buayan to Sultan sa Barougis National Hiway.
On June 2nd,2010,at 9AM,in Barangay Balunan in the town of Datu Odin Sinsuat,the 6IB engaged 25 BIAF guerillas in from the 105th Base Command in a 1 hour firefight before the guerillas withdrew into the Liguasan Marsh.The BIAF had been on the National Hiway laying IEDs.AFP snipers manned 50 caliber Barrets and artillery batteries of 105 MM Howitzers pounded the marsh afterwards.It is worth noting that in early May leadership of the 105th Base Command,at least on paper,passed to an underling of Kumander Kato,sub-Kumander Zacaria Goma.Goma is a long time MILF/BIAF vet who is known for a more moderate outlook despite his having worked directly under Kato for nearly 2 decades. "Moderate"in this case is certainly a relative term.As I noted earlier,I will hash that out in a subsequent entry.
On June 8th,2010 in Sultan sa Barongis,in Maguindanao Province,the BIAF's 105th Base Command fighting under sub-Kumander Bedai Mosayden battled with a CVO formed out of a demobilised MNLF (Moror National Liberation Front) Brigade,under Kumander Abu Samin Sampalo,causing 2,500 people to become IDPs.The 33IB was on site but refused to get involved,as always citing its obligations under the GPH-MILF Peace Process.The fighting continued sporadically until Saturday,June 12th when it intensified causing even more IDPs and even spilled over into the municipality of Montawal and threatened to ignite an even wider sub-conflict with Kumander Urao's BIAF element.As of this posting, June 21st,2010,things have calmed down to an even simmer with sporadic clashes taking place and almost all of the IDPs still homeless.
There are smaller units,known as"Sitios"(Sites) as well as another lesser unit in rural areas known as a"Purok" (Zone) but there is no level of governance below the Barangay.Above the Barangay is the Municipality.The Municipality can be either a"Town,"a"City"or a"Chartered City."Each Municipality consists of a collection of Barangays.A Municipality's classification as a Town or City depends upon its generated income and the size of its population.Originally the financial watermark was P20 Million (US460,000) in income generated anually without taking allotments from the national government into consideration.After intense lobbying from the"League of Cities"who feared that their own allotments would lessen if enough towns converted into cities,this watermark was raised to P100 Million (US2.5 Million),a huge sum in Philippine terms.Population requirements were also raised to 150,000 residents),though that is far less of an onus.
For purposes of clarification I must add that contrary to popular belief,not all cities are"Chartered Cities."The term"Chartered City"specifically refers to cities which,by an Act of Congress,have been granted specific,special powers not regularly granted to other cities.I also...hey!wake up!...need to point out that rare cities also contain"Districts."Districts are like"Regions,"they don't play a role in Governance,only in the distribution of services.Likewise,certain cities are granted the status of"Metropolitan Areas,"again relating only to infrastructure,delivery of services.On Mindanao only Cagayan del Oro City in Misamis Oriental Province and Davao City in Davao del Sur Province have been granted"Metropolitan Area"status.Likewise,only Davao City has"Districts"though Pagadian City on the Zamboanga Peninsula seems rto be moving in that direction with city officials sometimes referring to certain areas as"Districts."WAKE UP!!!
Municipalities are grouped together into"Provinces."Depending upon the size of the island a province can encompass an entire island,as is the case with Basilan Island/Basilan Province or a single island can hold dozens of provinces as is the case with Mainland Mindanao.Additionally,a province can be spread out over dozens of islands,as is the case with Sulu Province.As if this isn't confusing enough for the uninitiated,smaller islands are almost always linked administratively to larger islands despite an"Island"serving no purpose in terms of Governance.For example,both Basilan and Sulu Provinces are administratively attached to Mindanao,they ARE provinces of Mindanao.Because"Islands"aren't a cog in Governance the term"Administrative"refers to infrastructural logistics.
Above the Provincial Level is the"Region."Above the Region only stands the"National Government."
Simple thus far,right?Hahahaha.Suuuuuuuure...
As I have said,the lowest level of Governance is the Barangay.Each Barangay has a"Chairman,"or as they are popularly known,"Captain."The Chairman/Captain sits above a"Barangay Council"which has 7"Barangay Councillors,"or as they are more popularly known,"Barangay Kagawads."Each Councillor/Kagawad deals with 1 of 7 areas of Governance:
1) Finances/Treasury
2) Health
3) Education
4) Tourism
5) Development/Infrastructure
6) Peace and Order (local term for"Law and Order"/Security
7) Agriculture
each of these areas have 3 person committees composed of appointed members of the barangay with the respective Councillor/Kagawads serving as the Chairperson of that committee.In addition there is an 8th Councillor/Kagawad who sits as an ex-officio member of the Council by virtue of his or her position as Chairperson of the"Sangguiniang Kabataan,"or"SK" (Youth Council).Aged 15 to 18 this Councillor/Kagawad represents Youth Interests as well as Chairing the Barangay Council's"Sports"committee.
At the Municipal Level there is a"Mayor,"a"Vice Mayor"and then just as at the Barangay Level there is a"Municipal Council"which is formatted exactly like the Barangay Councils.Each Councillow handles a specific area of Governance and chairs a committee mandated for that respective subject.Above the Municipal Level is the Provincial Level.The"Governor"and"Vice Governor"fufill the same roles as the Mayor and Vice Mayor.Likewise the Provincial"Governor"and"Vice Governor"sit above a"Provincial Council"which is formatted exactly like the Barangay and Municipal Councils,each Provincial Councillor tasked with just 1 area of Governance but having an equal vote on provincial issues.
Regionally,except for the nation's 2"Autonomous Regions"(ARMM,or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao on Mindanao and"CAR,"or Cordilleran Autonomous Region" on Luzon) there is no system of Governance.Regions serve an infrastructural and logistical role in the distribution of services from the National Level.In many ways though it merely serves to create confusing redundancies.I will relegate this entry to a basic explanation of the overall structure and leave the critiques for a later,more in depth entry.
In addition,there is a parallel system of Governance that is itself a redundamcy;Each Municipality has an"ABC,"or"Association of Barangay Chairmen/Captains."All Barangay Chairmen/Captains belong and amongst themselves elect their own"Chairman/Captain."Then,each Municipal ABC Chairman/Captain sits in the"Provincial ABC,"which again elects its own"Chairman"or"Captain."All Provincial ABC Chairmen/Captains sit in a National ABC which itself elects a single"Chairman"or"Captain."The idea is to provide plurality of view of not an actual check or balance but in reality it is an entirely worthless endeavour.
The synchronised National and 0local Elections ("Local"as in Province and Municipality) took place on May,10,2010.The Barangay and SK Elections are set to take place in October of 2010.Regional Elections are set to take place in August of 2011.
On Wednesday March 19th,2010 Bai Mona Ampatuan, the principal of Shariff Aguak National High School in the provincial capitol of Maguindanao,Shariff Aguak had her home hit by 2 grenades thrown by 2 men riding tandem on a motorcycle wounding a 30 year old woman and her 2 kids who just happened to be walking by.Although Ms.Ampatuan IS a member of THE Ampatuan Clan (as in the"Maguindanao Massacre") it is believed that THIS attack is unrelated to that event and is instead due to recent extortion attempts made against public educational institutions in Maguindanao Province.Unfortunately most Filipino Muslims have little respect for secular education and find public institutions fair game since they are of course a product of the Philippine Government.Then their intellectuals bemoan the lack of government services in Muslim Communities.Gee,I wonder why...
On Sunday March 21st, 2010 at 11 AM a jeepney (form of public transportation) pulled into the Philippines Phoenix Petroleum gas station located on National Hiway in Barangay Poblacion,Ampatuan,Maguindanao Province.The attendant noticed after the jeepney had left that it had left behind a cardboard box.Walking over to it he was disturbed by the threatening writing on top of the package in that it threatened to kill the station owner.The young man stupidly-but bravely-pushed the box to the side of the hiway and immediately told his supervisor.The supervisor,the station manager,then called the authorities who discovered that the box contained an IED (Improvised Explosive Device,as in"bomb").
Later that day,just after sunset,the home of the station's owner was hit by at least 10 60MM mortar shells wounding 3 familiy members.Who is this beleagured atation owner you ask?None other than Zacarias Sangki,the OIC (Officer in Charge,meaning Govt.appointed,not elected) Mayor of Ampatuan (the municipality,not the Clan).Mr.Sangki gained his current political position after the Elected Mayor,Andal Ampatuan Sr.,was jailed over the aforementioned"Maguindanao Massacre"which took place on November 23rd,2009.For those unfamiliar with that sordid event Andal Sr.allegedly ordered his son Andal Jr.,the Mayor of another Maguindanowan municipality,Datu Unsay,to murder members of a rival Clan,the Mangudadatus.Unfortunately for Andal Sr.his son was a few arrows short of a quiver and he ALSO ended up killing nearly 3 dozen journalists and a handful of attorneys.The event marks the single worst case of directed violence towards journalists that the world has ever seen.The irony is that had Andal Jr.been intelligent enough to follow daddy's orders there wouldn't have been much more than couple of 3 sentence articles devoted to yet another case of Mindanowan blood letting.The Mangudadatus are no better than the Ampatuans and have just as many gory killings to their credit...just no journalists.
On Janurary 17th,2010,OIC Mayor Sangki had his 20 hectare farm ruined when gunmen burned down all buildings,including 11 houses,along with a crop nearly ready to harvest.The farm,located in Sitio Najib,Barangay Salman,also in Ampatuan is within a stone's throw of the barren field where the"Massacre"took place.Why is Zaraia Sangki so hated?Is it just aggravation that the former Vice Mayor now gets to sit in the hot seat while his former boss sits in stir?Of course not.Sangki almost immediately turned State's Witness against Andal Sr.and nearly 200 other individuals currently charged in the atrocity.Adding insult to injury Sangki,a member of a related Clan,wad ALSO a willing participant in the atrocity.
Only one day after the attack on the Sangki farm,Janurary 18th,2010,Dok Uling Salahuddin,a Barangay Captain in Barangay Kalkul in the municipality of Ampatuan,and a cousin of Zacarias Sangki was shot to death at 6PM by a single gunman.
On Tuesday April 6th,2010,51 year old Mohamadisa"Datu Haris"Sangki,brother of the OIC Mayor of Ampatuan,Zacarias Sangki,was riding his motorcycle past Cotabato City Plaza when 2 young men riding tandem on another motorcycle flagged him down at the corner of Sinsuat and S.K.Pendatun Streets in Barangay Poblacion #5.
Mr. Sangki pulled over and engaged the men in conversation when 1 of them suddenly stabbed him in the chest causing him to fall face down.The second man,later indentified as Kenny Osmena,walked over to the prostrate man and calmly shot him in the back with a 45 caliber pistol,killing him instantly.Both men then got onto their motorcycle and rode off towards the main town market.Though 5PM in the afternoon,and in full view of possibly thousands of people,not one person tried to intervene,or even pursue the gunmen.
On April 13th, 2010,in Sitio Masalay,Barangay Salman in the municipality of Ampatuan in Maguindanao Province,a CVO post (Civilian Volunteer Organisation,1 of 4 entities known collectively as"CAA,"or"Citizens Active Auxiliaries,"the cornerstone of the Government's Counterinsurgency Force Multiplication Programme.The CVO are sublimated to the PNP,or Philippine National Police and cannot bear arms unless their element has specifically been granted that right be the Secreatary of DILG,Department of the Interior and Local Government) was struck by eight M79 grenades without causing a single casualty.The attackers,Ampatuan Clan Paramilitary guerillas,were positioned in a nearby banana grove.Ironically perhaps,Barangay Salman is the same barangay where the"Massacre"took place.Not far away in Barangay Labulabu a 2nd CVO detachment was also attacked by M79 grenades and also managed to come out of it unscathed.Perhaps even more ironically,the Ampatuan Paramilitary is primarily composed of ex-CVO soldiers from that very same post!When President Arroyo first declared a State of Emergency over the Massacre most CVO personnel took to the hills knowing that they had no chance of living a law abiding life after being tarnished by their membership as Ampatuan Municipal (as well as Maguindanao Provincial) CVO.
The Ampatuan Paramilitary has been launching large scale assaults on the town since shortly after the"Massacre"took place.Despite a massive PNP and AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines) presence vis a vis the dedicated joint element known as"Task Force Alpha"the paramilitary has shelled the town with 60 MM mortars just about every night in March and April of 2010 with the attacks escalating as Election Day,May 10th draws near.It is not only the government that is suffering from the attacks as one can see with the repeated assaults on the Sangki family.Zacarias Sangki isn't even the Sangki to turn on the Ampatuans.The Vice Mayor of Shariff Aguak,the provincial capital of Maguindanao,is Rasul Sangki.In case his name is not familiar to you,he was the chief witness against Andal Ampatuan Jr.I will explore all that in a series of entries on the"Massacre"and all its just as bloody aftermath.It is worth noting here that the perennial enemies of the Ampatuan Clan,the MILF/BIAF (Moro Islamic Liberation Front/Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces),have also not been sitting idly by through all this drama heaped atop drama.
On Janurary 12th,2010 the BIAF's 105 Base Command under Kumander Usatadz Ameril Ombra Kato,almost always known simply by the moniker"Kumander Kato,"along with allied MNLF/BMA (Moro National Liberation Front/Bangsamoro Army) the parent organisation from which the MILF/BIAF broke away) guerillas engaged the Ampatuan Paramilitary in a 24 hour firefight in Sitio Balutukan,Barangay Kitapok in the town of Datu Saudi Ampatuan (a different town than the town of "Ampatuan" proper,also created by Andal Ampatuan Sr.when he sat as Governor of Maguindanao Province,for his family to rule).Several deaths resulted but both sides handled it quietly so no exact number is forthcoming.
On April 15th at the Hillside Resort in Datu Odin Sinsuat,also in Maguindanao Province,the owner of the resort and mayoral candidate for Datu Odin Sinsuat,Motasser Sabal and his brother and running mate for Vice Mayor, Abdulwahab "Abraham "Sabal were engaged in a campaign strategising session with a group of close supporters when a grenade was thrown into the room.A supporter,Kagi Ketong,of that same town was killed but the brothers were unhurt.
On Thursday April 22nd,2010 in Barangay Bako,Shariff Aguak,roughly 100 guerillas from the BIAF's 105th Base Command, which was at that time still under Kumander Kato (more about his being re-deployed in a subsequent entry),crossed the GPH (Govt.of the Philippines)-MILF/BIAF permimeter (the DMZ line) by about 1 kilometer and then managed to cross paths with 2 platoons from the 45IB (Infantry Battalion),which is itself based in Shariff Aguak's Barangay Poblacion.The predictable result was a 2 hour long firefight with no reported casulaties.
On Friday,April 30th, 2010 on the town of Ampatuan's 1st Street,in Purok 1,Barangay Kauran,an IED 20 meters away from National Hiway detonated just as gubneratorial candidate Esmael"Toto"Mangudadatu's convoy was passing en route to a political rally in the town's Barangay Poblacion.Luckily noone was injured or killed in the explosion.
On Saturday,May 8th,2010 OIC Mayor Zacarias Sangki's Phoenix petrol station was once again faced with an IED.This time the device was left by 2 men riding tandem on a motorcycle who rode non-chalantly over to the gas pumps and left it in a plastic bag.This time however the IED detonated but for an unkown reason failed to set off the petrol underneath it.No casualties.
On Election Day,Monday,May 10th,2010 at 1040AM,in Barangay Kapimpilan,North Kabuntalan,in that same province of Maguindanao,Sukarno Paglas was shot to death in the neck and chest,dying just 100 meters from a polling site as he tried to run into Barangay Bagungdang.The firefight that killed him was between the camps of 2 prospective vice Mayors,Bhernie Mamolintao Bagungdang (PMP) and Muslimin Guiama Baliwan (party unknown though initially it was said that it was with the camap of the Lakas-KAMPI-CMD candidate for Vice Mayor,Raul Vidal,a Bisayan).
That same day,May 10th,in Barangay Poblacion in Shariff Aguak,a poll site at Sasez Elementary School was hit by a grenade thrown by 2 men on a motorcycle.
Also on election Day,in the town of Datu Salibo,also in Maguindanao Province,voting was suspended after an RPG (BM2) attack near a PNP station.The road and bridge into the adjacent municipality of Datu Piang were closed down stranding many residents of both towns as fighting was heavy in Datu Piang as well.It began when BIAF snipers from the 105 Base Command,positioned in Barangay Pagatin,began firing on AFP soldiers in Barangay Dapiawan.The AFP in turn positioned snipers with 50 caliber Barrets in 3 positions along the Barangay's main road,and they continued firing into Barangay Pagatin for most of the day.
Also on Election Day,in S.K.Pendatun,another town in Maguindanao Province,50 meters from the poll site in Barangay Lao Lao,three IEDS were disarmed after being discovered throughout the day.The goal of course being to disrupt the elections and keeping people from voting at that site.The last device was found at 247PM.
Meanwhile,at 1145Am that morning in Barangay Datu Saligop,in the municipality of Datu Unsay,also in Maguindanao Province,the Ampatuan Paramilitary clashed with the 39IB shortly after three IEDs detonated in that barangay.As the firefight took place a 4th IED detonated as well with the government claiming no casualties,a point which I will address at the end of all my Election Day wrap up entries.
That evening at the 4th Call to Prayer (Islamic) 2 guerillas from the aforementioned Ampatuan Paramilitary were killed in a firefight with the 45th IB,just outside Barangay Poblacion in Ampatuan.
At 11AM Tuesday, May 25th, 2010,in Barangay Dansalan,in the town of Rajah Buayan in Maguindanao Province,Barangay Captain Datu Norodin Utto and his paramilitary came under attack from the Ampatuan Paramilitary.
Datu Utto's men,numbering roughly 50 gunmen were assaulted by 57MM and 90MM recoiless rifle and 60MM mortar volleys before being approached from different directions by approximately 200 guerillas being personally led by the new leader of the force,Bahnarin Ampatuan,a grandson of Andal Sr.,and like his grandfather and almost 70 other clansmen, under indictment for the massacre.No word on paramilitary casulaties but 2 civlians were killed.
Again on Thursday May 27th,from 7AM to 3PM an 8 hour long firefight took place after mortar volleys.In this last attack the Ampatuan Paramilitary were led by 2 underlings,Kagi Nasser and Kagi Sangatin.The 2,500 IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,i.e."Refugees") that resulted from this clash are camping along the Sultan Buayan to Sultan sa Barougis National Hiway.
On June 2nd,2010,at 9AM,in Barangay Balunan in the town of Datu Odin Sinsuat,the 6IB engaged 25 BIAF guerillas in from the 105th Base Command in a 1 hour firefight before the guerillas withdrew into the Liguasan Marsh.The BIAF had been on the National Hiway laying IEDs.AFP snipers manned 50 caliber Barrets and artillery batteries of 105 MM Howitzers pounded the marsh afterwards.It is worth noting that in early May leadership of the 105th Base Command,at least on paper,passed to an underling of Kumander Kato,sub-Kumander Zacaria Goma.Goma is a long time MILF/BIAF vet who is known for a more moderate outlook despite his having worked directly under Kato for nearly 2 decades. "Moderate"in this case is certainly a relative term.As I noted earlier,I will hash that out in a subsequent entry.
On June 8th,2010 in Sultan sa Barongis,in Maguindanao Province,the BIAF's 105th Base Command fighting under sub-Kumander Bedai Mosayden battled with a CVO formed out of a demobilised MNLF (Moror National Liberation Front) Brigade,under Kumander Abu Samin Sampalo,causing 2,500 people to become IDPs.The 33IB was on site but refused to get involved,as always citing its obligations under the GPH-MILF Peace Process.The fighting continued sporadically until Saturday,June 12th when it intensified causing even more IDPs and even spilled over into the municipality of Montawal and threatened to ignite an even wider sub-conflict with Kumander Urao's BIAF element.As of this posting, June 21st,2010,things have calmed down to an even simmer with sporadic clashes taking place and almost all of the IDPs still homeless.
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