In what is clearly a case of pandering to poltical tastes, the Secretary of the Department of Justice (DOJ), Leila de Lima, led a multi-agency task force to a non-desript empty parcel of land in the municipality of Datu Hofer Ampatuan- not to be confused with the municipality of Datu Saudi Ampatuan- OR- the municipality OF Ampatuan- in Maguindanao Province in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao, known to most simply as "ARMM." With Secretary de Lima was an excavator and other assorted heavy equipment that began tearing into the knee high Cogon Grass and loam beneath it in search of yet even more victims of what is today perhaps the most recognisable clan on Mindanao, the Ampatuans- despite most of the clan's heavy hitters being buried under the jail in Camp Bagong Diwa, in Metro Manila's Taguig City.
The men are jailed there of course for their having created the monstrosity known as the Maguindanao Massacre two years and a day before Secretary tried to collect anal-Pogi Points by alerting the media to what should be a highly sensitive excavation. Sensitive politicaly, militarily, and even religiously owing to Islamic Law not exactly smiling on disinternment of human remains- though, for the life of me, I don't recall a single Muslim on Mindanao ever once objecting to what has become an all too regular facet of life on our fair isle. Most of all, the operation is extremely sensitive to the loved ones of the Ampatuan Clan's many victims over the decades.
Although more than one set of skeletal remains was uncovered within the first 90 minutes of digging, I will relegate the Ps and Qs of that sordid outing to an entry I plan to compose within the next day or so although I reckon it just might make better sense to await the excavation's closure to see just what might pop out of the task force's many potholes. This entry is instead about a Human Rights Watch report that the American-based NGO whipped up to memorialise the Maguindanao Massacre, on the incident's first anniversary, November 23rd, 2010. Entitled, "They Own the People," the report doesn't deal with the Massacre, but rather it discusses what is said to be at least five dozen victims of the clan who were murdered for a variety of reasons, in a variety of ways- including dismemberment by chainsaw, in the decades before the Massacre.
*****************************************************************************************************
"They Own the People"
pp1 (Title and Contents)
pp2 (Map of Mindanao with a Focus on ARMM)
pp3 (Glossary of Terms and Abbreviations)
pp4 Summary
"In Maguindanao, the word of the Ampatuans was the law. It was either you said 'yes' to (them), or you got yourself killed for daring to say 'no'."- Suwaib Upham, Ampatuan militia member, March 9th, 2010.
"Warlordism exists because it has blessing from the top [sic]."- Philippine academic, Mindanao State University, General Santos City, February 14th, 2010
On November 23rd, 2009, around 200 armed men stopped a convoy carrying family members and supporters of a local vice mayor in the southern Philippine island of Mindanao as they went to register his candidacy in upcoming gubernatorial elections. The gunmen forced the group of 58 people- which included some 30 media workers and six passerby, off the highway near the town of Ampatuan, ordered them from their vehicles, and then executed them all.
The massacre- the worst in recent Philippine history- has since been attributed to members of the Ampatuan family, which has controlled life and death in Maguindanao Province for more than two decades through a "private army" of 2,000 to 5,000 armed men comprised of Government-supported militia, local police, and military personnel. Many members of the family, which is headed by Andal Ampatuan Sr.-Maguindanao's Governor from 2001 to 2009- hold official posts in the province and in the region. Before the 2007 Elections, most of Maguindanao's 27 mayors were the sons, grandsons, or other relatives of Andal Ampatuan Sr., including his son, Andal Jr., who stands charged with 57 counts of Murder in connection with the 2009 massacre. Ampatuan Jr. is currently on trial in Manila for the killings, together with 16 police officers and two alleged militia members. Currently, 195 people have been charged, including 29 members of the Ampatuan family and their allies; over half of those charged remain at large.
While killings among ruling families in Central Mindanao are not uncommon, the scale and brutality of the November 23rd massacre far exceed previous attacks in this violent region. It also focused international attention on ruling families like the Ampatuans, and the lawlessness that persists in much of the Philippines. Less scrutinized than the violence itself, however, but ultimately of greater significance, is the support that the National Government provides such families throughout the country, and the near total impunity that their abusive militias enjoy. Successive National Governments have not dismanteled and disarmed these militia forces, as stipulated in the 1987 Philippine Constitution, nor have they investigated and prosecuted unlawful activities by those who control, arm, and used them for private ends. Indeed, rather than trying to prevent militias from carrying out illegal criminal acts, the military and police often provide them with manpower, weapons, and protection from prosecution.
This report focuses on the Ampatuan family and its forces, one of the most powerful and abusive state-backed militias in the Philippines. It charts the Ampatuans' rise and expansion, aided by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, who relied on the family for crucial votes and support in the protracted armed conflict with Moro armed groups in Mindanao. The report also details the Ampatuans' many abuses, including more than 50 incidents of killings, torture, sexual assault, and abductions and "disappearances." In addition to the 58 killed in the Maguindanao Massacre, the family is implicated over the years in the killing of at least 56 people, including relatives of opposition politicians, landowners who resisted forced acquisition of their property, eyewitnesses to the Ampatuans' crimes, including their own militia members, and even children.
One year after the Maguindanao Massacre, the Ampatuans remain a powerful and dangerous force with which to be reckoned. For more than two decades, the Ampatuans operated unchecked by the Philippine National Police, the Military, and the Department of Justice, which not only have failed to seriously investigate crimes allegedly committed by the family's militia, but have even armed and worked alongside its members. Despite an initial flurry of activity after the November 23rd killings, including some arrests, 126 suspects remain at large and the Government prosecution remains woefully slow and limited. Senior police and military officers who failed to act upon knowledge of Ampatuan crimes have not been investigated; investigations into the source of the family's weapons have lacked transparency and independence; and the national institutions responsible for accountability- the Justice Department, the Ombudsman's Office, and the Commission on Human Rights- have done nothing significant to address the situation. "What can we do?" asked one police officer. "This is an influential family."
In his successful campaign for the presidency this year, Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III vowed to abolish private armies that flourished under President Arroyo, who authorized the arming of Civilian Volunteer Organizations (CVOs) and Police Auxiliary Units, and allowed Local Government Units to enter contractual arrangements with the Military for barely trained militia forces called Special CAFGUs (SCAAs). Aquino also promised to hold accountable the perpetrators of the Maguindanao Massacre, and seek justice for the hundreds of other human rights abuses. Aquino should fufill these promises by taking immediate action to disarm and disband all militias, including state-sanctioned paramilitary forces, in Maguindanao and throughout the country. He should also institute tougher controls on local government procurement of weapons, and prosecute perpetrators of human rights abuses regardless of position or rabk.
Broad and lasting change will not come easily. Suspicious of police collusion, few victims or witnesses of crimes by government officials trust the country's haphazard Witness Protection Program. Many of the Ampatuan's victims have never reported the abuses they have suffered at the hands of the family which has long relied on threats and other forms of intimidation to build and maintain its power. Indeed, several victims and witnesses declined to be interviewed by Human Rights Watch, despite undertaking actions to protect their identities, because they feared retaliation by the family and its private army.
The term "private army" is commonly used in the Philippines to describe security forces of powerful politicians, wealthy landowners, and other private interests. The term is accurate in that it describes the loyalties of such forces- armed bodies that act on behalf of private, an not public, interests. As a result, human rights abuses committed by private armies are often dismissed as a manifestation of regional culture or an exhibition of "Rido," or clan conflict. But such explanations- and the very term "private armies"- fails to capture the state's role in these forces make-up, support, and involvement in abuses.
According to inviduals with knowledge of the Ampatuans' force structure, most members of their private army are also members of the state-sanctioned paramilitary forces, namely the Civilian Volunteer Organization (CVO), Police Auxiliary Unit, Citizens Active Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU), or Special Citizens Active Auxiliary. Their forces also include regular members of the police or military. Many are relatives of local government officials. Militia members, who receive virtually no training, swear allegiance to the family and operate without police or military supervision, as is required by law. The number of militiamen is limited only by the local government's ability to fund operational costs.
The Ampatuans have provided their militia with formidable modern military weaponry. In the aftermath of the Maguindanao Massacre, investigators recovered at least 1,000 weapons in and around the homes of Andal Ampatuan Sr. and Jr., including anti-tank weapons, mortars, machine guns, automatic pistols, and sniper and assault rifles, as well as tens of thousands of rounds of ammunition. Ampatuan family insiders and police officers investigating the Massacre say that the Military and police provided the Ampatuans with most of these weapons, a situation facilitated by Philippine law, which permits local government officials to legally buy an unlimited number of weapons without any obligation to report the type or number purchased.
According to insiders, the Ampatuans used their militia for a wide range of criminal activity intended to eliminate threats to the family's rule, or to warn anyone considering posing such a threat. Cases involving the Ampatuan militia forces include:
• On July 20th, 2005, about 25 armed men in military uniforms shot and killed Haji Noria Tambungalan and her child in Barangay Kitango. Her husband, Mando Tambungalan, said he recognized three of the armed men as hired killers on the Ampatuan payroll. He told Human Rights Watch that he had been targeted by the Ampatuans since running for Vice Mayor of Datu Piang in 2001.
• On December 2nd, 2006, in Cotabato City, motorcycle riding gunmen linked to the Ampatuan Clan shot and killed Judge Sahara Silongan while he was driving his family home. A relative of the judge believes he was killed for failing to issue an illegal warrant of arrest demanded by the Ampatuans: "It was a form of liquidation." Noone has been arrested for the killing.
• On June 23rd, 2006, the Ampatuans planted a bomb which exploded near the Shariff Ahuak Market, killing five people including Ed Mangansakan. Mangansakan was a known weapons supplier for the Ampatuans. A man working as a CVO for the Ampatuans at this time told Human Rights Watch that Ampatuans' men planted the bomb in order to get weapons purchased from Mangansakan for free.
• On August 28th, 2008, a cousin of Andal Ampatuan Jr., and his armed men allegedly shot and killed eight members of the Lumenda and Aleb families, including one child, as they harvested rice in Barangay Tapikan, in Shariff Aguak municipality. One gunman, a member of the Police Auxiliary Unit, told Human Rights Watch that he and others were ordered to shoot the family because the Ampatuans doubted their loyalty.
Crimes linked to Ampatuan family members have not stopped since the Maguindanao Massacre and the massive attention focused on the case and the region. A member of the family's militia who participated in the killings- Suwaib Upham, 27- told Human Rights Watch that he had killed a witness to the Maguindanao shootings with a grenade launcher several days after Andal Ampatuan Jr. was arrested by authorities. Upham described himself as close to the Ampatuan family for most of his life and gave his statement to a Private Prosecutor, which was then submitted ro the authorities under a pseudonym. He was shot and killed on June 14th, 2010, while still awaiting inclusion in the Government Witness Protection Program.
The private army of the Ampatuan family may be among the most abusive in the Philippines, but it is just one among many. More than 100 private armies, large and small, are estimated to be operating throughout the Philippines, primarily but not exclusively in rural areas, and often but not always where there is an active insurgency. The level of direct Government support for these militias varies, but if the Ampatuan example is any indication, a history of abuses is no disqualifier. So long as such official support continues, so will these forces and the atrocities for which they have been responsible. The Maguindanao Massacre was an aberation only because of how many people died, not because of its cold blooded brutality, which the Government, Military, and police has long tolerated, and even fueled. Instead, the killings were an atrocity waiting to happen. It is up to the Aquino Administration to ensure they are the last of their kind.
pp5
(Methodology)
pp6
I) Background
The Legacy of Violence in Mindanao
The Philippines main southern island of Mindanao has been a focal point for insurgencies since the beginning of the American colonial period at the turn of the twentieth century. The Muslim population, known as "Moros," make up more than 20% of Mindanao, and have long resisted encroachment by the predominantly Christian majority.
Since Philippine Independence in 1946, armed conflict between Moro groups and the Philippine Government have continued with varying levels of intensity.
In the 1970s Moro secessionists formed a separatist movement, the Moro National Liberation Movement (MNLF), which later splintered, creating the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). Since then, armed confrontations between the Government and the Moro groups have resulted in the death of an estimated 120,000 people, mostly civilians, and the displacement of some two million more.
Negotiations in the 1980s led to the creation of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in 1990, discussed below. After a resurgence of violence in 2008, a shaky ceasefire was forged in 2009. At this writing, the Aquino Government and the MILF are preparing to engage in peace negotiations.
Violence in Mindanao has many forms. Mindanao was a stronghold of the Communist New People's Army (NPA) from the late 1970s until the mid-1980s, when it was confronted not only by the army and militia forces, but by abusive state supported "viginlante groups" such as "Alsa Masa" (Masses Arise). A radical Islamist group, Abu Sayyaf, emerged in the 1990s. All of these forces continue to perpetrate numerous serious human rights abuses- including abductions, torture, and killings- against suspected adversaries and ordinary civilains in Mindanao.
In Mindanao, as elsewhere in the Philippines, wealthy and politically powerful families have sought to defend and expand their holdings through the use of so called "private armies." While the size, composition, and strength of these forces varies considerably, their designation as "private" is a misnomer. They frequently consist of state-endorsed paramilitary forces and unofficial militia forces and have the direct support of local police and military personnel.
Nowhere in Mindanao in recent years have the complexities of these volatile forces been as evident as in the case of Ampatuans, the most powerful ruling family in Maguindanao Province. The Ampatuans, who are themselves Muslims, have been a loyal ally of sucessive national governments against Moro separatists. Fightings between the Ampatuans and the MILF leaders has at times been treated as "Rido," or clan conflict, but the actual situation is more complex. Ampatuan family members and other Maguindanao residents said that the conflict developed because the Ampatuans are identified with the Government f
Forces, because the Ampatuans perpetrate human rights abuses, and because they target emerging Moro leaders who are considered a threat to their power.
Human rights abuses by local officials backed by private armies continue to be a factor in drawing individuals into the MILF. A November 2004 confidential AFP memorandum on the effects of family feuds in Maguindanao reportedly stated that communities pillaged and looted by CVO and Special CAFGU members "often seek the protection of the MILF because they perceive the Military to be partial to the Ampatuans and his political allies" [sic]. Human Rights Watch documented several cases in which the victims of militia abuses joined the MILF. An MILF commander, "Commander Rustam," told Human Rights Watch: "Many people seek refuge from the Ampatuans (with) the MILF." For example, "Fayyad" evacuated from Datu Piang and sought protection in an MILF community after three of his relatives were killed in 2002 and 2003, allegedly by the Ampatuans and CAFGU members working with them. He told Human Rights Watch that he still cannot leave the MILF community in which he resides to go into Datu Piang town center or Cotabato City without an escort.
The Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)
The ARMM oficially came into being on November 6th, 1990, after plebiscites took place in several provinces and cities in accordance with the Organic Act of 1989. Autonomy essentially arose out of the December 23rd, 1976 Tripoli Agreement, which ended the 1971-76 separatist conflict. The ARMM conmprises five provinces: Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu, Tawi Tawi, and Basilan, and one city, Marawi. It is the most impoverished region in the Philippines.
Cotabato City, which is predominantly Moro, is located within the boundries of Maguindanao, but is independent of the province and is not part of the ARMM.
The ARMM Government operates with a degree of autonomy. However, the President of the Philipines exercises general supervision over the regional governor to ensure that his acts are within the scope of his powers and functions, and has the power to suspend him. Aditionally, the National Government provides provincial, municipal, and city governments in the ARMM with the vast share of their annual budget via the Internal Revenue Allocation (IRA), creating a financial dependence that greatly limits autonomy.
Executive power in the ARMM is vested in the elected Regional Governor, assisted by a Cabinet. The Regional Legislative Assembly has the power to legislate "for the benefit of the people and for the development of the region." This power does not extend to issues such as National Security and Administration of Justice, though it may legislate on matters relating to Shari'a (Islamic Law).
The Philippine Government and MILF Peace Panels are currently preparing to negotiate an agreement that is expected to enhance ARMM autonomy by increasin both its geographical bounds and its political and economic powers. The Peace Panels negotiated such an agreement, the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain, in 2008. However, prior to the signing, scheduled for August 2008 in Malaysia, the Supreme Court of the Philippines issued a Temporary Restraining Order blocking it, on the Petition of local and national Christian political leaders. In October 2008, the Court ruled the Agreement un-Constitutional. The Agreement's collapse has been cited as one of the causes of renewed fighting in Central Mindanao in 2008 to 2009.
Rise of the Ampatuans
The Ampatuan family is a Moro Clan that lives in Maguindanao Province. Under successive Philippine Administrations since the 1980s, the Ampatuans have consolidated power and, over time, acquired control over the political, security, and commercial life of Maguindanao. Andal Ampatuan Sr., the family patriarch, was the Governor of Maguindanao from 2001 to 2009. His sons and other family members have held numerous elected and appointed Government offices. Most notably, Zaldy Ampatuan was the elected Regional Governor of the ARMM from 2005 to 2009 and Andal Ampatuan Jr., commonly known as "Datu Unsay," was the Mayor of Datu Unsay municipality from 2004 to 2010.
Andal Ampatuan Sr. first entered local politics in Maguindanao in the 1970s, following President Ferdinand Marco's declaration of Martial Law in the country. During this period, the Military perpetrated widespread human rights violations throughout the Philippines. Ampatuan Sr., went from commander of a paramilitary unit to Vice Mayor and then Mayor of Maganoy (now Shariff Aguak), a municipality in Maguindanao. Two years after the 1986 "People Power Revolution" drove Marcos from power, Ampatuan Sr. was reelected the Mayor of Maganoy in an election plagued by violence. For example, on December 30th, 1987, unidentified armed men ambushed the Campaign Manager of Ampatuan Sr.'s chief rival Surab Abutazil, and his two companions. In January 1988, an Election Aide was shot dead by unidentified assailants. And on January 5th, 1990, Abutazil was shot dead in broad daylight in the Maganoy town center after having challenged the legality of Ampatuan Sr.'s reelection.
Several residents of Maguindanao alleged that since the late 1980s the Ampatuans gained commercial power by using threats and unlawful force to acquire land. "Hassan," a former resident of Shariff Aguak, who said he was once close with Ampatuan Sr., told Human Rights Watch, "He would give the landowner two options: allow him to buy the land for P10,000 ($220) or choose the bullet." "Kedtog," a former community leader in Barangay Kuloy said that in 1988:
"We were called for a meeting with Andal Ampatuan Sr. Inside, on a table was a 45 caliber pistol and a sum of money put side by side in front of the old man (Ampatuan Sr.). We were asked which of the two we would choose...In Kuloy, almost all the villagers were forced to leave. There were thousands of hectares...They built fences around the (land) which (was taken)."
Kedtog said he did not go to the meeting with Ampatuan Sr., out of fear, but his 5 1/2 hectares of land was still forcibly taken. Only two landowners actually attended such meetings and "chose" the nominal payment. One landowner that attended such a meeting, "Akil," said that he chose to take the money, fearing he would be killed if he did not.
Through his lawyers, Ampatuan Sr., denied any allegations of forcible takeover of land, saying that the properties owned by the Ampatuan family have been "acquired through lawful transactions evidenced by contracts and duly issued titles."
In the early 1990s, the Vice Mayor of Maganoy, Paglala Bantilan, and several of his family members and supporters were killed after he announced he would contest Ampatuan's election. Those responsible were never brought to trial.
These killings and many other serious crimes allegedly carried out by Ampatuan family members were reported to President Arroyo in a May 2002 letter, some of which are detailed below:
• In July 1992, more than 20 men in fatigue uniforms armed with rifles and allegedly commander by "Commander Beri"- the head of Ampatuan Sr.'s militia at the time- killed a candidate for local government and his child, and wounded his seven year old child while they slept in their home in Maganoy (now Shariff Aguak), Maguindanao. The victim, Haji Usop Akmad, had run for Municipal Councilor in the May 1992 Elections. CAFGUs allegedly killed another of Akmad's sons later that year.
• In February 1994 Ampatuan Sr. allegedly killed Garcia Upham in Barangay Makir, Dinaig town (now Datu Odin Sinsuat). According to a witness, he had been sitting with Upham in a kiosk along the National Hiway in Makir when the nearly 50 vehicle convoy- including about six police cars- of Ampatuan Sr. passed by. According to the witness, Ampatuan Sr. "got out of the vehicle and shot (and killed) Garcia with his 45 caliber pistol. He then got back inside his car and drove on to Cotabato City.
• On March 14th, 1994, Zaldy Ampatuan allegedly gunned down cousins Akas Pagala and Rashid Mamalantong, Vice Mayor Bantilan's son, at a gas station in Cotabato City.
The Ampatuan family gained significant power when Ampatuan Sr. was elected Governor of Maguindanao in 2001, despite accusations of Electoral Fraud. He consolidated his power by giving family members various positions in the province and isolating mayors he did not consider loyal. He was reelected Governor in 2004 and ran unopposed in 2007. Until the 2007 elections, the majority of Maguindanao's 27 mayors were the sons, grandsons, or other relatives of Ampatuan Sr. Newspaper reports quoted Ampatuan Sr. as saying this dominance was due to "popular support...Because I am so loved by the constituencies of the municipalities, they ask me to have my sons as representatives." He added that "not a single candidate for the opposition dared to challenge his slate." In 2007, all but one of the town mayors allied with Ampatuan Sr. ran unopposed.
On June 9th, 2007, the Maguindanao school district supervisor, Musa Dimasidsing, who had exposed alleged Election Fraud, was shot dead in a madrassa (Islamic school) in Maguindanao during a brief power outage. No one has been prosecuted for his killing.
The Ampatuan family took advantage of Zaldy Ampatuan's position as Governor of the ARMM and their influence over the Regional Assembly to create new municipalities and strengthen their control over the region. In 2009, the Regional Assembly created the municipalities of Datu Hoffer, Datu Salibo, and Sharoff Saydona Mustapha. Zaldy Ampatuan used his power as Regional Governor to appoint Officers- in- Charge, including his wife, Bongbong Midtimbang Ampatuan, as Acting Mayor of Datu Hoffer Ampatuan; Akmad Ampatuan as Acting Mayor of Datu Salibo; and his sister in law, Ampatuan Jr.'s wife, Zandria Ampatuan, as Acting Mayor of Shariff Saydona Mustapha. Each of these Ampatuans was elected in the May 2010 Elections.
The arrests that followed the November 2009 Maguindanao Massacre appear to have weakened, but by no means eliminated Ampatuan power in the region. As a result of the May 2010 Elections, 8 of the 34 mayors in Maguindanao carry the Ampatuan name; still others are related to Ampatuan Sr. Only 6 of the 29 Ampatuan family members and allies accused of involvement in the Massacre are in custody: Andal Ampatuan Sr.,his sons Andal Jr., Zaldy, Anwar Sr., Sajid Islam, and son in law Akmad "Tato" Ampatuan.
Paramilitary Forces and Private Armies
"It would not be right to say 'private armies,' they are paramilitary units...They are created, armed, and funded by the Government."- A senior member of the Ampatuan family, General Santos City, Fenruary 21st, 2010.
" (Local governments) create civilian armed groups, thereby providing a cloak of legitimacy to the action of these groups who are presumed to be acting in accordance with their official duties, when more often than not they simply do the bidding of their political godfathers."- Justice Monina Averalo -Zenarosa, Chair of the Independent Commission Against Private Armies, May 5th, 2010.
State supported militias have existed in the Philippines since the late 1940s. The Government organised these paramilitaries to defend against Communist insurgents- first the Hukbalahap and later the New People's Army- and Moro separatist forces. Frequently the Army or police deployed them in offensive operations. Whatever their guise or official status, these militias have been responsible for widespread abuses against suspected rebels and ordinary civilians. Despite this, successive Philippine Governments have taken no serious steps to either dismantle or disarm the militias on a large scale. Over the years only a few members have been prosecuted for abuses, and none of their commanders have ever been charged on the basis of Command or Superior Responsibility.
In the 1960s, the paramilitary forces were called the Barrio Self Defense Units. Later that decade, President Ferdinand Marcos replaced these units with the Integrated Civilian Home Defense Force, which was enlarged in 1976 to include the Civilian Home Defense Force (CHDF). Each of these militias was implicated in numerous atrocities, though the CHDF was regarded as particularly brutal.
The post-Marcos Constitution of 1987 provided for the dismanteling of private armies and dissolving paramilitary forces. Despite President Corazon Aquino's July 1987 Order that paramilitaries be dissolved within 180 days, the Government merely replaced the CHDF with the Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU). In 1989, the Government instituted a Special CAFGU Program, which alowed businesses to enter into a Memorandum of Understanding with the Armed Forces to effectively apply CAFGUs as armed security guards. Since then, CAFGU militiamen have been involved in serious human rights abuses.
Anti-insurgent "vigilante groups" have operated alongside the militias since the mid-1980s. These armed groups have taken various forms, from small religious sects such as the "Tadtad" (literall "chop chop") armed with "Bolo" (machete" knives, to mass based groups such as "Alsa Masa" (Masses Arise) in Davao City that had the open support of the authorities, including President Corazon Aquino. The Military increasingly armed and supported the vigilante groups with military weaponry and deployed them in offensive counterinsurgency operations, where they quickly became notorious for abuses and lack of accountability.
In 1986, many vigilante groups were officialy named Civilian Volunteer Organizations (CVOs) to give the appearance, if not the actual practice, of state regulation and control. The next year the Aquino Government issued guidelines on Civilian Volunteer Defense Organizations, ostensibly regulating the activities of such groups rather than disbanding them. The "Bantay Bayan" (People's Guard), the officially sanctioned CVO, was unarmed and was not to engage in counterinsurgency operations. These limits were not observed. In practice, the Bantay Bayan continued to operate as an auxiliary armed force that was repeatedly implicated in abuses. In September 1993, President Fidel Ramos issued an Administrative Order seeking to dismantle private armies, acknowledging that "there are Government officials and abusive personalities who utilize numerous AFP, PNP, or civilian bodyguards, as security personnel to the consternation of the general public." He ordered the AFP and the PNP to evaluate "the tactical necessity of all community defense forses (e.g. CAFGUs, CVOs, etc.) Organized according to law and immediately deactivate those which are no longer needed for counterinsurgency operations (Administrative Order #81, September 13th, 1993)."
In 1996, President Ramos empowered city and municipal mayors in the National Capital Region to organize, support, and finance local police auxiliary units in response to an increasing crime problem in Manila. However, these auxiliaries were not issued, or even permitted to carry firearms, nor were they to be detailed or assigned as general security of local officials.
As the threat from the New People's Army receded during the late 1990s, serious abuses by all sides declined. Successuve Philippine Administrations have publicly committed to disbanding CAFGUs, vigilante groups, and so called private armies from time to time, but efforts have been cursory. In 1998, the AFP announced that CAFGUs were disbanded, but they remained active in rural areas. In 2000, the CAFGU force still contained about 30,000 members.
In July 2001, President Arroyo's Government announced that the CAFGU force would be "revitalized" in Mindanao to fight against the Communist Insurgency. Today, the force comprises some 56,000 members. In 2004, the Special CAFGU Program was expanded to allow local governments, not just businesses, to contract Soecial CAFGUs. The Arroyo Administration also expanded and increasingly armed police auxiliary forces, comprised of members of CVOs and Police Auxiliary Forces.
In 2006, President Arroyo issued Executive Order #546, following major fighting between the Ampatuan's militia and the 105 Base Command of the MILF from June 28th to July 6th, 2006. This was interpreted as legal grounds to arm CVOs, which were previously only authorized to carry "a baton and a flashlight." The order authorized police to assist the Military in counterinsurgency operations and "Barangay Tanods"- unarmed, village-based law enforcement officers- to be used as "Force Multipliers," supposedly under police control. CVOs were armed on a selective basis.
In late 2006, the Armed Forces authorized four new Special CAFGU companies for the Ampatuans, each with 88 armed civilians and 12 soldiers ("The Philippines: After the Maguindanao Massacre" International Crisis Group, "Asia Briefing #98," December 21st, 2009). In August 2008, when hostilities again erupted between the MILF and Government Forces, the Interior Secretary Ronald Puno distributed more than 12,000 shotguns to police auxiliary forces in Central Mindanao's Conflict Affected Areas. The Armed Forces said that there were 2,000 Special CAFGU militiamen in Sultan Kudarat, North Cotabato, and Maguindanao at the time of the Massacre on November 23rd, 2009. Lieutenant General Raymundo Ferrer, the AFP Commander for Eastern Mindanao, told Human Rights Watch that in some areas, "CAFGUs make the problems worse because they are committing the abuse...Relatives bring them in as body guards and use them to harass the opposition."
In practice, the various paramilitary forces created in Maguindanao fell under the command of the ruling Ampatuan family. The Special CAFGUs were contracted directly to the Government units, run by the Ampatuans. The police and police auxiliary forces reported directly to the Ampatuans rather than to the police command structure. These armed men were then converted into the Ampatuan's private army, used not only to fight the MILF and the New People's Army, but to do the bidding of local politicians.
While this report focuses on militia abuses in Maguindanao Province, state backed militias perpetrate abuses throughout much of Mindanao and elsewhere in the country. As Lieutenant General Ferrer told the media, abuse of power and "warlordism" is not a phenomenon limited to the Ampatuans.
"(President Arroyo's) party expelled the Ampatuans, and got the Mangudadatus...Now they are they allies with the Masturas. The Masturas are also warlords, right? (The Mangudadatus have) many guns, and they have allied themselves with the Sinsuats. Those people have also have private armed groups, and they have not surrendered any firearms. Combine all their arms, and that's another group of warlords.'
In its report to President Arroyo, the Independent Commission Against Private Armies highlighted the existence of such groups in Surigao del Norte, Lanao del Sur, Davao City, Zamboanga del Norte, Tagum City, and Abra. Nowhere do the authorities take adequate steps to investigate and prosecute militia abuses or the Government officials who are responsible for their actions. A barangay official told Human Rights Watch, "The establishment of private armies of CVOs us an agreement between the Government, Governor, and the Military. Almost all the Mayors' political clans have their own CVOs." A senior member of the Ampatuan family echoed this, saying, "In all areas where there are insurgencies...(Governing families) are provided with CAFGUs and CVOs to promote peace and order in areas."
****************************************************************************************************
The preceding section on "paramilitaries," CAFGU, etc., is riddled with factual inaccuracies. In facr, I noted seven majot factual errors so, please just that entire section with a grain of sand. The last, and final part of this two part entry will begin where I left off, page 7.
Showing posts with label Ampatuan Clan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ampatuan Clan. Show all posts
Friday, December 9, 2011
Sunday, September 4, 2011
Political Developments for the Third Quarter, Part III: Senator Zubiri Unmasked as a Fraud
On August 3rd, 2011 Senator Juan Miguel "Migs" Zubiri stood in front of his peers, and his family, and uttered words he had never imagined himself saying, "I resign." Zubiri had been Mindanao's "golden boy," a politician far beyond reproach and widely seen as Presidential materiel, how had it all come tumbling down, so fast, so hard?
When Zubiri ascended to the Lower House in 1998 nobody thought much of him. That year eighteen new Congressmen replaced close family members in what Filipinos euphamistically call "Seat Warming." A legislator reaching their term limit of 9 years simply has a son, brother, or even wife run in his or her stead and when the next election rolls around simply steps right back into his seat. In the West nepotism constitutes an ethical breech and can bar politician from office. Here in the Philippines it is seen as a moral virtue and is considered so run of the mill as to be hardly worth mentioning. Replacing his father, clan patriarch Jose Maria "Joe" Zubiri II, young Juan Miguel had no real hope of filling his father's shoes and yet "Migs" did that and a whole lot more.
1998 was a pivotal year in Philippine History. Not only was there a rash of young Seat Warmers pushing this new Congress into a generational shift but the 11th Congress was facing President Joseph "Erap" Estrada, action movie star turned corrupt demagouge. Estrada's under the table business dealings weren't unusual at all, the nation has never had a President who didn't try to enrich themselves and their family while in office. The operative difference with Erap was that he really didn't try to mask his embezzlement and rank thievery. Then, when he pushed the envelope a bit too much with his campaign for Charter Change, what essentialy amounts to a re-writing of the Philippine Constitution, things went south in a heartbeat. Known as "Cha Cha" in Philippine-speak, shorthand for "Charter Change," or more bluntly put, "Trashing the 1987 Constitution." Erap at least had the sense to try and re-package the attempt in a more palatable, Politically Correct manner. Calling it "Constitutional Correction for Development," or "CONCORD," he soothingly purred that it would correct major deficiencies in the then 11 year old Constitution in order to pave the way for Manila's Holy Grail, "Development."
Congressman Migs Zubiri quickly joined a bloc known as the "Genuine Opposition." As Zubiri's career ascended so did his personal life, dating a string of young Filipina starlets. Zubiri soon was labeled as one of the 11th Congress' "Spice Boys." Comprable to the American "Brat Pack" of Hollywood the Spice Boys were a group of "Seat Warmers" from Luzon, Zubiri becoming only one of two members from points south (the other being fellow Mindanowan Robert "Ace" Barbers). Featured in Manila Tabloids and youth oriented magazines the group was tagged as the next generation of Filipino power brokers.
Then, in 2001, came EDSA II, the largely non-violent coup that swept Erap out of the Presidential Palace and into a bungalow slash prison on the grounds of Fort Santo Domingo, a PNP SAF, or Philippine National Police Special Action Force (police commandos) facility in Laguna Province on Southern Luzon. His replacement, his Vice President, Gloria M.Arroyo had made a deal with the devil, I mean Armed Forces of the Philippines, and resolved to maintain a much lower profile while bleeding the state coffers dry. In the interim, as the drama in the Presidential Palace unfolded, Congressman Migs had shed his Spice Boy persona and latched onto a Reformist clique known as the Congressional Action Team, or "CAT." CAT cut across party and bloc lines in order to push through legislation seeking to implement small but important political reforms.
How did a man with such zeal, and much more importantly for the Philippines, such integrity, go bad? With President Arroyo in the hotseat Zubiri seized a great opportunity and became a cheerleader for the new administration. No longer a member of the Opposition Congressman Migs was now on the inside looking out. By the time the 2004 Election took place Zubiri was the proverbial insider with a direct line to the President. Undoubtedly egged on by his father and siblings, most of whom had entered the political arena as well, Zubiri found himself firmly entrenched in the highest levels of the "money hungry" Philippines political system.
Though it is unclear as of yet what role, if any, underhanded tricks and corruption played in getting him re-elected to Congress in 2004, by 2007 it was as plain as day that Zubiri was no different than any other Philippine politician on the national stage. Having reached his term limit that year, he allowed his father, by then Governor of their home province of Bukidnon, to stage manage his brother Jose Maria Zubiri III's campaign for Mig's Congressional seat (Bench Warming can also segue into another variant known as "Musical Chairs," where clan members retain the seat for the family as opposed to just one invidual as in Chair Warming). Migs instead concentrated on a run for the Senate.
The Philippine political system was modeled after the nation's last colonial master, the United States. Like America there is a bicameral legislature, the Congress and the Senate. However there are major differences with the Philippine version. Whereas in America Senators represent specific states and are only elected by residents of THOSE states, in the Philippines the nation's 24 Senators serve at large, meaning that they don't represent a specific province, or even a particular island. Instead Senators represent the entire nation and as such are elected by all Filipino voters.
Moreover, there are two tiers in the Senate and staggered terms. The 12 candidates receiving the highest numbers of votes serve 6 year terms while the 12 candidates receiving the next highest amount of votes merely serve three year terms. At the same time, both tiers are limited to two terms each as opposed to most other elected terms in the Philippines which serve under a limit of three terms (confused yet? it gets better!). The Senate is staggered so that only 12 candidates are ever up for election with the result being that there is never a Senate composed entirely of "freshmen." The rationale offered is that it allows for a more streamlined legislature where there is always a way in which to move legislation forward, et cetera. Of course the truth is that it is an entirely self serving gesture that allows fat cats to grow even fatter. IF the stated rationale were true why wouldn't we see it repeated in Congress? Hey, why not make Co-Presidents so that there is always someobody sitting in the Palace ready to lie to the Filipino People. Wait! There is ALWAYS a liar ready and waiting (the Presidential Staff is anything if not bloated) but I am sure you get my point. The reality is that each and every year a Senator receives P200 Million ($4 Million) to use as a personal kitty, or in Philippine-speak, a "pork barrel." This is in addition to committee funds, etc. Three extra years equals 12 Million US Dollars and so the truth is self evident.
In the 2007 Election Zubiri's closest competitor was the scion of another Mindanowan political dynasty. Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III, whose family claims to be from Cagayan del Oro City but maintains its base of power in Surigao del Sur Province in Mindanao's Region 13. Koko Pimemtal is another aspiring "Seat Warmer" but in truth the Pimentel Clan still owns a home in Cagayan del Oro yet has, in recent memory, never spent more than a day or two there in any given year. In fact, Koko can barely manage a simple sentence in Bisaya, as "Cebuano" the lingua franca for non-Muslim Mindanao is commonly referred to.
Still, Senatorial candidates rely on votes from all over the Philippines and with his powerful surname and the Philipine public's propensity (do I get extra points for alliteration?) of voting for recognisable names he remained a power to reckon with. As the votes were tallied Pimemtel showed a significant lead in key voting regions and provinces. Leading Congressman Migs substantially, noone expected any stunning suprises but then came the tally from Mindanao's Maguindanao Province.
Suddenly, in an almost entirely Muslim province, Migs was capturing majorities in the high 90th percentiles with 95.75% of the entire province. In the municipality of Datu Abdullah Sangki Migs nailed 7,920 votes out of a total 7,939 for an highly improbable sharehold of 99.76%. In the town of Pandag it was the unheard of 100% with all of the town's 3,382 Senatorial votes going for the Ilonggo Congressman from Bukidnon Province's 3rd District. The totals from Maguindanao where Migs carried all 22 of the then 22 municipalities in the province allowed Juan Miguel "Migs" Zubiri to sail easily ahead like the tortise in Aesop's fable.
Many pundits, to put it nicely, weren't drawing analogies with ancient childrens' stories. Most recognised it for what it was, outright theft. As an insider Migs had been billed on the Arroyo Government's "Team Unity." Meanwhile, the Governor of Maguindanao Province was none other than the infamous Arroyo bagman, Andal Ampatuan Sr. The Ampatuan Clan that year directly controlled 18 of the province's 22 towns with the remaining 4 in the pocket via control exerted by the Ampatuan Clan over Maguindanao's Provincial Elections Officer, Lintang Bedol. As COMELEC, the national electoral authority's man in Maguindanao Bedol was the lynchpin in any real scheme to throw an election in that province.
As Migs was declared the winner and moved from the Lower House to the Upper House, Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III, and much more importantly his father and clan patriarch Aquilino "Nene" Pimentel II screamed bloody murder. Immediately filing a petition of complaint with SET, or the Senatorial Electoral Tribunal, he charged outright fraud and demanded a proper accounting for the provincial tallies in Maguindanao. Naturally Senator Migs responded in kind and even challenged the tallies from the National Capital Region, as Metro Manila is officialy referred to. This being the Philippines of course, neither petition went anywhere and Migs dug in his heels for the long haul, assured that at the very least he would serve out his full term and retain his seat until at least 2013.
Fast foward to November of 2009 and the seminal event in Modern Philippine History, so far as politics is concerned, and the "Maguindanao Massacre." Assuming that anyone reading such an in depth blog about the Philippine geopolitical landscape would already be very well versed in the tragic incident we can spin the wheel again and simply fast forward to late-June of 2011. The former Governor of the ARMM, or the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao, Zaldy Uy Ampatuan, was incarcerated in Camp Bagong-Diwa with many of his fellow clan members including his aforementioned father, Andal Ampatuan Sr. Finally breaking after 20 months in a maximum security prison cell Zaldy fought with his father and siblings and stunned the outside world by expressing his desire to turn States Witness against his own family.
When Zaldy was loudly rejected by Secretary Leila de Lima of the DOJ, or Department of Justice, and President Aquino considered the offer, Zaldy got impatient and went for broke. Alone in his new isolation cell he penned a two page missive in which he offered a scant outline of the 2007 Election Fraud in Maguindanao Province. Much more importantly, Zaldy directly linked former President Gloria M.Arroyo to the fraud, on behalf of her "Team Unity," via her husband Miguel "Mike" Arroyo Sr. Zaldy then had one of his wives, Bai Johaira, shop mimeographed copies of the outline to Manila area media outlets. Within hours of dispatching his still loyal wife the first of more than a dozen media outlets had arranged for a one on one interview with Zaldy.
Zaldy signed provisos with each media firm requiring them to sit on the interview for two weeks, until mid-July, and even then only allowing them to air the interview IF Zaldy assented. The goal was to hold the pending interviews over the Aquino Administration's head as Zaldy's attorneys scrambled to work out an advantageous deal with President Aquino in the hope that he might have wanted to shield allies who ALSO profited from the fraud in Maguindanao Province. The President refused to even consider such a politically dangerous offer and so one after another the Zaldy interviews began appearing on both TV and the radio in addition to reams of newspaper coverage. The allegations, or revelations depending upon one's perspective, created the predictable firestorm of controversy. To bolster his laundry list of scathing allegations Zaldy promised that he would be able to produce Lintang Bedol, the Maguindanao Provincial Elections Officer who had gone to heel after the 2007 Election appeared to be sliding into subpoena territory. He vowed that Bedol would corroborate all he had alleged with the added caveat of bringing physical evidence to the table, though Zaldy avoided getting too particular in THAT area.
Whereas Zaldy's offer to testify against his own family failed to garner him the shoulder rubbing back slapping validation the ex-Governor so badly needed, the two page hand written mimeographs managed to do the trick. Now Secretary de Lima was a whole lot less commital when asked about the possibility of flipping Zaldy for the Prosecution though she has never stopped qualifying it with, "but not in the Massacrre Case." With tongues moistened Zaldy's new found fans begged and cajoled him to fufil his promise of bringing Mr.Bedol out into the light of day. By the time Bedol surfaced at the end of July Senator Migs was no longer vowing to fight the "allegations" to his "last dying breath." Indeed, on July 31st Migs phoned Senate President, Senator Juan Ponce Enrile and informally tendered his resignation knowing exactly when to fold and collect whatever chips remained. Both men agreed to have Zubiri formally resign on August 3rd and to do so via a speech in Session.
It took less than a week for Zubiri's resignation speech promise of fighting "allegations" of Electoral Fraud via SET to fall by the wayside. With less than 24 months remaining on the Senate term, Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III would have to move fast to take his rightful place in the Senate. However, as long as Zubiri insisted on seeing his counter petition through, Aquilino's day would have to wait. Senate Bylaws stipulate that no prospective Senator may assume his seat until all outstanding charges against him are ajudicated. In Zubiri's own case the charges came AFTER his ascendancy to the Senate and so his position AS Senator remained unaffected by Pimentel's SET petition. Pimentel of course faced entirely different circumstances as an aspirant with an open petition against him. Zubiri sold his recall of his petition dearly, gaining Aquilino's word not to vigorously pursue any prospective administrative AND/OR criminal complaints against him.
While Mindanao, not least of all the Zubiri stronghold of Bukidnon Province were absolutely stunned by the rapid turn of events the people of Negros Occidental Province on the Central Philippine isle of Negros took it even more to heart. It was here on Negros, in the municipality of Kabankalan City that family patriarch Jose Maria "Joe" Zubiri II was born and raised. Scion of a landed family that had fallen on difficult times in the post-WWII Era, Joe Zubiri went to work managing the large sugar plantations dotting Negros. In the late-1960s a chance meeting led to a move to Mindanao and its northcentral province of Bukidnon. There Joe raised a family as he managed a vast sugar plantation for Marcos crony Roberto Benedicto. Despite the hold of the local political dynasty, the Fortich Clan, Joe threw his hat into the ring for the Congressional Election of 1984 and against all odds the political neophyte emerged successful and in a postion of power his own clan would retain until the present, 2011. Negros Occidental has remained the Zubiri Clan's second home and in the Senate Migs has showed the sugar industry with gads and gads of wonderful political largesse, that Filipino specialty, "Dirty Pork." Most importantly to the family Migs' resignation has done more to build the clan's cachet than any other single act in family history. As the saying goes, "all clouds have silver linings.zl
Meanwhile Koko Pimentel has taken the seat that many feel should have been rightfuly his all the while. More to the point he is now Chairing the Senate Committee on Electoral Reform and in conjunction with the Senate's feared Blue Ribbon Panel will naturally investigate electoral malfeasance though one does suspect 2007 will be handled with kid gloves. This not only because Koko gave his word to Migs but because despite the attention paid to Migs and Maguindanao Province, Electoral Fraud benefitted a whole range of Team Unity candidates, virtually all of whom remain in positions of power and influence today.
When Zubiri ascended to the Lower House in 1998 nobody thought much of him. That year eighteen new Congressmen replaced close family members in what Filipinos euphamistically call "Seat Warming." A legislator reaching their term limit of 9 years simply has a son, brother, or even wife run in his or her stead and when the next election rolls around simply steps right back into his seat. In the West nepotism constitutes an ethical breech and can bar politician from office. Here in the Philippines it is seen as a moral virtue and is considered so run of the mill as to be hardly worth mentioning. Replacing his father, clan patriarch Jose Maria "Joe" Zubiri II, young Juan Miguel had no real hope of filling his father's shoes and yet "Migs" did that and a whole lot more.
1998 was a pivotal year in Philippine History. Not only was there a rash of young Seat Warmers pushing this new Congress into a generational shift but the 11th Congress was facing President Joseph "Erap" Estrada, action movie star turned corrupt demagouge. Estrada's under the table business dealings weren't unusual at all, the nation has never had a President who didn't try to enrich themselves and their family while in office. The operative difference with Erap was that he really didn't try to mask his embezzlement and rank thievery. Then, when he pushed the envelope a bit too much with his campaign for Charter Change, what essentialy amounts to a re-writing of the Philippine Constitution, things went south in a heartbeat. Known as "Cha Cha" in Philippine-speak, shorthand for "Charter Change," or more bluntly put, "Trashing the 1987 Constitution." Erap at least had the sense to try and re-package the attempt in a more palatable, Politically Correct manner. Calling it "Constitutional Correction for Development," or "CONCORD," he soothingly purred that it would correct major deficiencies in the then 11 year old Constitution in order to pave the way for Manila's Holy Grail, "Development."
Congressman Migs Zubiri quickly joined a bloc known as the "Genuine Opposition." As Zubiri's career ascended so did his personal life, dating a string of young Filipina starlets. Zubiri soon was labeled as one of the 11th Congress' "Spice Boys." Comprable to the American "Brat Pack" of Hollywood the Spice Boys were a group of "Seat Warmers" from Luzon, Zubiri becoming only one of two members from points south (the other being fellow Mindanowan Robert "Ace" Barbers). Featured in Manila Tabloids and youth oriented magazines the group was tagged as the next generation of Filipino power brokers.
Then, in 2001, came EDSA II, the largely non-violent coup that swept Erap out of the Presidential Palace and into a bungalow slash prison on the grounds of Fort Santo Domingo, a PNP SAF, or Philippine National Police Special Action Force (police commandos) facility in Laguna Province on Southern Luzon. His replacement, his Vice President, Gloria M.Arroyo had made a deal with the devil, I mean Armed Forces of the Philippines, and resolved to maintain a much lower profile while bleeding the state coffers dry. In the interim, as the drama in the Presidential Palace unfolded, Congressman Migs had shed his Spice Boy persona and latched onto a Reformist clique known as the Congressional Action Team, or "CAT." CAT cut across party and bloc lines in order to push through legislation seeking to implement small but important political reforms.
How did a man with such zeal, and much more importantly for the Philippines, such integrity, go bad? With President Arroyo in the hotseat Zubiri seized a great opportunity and became a cheerleader for the new administration. No longer a member of the Opposition Congressman Migs was now on the inside looking out. By the time the 2004 Election took place Zubiri was the proverbial insider with a direct line to the President. Undoubtedly egged on by his father and siblings, most of whom had entered the political arena as well, Zubiri found himself firmly entrenched in the highest levels of the "money hungry" Philippines political system.
Though it is unclear as of yet what role, if any, underhanded tricks and corruption played in getting him re-elected to Congress in 2004, by 2007 it was as plain as day that Zubiri was no different than any other Philippine politician on the national stage. Having reached his term limit that year, he allowed his father, by then Governor of their home province of Bukidnon, to stage manage his brother Jose Maria Zubiri III's campaign for Mig's Congressional seat (Bench Warming can also segue into another variant known as "Musical Chairs," where clan members retain the seat for the family as opposed to just one invidual as in Chair Warming). Migs instead concentrated on a run for the Senate.
The Philippine political system was modeled after the nation's last colonial master, the United States. Like America there is a bicameral legislature, the Congress and the Senate. However there are major differences with the Philippine version. Whereas in America Senators represent specific states and are only elected by residents of THOSE states, in the Philippines the nation's 24 Senators serve at large, meaning that they don't represent a specific province, or even a particular island. Instead Senators represent the entire nation and as such are elected by all Filipino voters.
Moreover, there are two tiers in the Senate and staggered terms. The 12 candidates receiving the highest numbers of votes serve 6 year terms while the 12 candidates receiving the next highest amount of votes merely serve three year terms. At the same time, both tiers are limited to two terms each as opposed to most other elected terms in the Philippines which serve under a limit of three terms (confused yet? it gets better!). The Senate is staggered so that only 12 candidates are ever up for election with the result being that there is never a Senate composed entirely of "freshmen." The rationale offered is that it allows for a more streamlined legislature where there is always a way in which to move legislation forward, et cetera. Of course the truth is that it is an entirely self serving gesture that allows fat cats to grow even fatter. IF the stated rationale were true why wouldn't we see it repeated in Congress? Hey, why not make Co-Presidents so that there is always someobody sitting in the Palace ready to lie to the Filipino People. Wait! There is ALWAYS a liar ready and waiting (the Presidential Staff is anything if not bloated) but I am sure you get my point. The reality is that each and every year a Senator receives P200 Million ($4 Million) to use as a personal kitty, or in Philippine-speak, a "pork barrel." This is in addition to committee funds, etc. Three extra years equals 12 Million US Dollars and so the truth is self evident.
In the 2007 Election Zubiri's closest competitor was the scion of another Mindanowan political dynasty. Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III, whose family claims to be from Cagayan del Oro City but maintains its base of power in Surigao del Sur Province in Mindanao's Region 13. Koko Pimemtal is another aspiring "Seat Warmer" but in truth the Pimentel Clan still owns a home in Cagayan del Oro yet has, in recent memory, never spent more than a day or two there in any given year. In fact, Koko can barely manage a simple sentence in Bisaya, as "Cebuano" the lingua franca for non-Muslim Mindanao is commonly referred to.
Still, Senatorial candidates rely on votes from all over the Philippines and with his powerful surname and the Philipine public's propensity (do I get extra points for alliteration?) of voting for recognisable names he remained a power to reckon with. As the votes were tallied Pimemtel showed a significant lead in key voting regions and provinces. Leading Congressman Migs substantially, noone expected any stunning suprises but then came the tally from Mindanao's Maguindanao Province.
Suddenly, in an almost entirely Muslim province, Migs was capturing majorities in the high 90th percentiles with 95.75% of the entire province. In the municipality of Datu Abdullah Sangki Migs nailed 7,920 votes out of a total 7,939 for an highly improbable sharehold of 99.76%. In the town of Pandag it was the unheard of 100% with all of the town's 3,382 Senatorial votes going for the Ilonggo Congressman from Bukidnon Province's 3rd District. The totals from Maguindanao where Migs carried all 22 of the then 22 municipalities in the province allowed Juan Miguel "Migs" Zubiri to sail easily ahead like the tortise in Aesop's fable.
Many pundits, to put it nicely, weren't drawing analogies with ancient childrens' stories. Most recognised it for what it was, outright theft. As an insider Migs had been billed on the Arroyo Government's "Team Unity." Meanwhile, the Governor of Maguindanao Province was none other than the infamous Arroyo bagman, Andal Ampatuan Sr. The Ampatuan Clan that year directly controlled 18 of the province's 22 towns with the remaining 4 in the pocket via control exerted by the Ampatuan Clan over Maguindanao's Provincial Elections Officer, Lintang Bedol. As COMELEC, the national electoral authority's man in Maguindanao Bedol was the lynchpin in any real scheme to throw an election in that province.
As Migs was declared the winner and moved from the Lower House to the Upper House, Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III, and much more importantly his father and clan patriarch Aquilino "Nene" Pimentel II screamed bloody murder. Immediately filing a petition of complaint with SET, or the Senatorial Electoral Tribunal, he charged outright fraud and demanded a proper accounting for the provincial tallies in Maguindanao. Naturally Senator Migs responded in kind and even challenged the tallies from the National Capital Region, as Metro Manila is officialy referred to. This being the Philippines of course, neither petition went anywhere and Migs dug in his heels for the long haul, assured that at the very least he would serve out his full term and retain his seat until at least 2013.
Fast foward to November of 2009 and the seminal event in Modern Philippine History, so far as politics is concerned, and the "Maguindanao Massacre." Assuming that anyone reading such an in depth blog about the Philippine geopolitical landscape would already be very well versed in the tragic incident we can spin the wheel again and simply fast forward to late-June of 2011. The former Governor of the ARMM, or the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao, Zaldy Uy Ampatuan, was incarcerated in Camp Bagong-Diwa with many of his fellow clan members including his aforementioned father, Andal Ampatuan Sr. Finally breaking after 20 months in a maximum security prison cell Zaldy fought with his father and siblings and stunned the outside world by expressing his desire to turn States Witness against his own family.
When Zaldy was loudly rejected by Secretary Leila de Lima of the DOJ, or Department of Justice, and President Aquino considered the offer, Zaldy got impatient and went for broke. Alone in his new isolation cell he penned a two page missive in which he offered a scant outline of the 2007 Election Fraud in Maguindanao Province. Much more importantly, Zaldy directly linked former President Gloria M.Arroyo to the fraud, on behalf of her "Team Unity," via her husband Miguel "Mike" Arroyo Sr. Zaldy then had one of his wives, Bai Johaira, shop mimeographed copies of the outline to Manila area media outlets. Within hours of dispatching his still loyal wife the first of more than a dozen media outlets had arranged for a one on one interview with Zaldy.
Zaldy signed provisos with each media firm requiring them to sit on the interview for two weeks, until mid-July, and even then only allowing them to air the interview IF Zaldy assented. The goal was to hold the pending interviews over the Aquino Administration's head as Zaldy's attorneys scrambled to work out an advantageous deal with President Aquino in the hope that he might have wanted to shield allies who ALSO profited from the fraud in Maguindanao Province. The President refused to even consider such a politically dangerous offer and so one after another the Zaldy interviews began appearing on both TV and the radio in addition to reams of newspaper coverage. The allegations, or revelations depending upon one's perspective, created the predictable firestorm of controversy. To bolster his laundry list of scathing allegations Zaldy promised that he would be able to produce Lintang Bedol, the Maguindanao Provincial Elections Officer who had gone to heel after the 2007 Election appeared to be sliding into subpoena territory. He vowed that Bedol would corroborate all he had alleged with the added caveat of bringing physical evidence to the table, though Zaldy avoided getting too particular in THAT area.
Whereas Zaldy's offer to testify against his own family failed to garner him the shoulder rubbing back slapping validation the ex-Governor so badly needed, the two page hand written mimeographs managed to do the trick. Now Secretary de Lima was a whole lot less commital when asked about the possibility of flipping Zaldy for the Prosecution though she has never stopped qualifying it with, "but not in the Massacrre Case." With tongues moistened Zaldy's new found fans begged and cajoled him to fufil his promise of bringing Mr.Bedol out into the light of day. By the time Bedol surfaced at the end of July Senator Migs was no longer vowing to fight the "allegations" to his "last dying breath." Indeed, on July 31st Migs phoned Senate President, Senator Juan Ponce Enrile and informally tendered his resignation knowing exactly when to fold and collect whatever chips remained. Both men agreed to have Zubiri formally resign on August 3rd and to do so via a speech in Session.
It took less than a week for Zubiri's resignation speech promise of fighting "allegations" of Electoral Fraud via SET to fall by the wayside. With less than 24 months remaining on the Senate term, Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III would have to move fast to take his rightful place in the Senate. However, as long as Zubiri insisted on seeing his counter petition through, Aquilino's day would have to wait. Senate Bylaws stipulate that no prospective Senator may assume his seat until all outstanding charges against him are ajudicated. In Zubiri's own case the charges came AFTER his ascendancy to the Senate and so his position AS Senator remained unaffected by Pimentel's SET petition. Pimentel of course faced entirely different circumstances as an aspirant with an open petition against him. Zubiri sold his recall of his petition dearly, gaining Aquilino's word not to vigorously pursue any prospective administrative AND/OR criminal complaints against him.
While Mindanao, not least of all the Zubiri stronghold of Bukidnon Province were absolutely stunned by the rapid turn of events the people of Negros Occidental Province on the Central Philippine isle of Negros took it even more to heart. It was here on Negros, in the municipality of Kabankalan City that family patriarch Jose Maria "Joe" Zubiri II was born and raised. Scion of a landed family that had fallen on difficult times in the post-WWII Era, Joe Zubiri went to work managing the large sugar plantations dotting Negros. In the late-1960s a chance meeting led to a move to Mindanao and its northcentral province of Bukidnon. There Joe raised a family as he managed a vast sugar plantation for Marcos crony Roberto Benedicto. Despite the hold of the local political dynasty, the Fortich Clan, Joe threw his hat into the ring for the Congressional Election of 1984 and against all odds the political neophyte emerged successful and in a postion of power his own clan would retain until the present, 2011. Negros Occidental has remained the Zubiri Clan's second home and in the Senate Migs has showed the sugar industry with gads and gads of wonderful political largesse, that Filipino specialty, "Dirty Pork." Most importantly to the family Migs' resignation has done more to build the clan's cachet than any other single act in family history. As the saying goes, "all clouds have silver linings.zl
Meanwhile Koko Pimentel has taken the seat that many feel should have been rightfuly his all the while. More to the point he is now Chairing the Senate Committee on Electoral Reform and in conjunction with the Senate's feared Blue Ribbon Panel will naturally investigate electoral malfeasance though one does suspect 2007 will be handled with kid gloves. This not only because Koko gave his word to Migs but because despite the attention paid to Migs and Maguindanao Province, Electoral Fraud benefitted a whole range of Team Unity candidates, virtually all of whom remain in positions of power and influence today.
Thursday, August 18, 2011
Political Developments for the Third Quarter of 2011, Part I: Governor Mangudadatu Survives Assasination Attempt
August 15th, 2011 marked Governor Esmael "Toto" Mangudadatu's 43rd birthday. Because it took place during the Muslim holiday of Ramadan, where adherants fast during daylight hours the Governor held a low key gift giving celebration that afternoon at his residential compound in the Mangudadatu Clan stronghold of Bualan, in Maguindanao Province, the municipality that now serves as the provincial capital. The main celebration though was set to be held after sundown at the Governor's Genalin Forest Garden Resort just across the provincial border, in Sultan Kudarat Province's Tacurong City, seat of clan patriarch, ex-Congressman Pax S.Mangudadatu.
The Governor was in great spirits having just that morning received word from his attorneys that the Department of Justice, or DOJ had just trashed the most pressing of three murder charges against him. The case in question revolves around the February 11th, 2010 shooting death of 41 year old Tomano Kagi Kamendan, a resident of Shariff Aguak, the former capital of Maguindanao Province. Kamendan, an Ampatuan Clansman had spent the afternoon at Gaisano South Citiland Mall [sic] on Ilustre Street in Davao City shopping with his wife Natividad de Arce Kamendan. The couple had made their way up to the mall's fourth floor in search of a dress for their 5 year old daughter. Mrs. Kamendan was four months pregnant and the day was wearing on fast her so that they agreed that they would leave after buying the dress.
Finally picking out a sundress the tired couple walked to counter #80 and prepared to pay for their purchase. Examining the dress Mrs. Kamendan only looked up when her usually talkative husband stopped abruptly in mid-sentence. Directly in front of them stood Esmael Mangudadatu, waiting to purchase clothes for his two daughters who together with him stood enveloped by four bodyguards, two of whom were uniformed policemen carrying sidearms. Tomano Kamendan had good reason to be nervous. Afterall, his uncle Andal Ampatuan Sr. And several other clan members were currently in jail for having killed Mangudadatu's wife Genalin along with his sister and other assorted family members less than 90 days earlier. As Mrs. Kamendan first noticed Mangudadatu he turned around slowly and locked eyes with her husband.
Mangudadatu, not missing a beat, asked Kamendan how his uncle Andal Sr. was adjusting to life on Luzon, an obvious dig at the clan patriatch's having been incarcerated over the killings. Kamendan nervously offered that he hadn't spoken to his uncle since December. Mrs. Kamendan tried to help her husband out of an extremely uncomfortable situation by interjecting light heartedly that they were exhausted having been shopping all afternoon. Being a convert to Islam Mrs. Kamendan had spoken in Tagalog, and not Maguindanowan, the tribal language of both her husband and Esmael Mangudadatu. Mangudadatu ignored her attempt at polite diversion and turned his back on the couple. None the wiser his bodyguards pretty much ignored the entire exchange.
Having finished his purchase Mangudadatu began moving away from the counter as the Kamendans gingerly approached. All of a sudden though, Mangudadatu stopped. The cashier, caught unawares, asked Mangudadatu if the Kamendans were with him. To that Mangudadatu repeated her question rhetorically before launching into a tirade about how degenerate and perverted each and every member of the Ampatuan Clan really was. Mrs. Kamendan grabbed her husband's elbow and steered him away from the counter, afraid he might respond and add fuel to the growing fire. She began walking with her husband, away from the embarrasing confrontation but suddenly her husband bolted and began running. It was then that she heard Mangudadatu order his bodyguards to, "Ten bak nu den!" Perhaps thinking that noone would understand Maguindanowan, after all Mrs. Kamendan had spoken in Tagalog, he had just ordered his men to shoot her husband. Now fearing for her own life and the life of her unborn child Mrs. Kamendan rushed towards the nearest door and begged a salesgirl to help her. The quick thinking store employee sheparded the distressed woman into a stockroom where Mrs. Kamendan hid in blind fear.
As Mangudadatu gave the order the two uniformed policemen turned and ran full speed after Tamano Kamendan before one officer, PO1 (Police Officer First Grade) Surab Lintukan Bantas cornered the fleeing man in the kitchenware section. As the police officer drew his 45 caliber pistol Kamendan grabbed the officer's wrist. As the two men wrestled for the pistol they shattered a glass display case spraying glass shards everywhere. As the second officer, PO1 Ibrahim Langalen came upon the melee Kamendan managed to extricate himself and once again tried to flee for his life. Both officers drew down. Musa's 9MM pistol fired three rounds, all failing to connect and all miraculously failing to harm any of the store's hundreds of customers. However Officer Bantas managed to connect with every one of his five rounds, four of which landed in Tamano Kamendan's back.
Naturally the case was reported with hundreds of eyewitnesses having seen it transpire, not to mention the store's CCTV (closed circuit television) having recorded it for posterity so that there was no way to avoid calling it in. The Davao City CPO, or City Police Office registered a report at 730PM. Not long after that then Mayor Duterte himself arrived on the scene. Even in non-election seasons malls are offlimits for weaponry. Guards armed with pump shotguns stand watch s their colleagues frisk each and every patron entering the mall (all malls) while a third guard uses a wand metal detector for redundancy. The only exceptions are uniformed police officers and soldiers who must show proper ID and then sign a special form, or logbook. Moreover, in election seasons COMELEC, the national electoral authority implements nation wide gun bans in which only uniformed personnel who are on duty may carry any manner of weaponry in an attempt to mitigate election related violence. Ergo, Mangudadatu's two civilian bodyguards:
1) James Musa
2) Arnell Alangkat
were unarmed, as mandated by law. The two police officers, attached to Mangudadatu's security detail were deployed out of the ARMM PRO, or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao Police Regional Office, were legally permitted to bear arms. Still, Mayor Duterte questioned just why the two police officers had felt it necessary to retain their sidearms inside the mall.
Mangudadatu and his four bodyguards reported that while they were at counter #80 they heard Mangudadatu's youngest daughter, age 11, scream. They turned and saw Tamano Kagi Kamendan with his arm wrapped around the girl's neck apprently trying to abduct her. Though Mangudadatu never said a word, much less instruct anyone to shoot, both police officers ran after Kamendan who after realising his attempted abduction would fail did his best to escape by running full speed for the escalator. PO1 Bantas reached Kamendan first, at the kitchenwares section immediately adjacent to the escalator. Kamendan, realising that the gig was up lunged for Bantas' sidearm, a 45 caliber pistol. As they wrestled for the weapon they smashed a display case. Kamendan was able to grab a large shard of glass and attempted to wrest the pistol away from his opponent by repeatedly stabbing the officer's wrist with the shard. Only when PO1 Langalen arrived on scene did Kamendan stop struggling and once again begin running for the escalator. Both officers drew down and fired on the fleeing assailant.
As one easily sees, there is quite a bit of discrepancy between the version supplied by Mangudadatu and his security detail and that offered by the widow and store sales people. Even if we forget that the store personnel have absolutely no vested interest in the outcome of the case we have to admit that the Mangudadatu version is just preposterous. If Tomano Kamendan planned to abduct Mangudadatu's daughter, why bring his pregnant wife? Why choose the fourth floor of an incredibly busy mall, the interior of which is monitored by CCTV and whose exterior entrances are all guarded by men holding pump shotguns? IF it was a crime of passion or an opportunistic crime why pick THAT moment? While the party is directly in front of a cashier? Why do it as the 4 bodyguards are with the girl? It is just too silly to fathom but this was Mangudadatu's response after the Davao City Prosecutor charged the two police officers, and later Mangudadatu himself with murder.
By March however, the Davao City Prosecutor had appointed a three person investigative panel to examine the case a lot more closely and render a recommendation on actual prosecution. The charge against Mangudadatu was then dropped with the Prosecutor's Office remarking that Natividad de Arce Kamendan's original affadavit made no mention of Mangudadatu having ordered his guards to shoot Mr. Kamendan. It was only after she had conferred with her own counsel that she chose to revise her affadavit. Furthermore, her choice in counsel happened to be none other than Philip Pantojan, house counsel for the Ampatuan Clan in local matters. Ergo her revised affadavit was suspect.
Mrs. Kamendan then filed a Motion for Partial Reconsideration with regard to Mangudadatu having been dropped from the case but was unsuccessful in this endeavour having had it denied at the end of April. Still, the case against the police officers remained as is. It wasn't until May of 2011 that Mrs. Kamendan finally submitted a formal withdrawal of her complaint against Mangudadatu, having received a generous "donation" from Mangudadatu, by then sitting as Governor, in her dear departed husband's name. It took the DOJ until August 15th to formally drop all initiatives against Governor Mangudadatu with regard to the murder case. It is assured that both police officers will also beat the case but that in the interim will have to go through the rigamorole of a trial. Philippine Law allows for Self Defense, which is what the two officers are utilising as their defence, but doesn't allow for prosecutorial latitude in such matters. In other words, in the American System after which the Philippine System was fashioned, a prosecutor can make a judgement call if Self Defense is tenable and decline to even present the case to a Grand Jury for indictment. The Philippine System is markedly different not least of all because of its lack of Grand Jury and Indictments. Because the Philippine System also lacks Trial by Jury Self Defense must be judged entirely by the trial judge. In this case the two officers will get their days in Regional Trial Court, or RTC #16, Davao City.
Returning to August 15th, at 330PM the guests at Governor Mangudadatu's compound piled into vehichles for the short ride across the provincial border to his resort in Tacurong City. Leaving in a convoy of 7 vehicles the Governor naturally rode at the head of the line in his armoured van. Entering Tacurong City along Tacurong -Koronadal National Hiway, generaly known as Alunan Hiway, the convoy had just passed Fitmart Department Store, the scene of a bombing just 3 weeks prior when a white Kia Avellana parked in front of the Cherubim Methodist Learning Center, next to the Land Bank of the Philippines and packed with a powerful IED, or Improvised Explosive Device (as in "bomb") fashioned from multiple 105MM Howitzer shells detonated. All that remained of the Kia was its front axle and a partial front quarter, the rest had simply disintegrated.
The explosion took place 7 seconds after the Governor's lead vehicle passed the parked Kia. The third vehicle in the convoy, a black Toyota Fortuner owned by Maguindanao Provincial Board Member Datu Russman "Russ" Sinsuat Sr. took the brunt of the explosion. In fact it was Sinsuat himself who was the most seriously injured of the 5 people in that truck, all of whom sustained moderate to serious wounds. In addition, a triksiad (motorised tricycle used as a taxi) driver, Raffy Parenas of Tacurong City's Purok #9 was killed instantly. A sixth person was wounded as well while riding in the convoy's fourth vehicle. All six of the wounded were rushed to Tacurong City Doctor's Hospital. Sinsuat's son, Datu Russ Jr. had to have his right leg amputated. As the operation was being performed his father was being declared dead, having expired at 1217AM.
Just before the detonation an idling triksiad driver had witnessed a man leaving the Kia and running across the road at full speed. Just after the blast the witness informed a police officer on scene that a man had just gotten out of the Kia and run across the street. A dragnet was quickly thrown up and officers from the CPO, or City Police Office were able to quickly apprehend Datu Karim "Alibara" Masdal, a resident of Guindulungan in Maguindanao Province. After taking him into custody he was rapidly transferred to the custody of Criminal Investigation and Detection Group- Region 12, or CIDG-12. CDIG-12 then immediately implemented a news blackout until today, August 18th, on the arrest citing National Security concerns, hence my not being able to post on the event until today.
A second man, Jay R. Reyes of Cotabato City is listed on the Kia's bill of sale as having purchased the SUV from its previous owner, Maureen Ella Macasindil, of Davao City, a resident of Barangay Datu Luho in Maa District. Ms.Macasandil claims that two of her employees actually handled the transaction for her so that she never actually saw the person in question. CIDG is currently interrogating both employees while remaining cognisant that Ms. Macasindil spent a number of years living in Maguindanao Province. A warrant has been taken out on "Mr. Reyes" but the name is an alias. Searches at the LTO, or Land Transportation Office, Civil Registry, COMELEC Voter Registries, and the Social Security rolls have all failed to turn up anyone with that name or any variation on the name. Masdal, the man fingered as the man who had been sitting in the Kia meanwhile, denies any involvement and hasn't provided a shred of intelligence. Knowing the type of interrogation he would be subjected to I reckon he is merely a patsy hired to drive the Kia to Tacurong. The IED was triggered by cellphone so that the fact that Masdal ran across the hiway just before the detonation doesn't neccessarily relate to his having fore knowledge of the bombing. Co-incidentally, perhaps, an IED was recovered in Guindulungan this past Saturday, August 13th though its signature doesn't match the carbomb in Tacurong City.
For most people considering the matter the obvious culprit would be the Ampatuan Clan. Afterall, the Governor's late wife Genalin, namesake of that aforementioned resort in Tacurong City, was but one of 58 people murdered by the Ampatuans on November 23rd, 2009 when another Mangudadatu convoy was waylaid en route to the previous provincial capital, Shariff Aguak. That infamous act of violence, the so called "Maguindanao Massacre" is what caused then President Gloria M.Arroyo to declare the still extant State of Emergency (with nearly a week of actual Martial Law just after the incident). Though this latest act of violence IS related to the now two year old blood feud between the two clans it is NOT directly related to the Maguindanao Massacre.
The Massacre it should be recalled, took place because of Ampatuan paranoia in the face of Mangudadatu's insistence on fielding his candidacy in the May 2010 Gubneratorial Race in Maguindanao Province. The two clans had been firmly allied since the 18th Century when together they led a victorious raid on the Spanish Fort in the Cotabato Basin. Slaughtering all survivors the clans' alliance was literally sealed in blood. Since that time they have heavily intermarried with one another and rarely have not been in full agreement. Though rooted in the same province, Maguindanao, the Mangudadatus wisely chose to build their powerbase in the adjacent province of Sultan Kudarat and so avoided direct competition. At the beginning of 2009 Esmael, the current Governor, but then merely the Vice Mayor of Buluan convinced patriarch Pax, his paternal uncle, to back his run for Governor of Maguindanao.
With a bit of internal debate Uncle Pax gave his blessing and Esmael, accompanied by a few dozen well armed members of the clan paramilitary, known as the "Buayan sa Ranao," or Crocodiles of the Lake (their hometown Bualan sits on a lake of the same name), paid a visit to the residential compound of the Ampatuan Clan patriarch, Andal Ampatuan Sr., currently incarcerated at Camp Bagong Diwa in Taguig City, on Luzon, for the Massacre, but who at that point had just resigned as Governor of Maguindanao after the Supreme Court dissolved the province he had created out of a Maguindanowan Congressional District in 2008, the province of Shariff Kabansuan citing Constitutional issues. Though obstensibly out of office, he had son Zaldy Uy Ampatuan, then Governor of ARMM, or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao but now jailed along with his father, appoint youngest son Sajid Islam Ampatuan as OIC, or Officer in Charge Governor of Maguindanao.
Andal Sr.'s endgame was to keep the seat warm for the May of 2010 Election when he would have his other son, and namesake, Andal Jr.run for election. The verb "run" is not quite apt since the clan controlled most municipalities in the province and so dictated who ran, and therefore who won. Andal Sr. wasn't so bothered that Esmael Mangudadatu dared to run for the Governor's seat as much as he was angered, neigh infuriated that he would dare to appear at his doorstep with dozens of men carrying long arms. THIS was the impetus for the Massacre.
Though in stir the clan's hold on the province, though surely not as firm as it had been prior to the Massacre was still strong. Under Andal Sr.'s direction clan members ran for key posts. One post retained was the mayoralty of the municipality of Datu Unsay. Named for Andal Jr.'s nickname, the town was specifically created for him by his father, Andal Sr. With Jr. in jail one of his wives, Bai Reshal Santiago Ampatuan ran in his stead. Not suprisingly she emerged victoriously. Almost from the start she dealt with a very small but vocal dissident faction backed by the Mangudadatus. With the shakeup in the local powerbase all PNP, or Philippine National Police serving in Maguindanao Province were transferred far and wide. Though most of the rank and file ultimately returned to their original positions the command structure was permanently disassembled. With new commanders Governor Mangudadatu was able to groom his own loyal following. One such commander who planted himself firmly in the Governor's camp was Director Senior Superintendent of the Maguindanao PPO, or Police Provincial Office, Marcelo Pintac.
On Janurary 10th, 2010 Director Pintac jotted off an official memorandum to the ARMM PRO, or Police Regional of the ARMM, is under the ARMM PRO AOR, or Area of Responsibility (as in "jurisdiction"). In this memorandum the Director accused Mayor Reshall Ampatuan of dereliction of duty for rank absenteeism. According to the Director the Mayor had not shown up for a single day's work since July 15th, 2010. The memorandum is extremely note worthy because such matterss are no concern at all of any police official though technically, any civil servant can formally complain about any other civil servant. Still, it was so unusual that the Director of ARMM PRO simply filed it away and did nothing more.
Curiously, two members of Datu Unsay's dissident faction:
1) Pata Usman, age 52
2) Abdulhamid Lumena, age 32
chose Janurary 13th as the day to make a stand, knowing that in doing so they would provoke a serious confrontation with either the Mayor or her supporters. The two men hung banners on the outside walls of the municipal compound on which they appealed to not only Governor Mangudadatu but President Aquino himself to intervene in the face of what they maintained was rank corruption in the October of 2010 Barangay and SK (Sangguniang Kabataan, or Youth Council) Elections. Mayor Ampatuan, who contrary to PPO Director Marcelo Pintac's claim WAS working quickly had municipal workers tear down the banners.
Having choreographed their actions with Mangudadatu's camp the two protestors immediately entered the compound and once inside the MPO, or Municipal Police Office reported the incident so that it would be officialy recorded. Having been notified before the protestors had even raised their banners PPO Director Pintac had already deployed two of his senior men:
1) Senior Inspector Greg Soliba, Commanding Officer of the PPO's PSCs, or Public Safety Companies (formerly known as PMGs, or Police Mobile Groups)
2) Senior Inspector Lino Capellan
who rendevouzed with a small detachment from the 45IB (Infantry Battalion), to use as armed backup. Speeding from Shariff Aguak, the former provincial capital which still houses most provincial government offices. Arriving at the municipal compound the two Inspectors and they military backup conferred with the two protestors. According to Senior Inspector Soliba they were then surrounded by eight well armed men and their commander, members of the Mayor's security detail.
According to Soliba he defused the tense situation by convincing the commander, Mayoral Aide Tungko Zakala, to accompany him inside the MPO so as to verify the eight armed guards' permits to carry weapons. Once inside the MPO Soliba claims that he was able to verify that in fact, the eight guards were all employed by SWAT (Saviour Weapons and Tactics) Security Agency in Cotabato City. Moreover Soliba says, he ascertained that the company's Temporary Liscence to Operate had expired exactly one week previously on Janurary 6th, 2011. At that point Soliba says, he had the soldiers from the 45IB confiscate two M653s (mini-M16s) and six MP5s. The eight guards, all local Maguindanowan Tribesmen under the employ of SWAT were then released to the town's Information Officer, Paisal Sulaik.
At the same time, the Ampatuans aren't the only group on the Governor's dancecard, the Mangudadatu paramilitary has entered into a conflict with the MILF and its military arm, the BIAF, otr the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces in the clan stronghold of Buluan. I covered this flare up in my entry, "MILF Armed Contacts for the Second Quarter of 2011
Mayor Reshal Santiago Ampatuan did not just roll over. On Janurary 20th she went to the media and complained of dirty politicking on the part of PPO Director Marcelo Pintac. When her guards were forcibly disarmed, at gunpoint she added, she formally submitted a request to Director Pintac to provide her with two uniformed and armed police officers. Pintac ignored her request. Mayor Ampatuan correctly noted that by law she is entitled to the two officers and that Pintac's actions, and conversely his lack of action thereafter prove that the Director is operating with a political agenda. Pintac's response? "Para sa akin pantay ako sa lahat. Sanay kasi yan sila na lahat ng gusto nila masusunod. Nung sila ba ang namahala sa Maguindanao naisip ba nila ang mga ginigawa sa tao di na maganda? Idiomatically translated, Director Pintac denied any unfair treatment saying that he treats all people fairly BUT then immediately followed with, "They (the Ampatuan Clan) are so used to getting what they want but when they were in power here in Maguindanao, what did they ever do for anyone?" Nah, no bias there, right?
Then Pintac promptly filed a formal complaint with Magiuindanao Provincial Board in which he charged the Mayor with Illegal Possesion of Weapons, Illegal Possesion of Ammunition, and Absenteeism. The Provincial Board, or Sangguniang Panlalawigan tossed the complaint in the trash and derided Pintac for wasting their time with it. Co-incidentally this move was the first open indication that the Mangudadatu alliance with Vice Governor Ibrahim "Dustin" Veloso Mastura had fractured, with Vice Governor Mastura steering the Board on that issue. At the birthday party on August 15th Mastura was not in attendance signalling that the rift is major.
I will continue with the conclusion of this entry in a subsequent post utilising the same title, with the addition, "Part 2."
The Governor was in great spirits having just that morning received word from his attorneys that the Department of Justice, or DOJ had just trashed the most pressing of three murder charges against him. The case in question revolves around the February 11th, 2010 shooting death of 41 year old Tomano Kagi Kamendan, a resident of Shariff Aguak, the former capital of Maguindanao Province. Kamendan, an Ampatuan Clansman had spent the afternoon at Gaisano South Citiland Mall [sic] on Ilustre Street in Davao City shopping with his wife Natividad de Arce Kamendan. The couple had made their way up to the mall's fourth floor in search of a dress for their 5 year old daughter. Mrs. Kamendan was four months pregnant and the day was wearing on fast her so that they agreed that they would leave after buying the dress.
Finally picking out a sundress the tired couple walked to counter #80 and prepared to pay for their purchase. Examining the dress Mrs. Kamendan only looked up when her usually talkative husband stopped abruptly in mid-sentence. Directly in front of them stood Esmael Mangudadatu, waiting to purchase clothes for his two daughters who together with him stood enveloped by four bodyguards, two of whom were uniformed policemen carrying sidearms. Tomano Kamendan had good reason to be nervous. Afterall, his uncle Andal Ampatuan Sr. And several other clan members were currently in jail for having killed Mangudadatu's wife Genalin along with his sister and other assorted family members less than 90 days earlier. As Mrs. Kamendan first noticed Mangudadatu he turned around slowly and locked eyes with her husband.
Mangudadatu, not missing a beat, asked Kamendan how his uncle Andal Sr. was adjusting to life on Luzon, an obvious dig at the clan patriatch's having been incarcerated over the killings. Kamendan nervously offered that he hadn't spoken to his uncle since December. Mrs. Kamendan tried to help her husband out of an extremely uncomfortable situation by interjecting light heartedly that they were exhausted having been shopping all afternoon. Being a convert to Islam Mrs. Kamendan had spoken in Tagalog, and not Maguindanowan, the tribal language of both her husband and Esmael Mangudadatu. Mangudadatu ignored her attempt at polite diversion and turned his back on the couple. None the wiser his bodyguards pretty much ignored the entire exchange.
Having finished his purchase Mangudadatu began moving away from the counter as the Kamendans gingerly approached. All of a sudden though, Mangudadatu stopped. The cashier, caught unawares, asked Mangudadatu if the Kamendans were with him. To that Mangudadatu repeated her question rhetorically before launching into a tirade about how degenerate and perverted each and every member of the Ampatuan Clan really was. Mrs. Kamendan grabbed her husband's elbow and steered him away from the counter, afraid he might respond and add fuel to the growing fire. She began walking with her husband, away from the embarrasing confrontation but suddenly her husband bolted and began running. It was then that she heard Mangudadatu order his bodyguards to, "Ten bak nu den!" Perhaps thinking that noone would understand Maguindanowan, after all Mrs. Kamendan had spoken in Tagalog, he had just ordered his men to shoot her husband. Now fearing for her own life and the life of her unborn child Mrs. Kamendan rushed towards the nearest door and begged a salesgirl to help her. The quick thinking store employee sheparded the distressed woman into a stockroom where Mrs. Kamendan hid in blind fear.
As Mangudadatu gave the order the two uniformed policemen turned and ran full speed after Tamano Kamendan before one officer, PO1 (Police Officer First Grade) Surab Lintukan Bantas cornered the fleeing man in the kitchenware section. As the police officer drew his 45 caliber pistol Kamendan grabbed the officer's wrist. As the two men wrestled for the pistol they shattered a glass display case spraying glass shards everywhere. As the second officer, PO1 Ibrahim Langalen came upon the melee Kamendan managed to extricate himself and once again tried to flee for his life. Both officers drew down. Musa's 9MM pistol fired three rounds, all failing to connect and all miraculously failing to harm any of the store's hundreds of customers. However Officer Bantas managed to connect with every one of his five rounds, four of which landed in Tamano Kamendan's back.
Naturally the case was reported with hundreds of eyewitnesses having seen it transpire, not to mention the store's CCTV (closed circuit television) having recorded it for posterity so that there was no way to avoid calling it in. The Davao City CPO, or City Police Office registered a report at 730PM. Not long after that then Mayor Duterte himself arrived on the scene. Even in non-election seasons malls are offlimits for weaponry. Guards armed with pump shotguns stand watch s their colleagues frisk each and every patron entering the mall (all malls) while a third guard uses a wand metal detector for redundancy. The only exceptions are uniformed police officers and soldiers who must show proper ID and then sign a special form, or logbook. Moreover, in election seasons COMELEC, the national electoral authority implements nation wide gun bans in which only uniformed personnel who are on duty may carry any manner of weaponry in an attempt to mitigate election related violence. Ergo, Mangudadatu's two civilian bodyguards:
1) James Musa
2) Arnell Alangkat
were unarmed, as mandated by law. The two police officers, attached to Mangudadatu's security detail were deployed out of the ARMM PRO, or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao Police Regional Office, were legally permitted to bear arms. Still, Mayor Duterte questioned just why the two police officers had felt it necessary to retain their sidearms inside the mall.
Mangudadatu and his four bodyguards reported that while they were at counter #80 they heard Mangudadatu's youngest daughter, age 11, scream. They turned and saw Tamano Kagi Kamendan with his arm wrapped around the girl's neck apprently trying to abduct her. Though Mangudadatu never said a word, much less instruct anyone to shoot, both police officers ran after Kamendan who after realising his attempted abduction would fail did his best to escape by running full speed for the escalator. PO1 Bantas reached Kamendan first, at the kitchenwares section immediately adjacent to the escalator. Kamendan, realising that the gig was up lunged for Bantas' sidearm, a 45 caliber pistol. As they wrestled for the weapon they smashed a display case. Kamendan was able to grab a large shard of glass and attempted to wrest the pistol away from his opponent by repeatedly stabbing the officer's wrist with the shard. Only when PO1 Langalen arrived on scene did Kamendan stop struggling and once again begin running for the escalator. Both officers drew down and fired on the fleeing assailant.
As one easily sees, there is quite a bit of discrepancy between the version supplied by Mangudadatu and his security detail and that offered by the widow and store sales people. Even if we forget that the store personnel have absolutely no vested interest in the outcome of the case we have to admit that the Mangudadatu version is just preposterous. If Tomano Kamendan planned to abduct Mangudadatu's daughter, why bring his pregnant wife? Why choose the fourth floor of an incredibly busy mall, the interior of which is monitored by CCTV and whose exterior entrances are all guarded by men holding pump shotguns? IF it was a crime of passion or an opportunistic crime why pick THAT moment? While the party is directly in front of a cashier? Why do it as the 4 bodyguards are with the girl? It is just too silly to fathom but this was Mangudadatu's response after the Davao City Prosecutor charged the two police officers, and later Mangudadatu himself with murder.
By March however, the Davao City Prosecutor had appointed a three person investigative panel to examine the case a lot more closely and render a recommendation on actual prosecution. The charge against Mangudadatu was then dropped with the Prosecutor's Office remarking that Natividad de Arce Kamendan's original affadavit made no mention of Mangudadatu having ordered his guards to shoot Mr. Kamendan. It was only after she had conferred with her own counsel that she chose to revise her affadavit. Furthermore, her choice in counsel happened to be none other than Philip Pantojan, house counsel for the Ampatuan Clan in local matters. Ergo her revised affadavit was suspect.
Mrs. Kamendan then filed a Motion for Partial Reconsideration with regard to Mangudadatu having been dropped from the case but was unsuccessful in this endeavour having had it denied at the end of April. Still, the case against the police officers remained as is. It wasn't until May of 2011 that Mrs. Kamendan finally submitted a formal withdrawal of her complaint against Mangudadatu, having received a generous "donation" from Mangudadatu, by then sitting as Governor, in her dear departed husband's name. It took the DOJ until August 15th to formally drop all initiatives against Governor Mangudadatu with regard to the murder case. It is assured that both police officers will also beat the case but that in the interim will have to go through the rigamorole of a trial. Philippine Law allows for Self Defense, which is what the two officers are utilising as their defence, but doesn't allow for prosecutorial latitude in such matters. In other words, in the American System after which the Philippine System was fashioned, a prosecutor can make a judgement call if Self Defense is tenable and decline to even present the case to a Grand Jury for indictment. The Philippine System is markedly different not least of all because of its lack of Grand Jury and Indictments. Because the Philippine System also lacks Trial by Jury Self Defense must be judged entirely by the trial judge. In this case the two officers will get their days in Regional Trial Court, or RTC #16, Davao City.
Returning to August 15th, at 330PM the guests at Governor Mangudadatu's compound piled into vehichles for the short ride across the provincial border to his resort in Tacurong City. Leaving in a convoy of 7 vehicles the Governor naturally rode at the head of the line in his armoured van. Entering Tacurong City along Tacurong -Koronadal National Hiway, generaly known as Alunan Hiway, the convoy had just passed Fitmart Department Store, the scene of a bombing just 3 weeks prior when a white Kia Avellana parked in front of the Cherubim Methodist Learning Center, next to the Land Bank of the Philippines and packed with a powerful IED, or Improvised Explosive Device (as in "bomb") fashioned from multiple 105MM Howitzer shells detonated. All that remained of the Kia was its front axle and a partial front quarter, the rest had simply disintegrated.
The explosion took place 7 seconds after the Governor's lead vehicle passed the parked Kia. The third vehicle in the convoy, a black Toyota Fortuner owned by Maguindanao Provincial Board Member Datu Russman "Russ" Sinsuat Sr. took the brunt of the explosion. In fact it was Sinsuat himself who was the most seriously injured of the 5 people in that truck, all of whom sustained moderate to serious wounds. In addition, a triksiad (motorised tricycle used as a taxi) driver, Raffy Parenas of Tacurong City's Purok #9 was killed instantly. A sixth person was wounded as well while riding in the convoy's fourth vehicle. All six of the wounded were rushed to Tacurong City Doctor's Hospital. Sinsuat's son, Datu Russ Jr. had to have his right leg amputated. As the operation was being performed his father was being declared dead, having expired at 1217AM.
Just before the detonation an idling triksiad driver had witnessed a man leaving the Kia and running across the road at full speed. Just after the blast the witness informed a police officer on scene that a man had just gotten out of the Kia and run across the street. A dragnet was quickly thrown up and officers from the CPO, or City Police Office were able to quickly apprehend Datu Karim "Alibara" Masdal, a resident of Guindulungan in Maguindanao Province. After taking him into custody he was rapidly transferred to the custody of Criminal Investigation and Detection Group- Region 12, or CIDG-12. CDIG-12 then immediately implemented a news blackout until today, August 18th, on the arrest citing National Security concerns, hence my not being able to post on the event until today.
A second man, Jay R. Reyes of Cotabato City is listed on the Kia's bill of sale as having purchased the SUV from its previous owner, Maureen Ella Macasindil, of Davao City, a resident of Barangay Datu Luho in Maa District. Ms.Macasandil claims that two of her employees actually handled the transaction for her so that she never actually saw the person in question. CIDG is currently interrogating both employees while remaining cognisant that Ms. Macasindil spent a number of years living in Maguindanao Province. A warrant has been taken out on "Mr. Reyes" but the name is an alias. Searches at the LTO, or Land Transportation Office, Civil Registry, COMELEC Voter Registries, and the Social Security rolls have all failed to turn up anyone with that name or any variation on the name. Masdal, the man fingered as the man who had been sitting in the Kia meanwhile, denies any involvement and hasn't provided a shred of intelligence. Knowing the type of interrogation he would be subjected to I reckon he is merely a patsy hired to drive the Kia to Tacurong. The IED was triggered by cellphone so that the fact that Masdal ran across the hiway just before the detonation doesn't neccessarily relate to his having fore knowledge of the bombing. Co-incidentally, perhaps, an IED was recovered in Guindulungan this past Saturday, August 13th though its signature doesn't match the carbomb in Tacurong City.
For most people considering the matter the obvious culprit would be the Ampatuan Clan. Afterall, the Governor's late wife Genalin, namesake of that aforementioned resort in Tacurong City, was but one of 58 people murdered by the Ampatuans on November 23rd, 2009 when another Mangudadatu convoy was waylaid en route to the previous provincial capital, Shariff Aguak. That infamous act of violence, the so called "Maguindanao Massacre" is what caused then President Gloria M.Arroyo to declare the still extant State of Emergency (with nearly a week of actual Martial Law just after the incident). Though this latest act of violence IS related to the now two year old blood feud between the two clans it is NOT directly related to the Maguindanao Massacre.
The Massacre it should be recalled, took place because of Ampatuan paranoia in the face of Mangudadatu's insistence on fielding his candidacy in the May 2010 Gubneratorial Race in Maguindanao Province. The two clans had been firmly allied since the 18th Century when together they led a victorious raid on the Spanish Fort in the Cotabato Basin. Slaughtering all survivors the clans' alliance was literally sealed in blood. Since that time they have heavily intermarried with one another and rarely have not been in full agreement. Though rooted in the same province, Maguindanao, the Mangudadatus wisely chose to build their powerbase in the adjacent province of Sultan Kudarat and so avoided direct competition. At the beginning of 2009 Esmael, the current Governor, but then merely the Vice Mayor of Buluan convinced patriarch Pax, his paternal uncle, to back his run for Governor of Maguindanao.
With a bit of internal debate Uncle Pax gave his blessing and Esmael, accompanied by a few dozen well armed members of the clan paramilitary, known as the "Buayan sa Ranao," or Crocodiles of the Lake (their hometown Bualan sits on a lake of the same name), paid a visit to the residential compound of the Ampatuan Clan patriarch, Andal Ampatuan Sr., currently incarcerated at Camp Bagong Diwa in Taguig City, on Luzon, for the Massacre, but who at that point had just resigned as Governor of Maguindanao after the Supreme Court dissolved the province he had created out of a Maguindanowan Congressional District in 2008, the province of Shariff Kabansuan citing Constitutional issues. Though obstensibly out of office, he had son Zaldy Uy Ampatuan, then Governor of ARMM, or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao but now jailed along with his father, appoint youngest son Sajid Islam Ampatuan as OIC, or Officer in Charge Governor of Maguindanao.
Andal Sr.'s endgame was to keep the seat warm for the May of 2010 Election when he would have his other son, and namesake, Andal Jr.run for election. The verb "run" is not quite apt since the clan controlled most municipalities in the province and so dictated who ran, and therefore who won. Andal Sr. wasn't so bothered that Esmael Mangudadatu dared to run for the Governor's seat as much as he was angered, neigh infuriated that he would dare to appear at his doorstep with dozens of men carrying long arms. THIS was the impetus for the Massacre.
Though in stir the clan's hold on the province, though surely not as firm as it had been prior to the Massacre was still strong. Under Andal Sr.'s direction clan members ran for key posts. One post retained was the mayoralty of the municipality of Datu Unsay. Named for Andal Jr.'s nickname, the town was specifically created for him by his father, Andal Sr. With Jr. in jail one of his wives, Bai Reshal Santiago Ampatuan ran in his stead. Not suprisingly she emerged victoriously. Almost from the start she dealt with a very small but vocal dissident faction backed by the Mangudadatus. With the shakeup in the local powerbase all PNP, or Philippine National Police serving in Maguindanao Province were transferred far and wide. Though most of the rank and file ultimately returned to their original positions the command structure was permanently disassembled. With new commanders Governor Mangudadatu was able to groom his own loyal following. One such commander who planted himself firmly in the Governor's camp was Director Senior Superintendent of the Maguindanao PPO, or Police Provincial Office, Marcelo Pintac.
On Janurary 10th, 2010 Director Pintac jotted off an official memorandum to the ARMM PRO, or Police Regional of the ARMM, is under the ARMM PRO AOR, or Area of Responsibility (as in "jurisdiction"). In this memorandum the Director accused Mayor Reshall Ampatuan of dereliction of duty for rank absenteeism. According to the Director the Mayor had not shown up for a single day's work since July 15th, 2010. The memorandum is extremely note worthy because such matterss are no concern at all of any police official though technically, any civil servant can formally complain about any other civil servant. Still, it was so unusual that the Director of ARMM PRO simply filed it away and did nothing more.
Curiously, two members of Datu Unsay's dissident faction:
1) Pata Usman, age 52
2) Abdulhamid Lumena, age 32
chose Janurary 13th as the day to make a stand, knowing that in doing so they would provoke a serious confrontation with either the Mayor or her supporters. The two men hung banners on the outside walls of the municipal compound on which they appealed to not only Governor Mangudadatu but President Aquino himself to intervene in the face of what they maintained was rank corruption in the October of 2010 Barangay and SK (Sangguniang Kabataan, or Youth Council) Elections. Mayor Ampatuan, who contrary to PPO Director Marcelo Pintac's claim WAS working quickly had municipal workers tear down the banners.
Having choreographed their actions with Mangudadatu's camp the two protestors immediately entered the compound and once inside the MPO, or Municipal Police Office reported the incident so that it would be officialy recorded. Having been notified before the protestors had even raised their banners PPO Director Pintac had already deployed two of his senior men:
1) Senior Inspector Greg Soliba, Commanding Officer of the PPO's PSCs, or Public Safety Companies (formerly known as PMGs, or Police Mobile Groups)
2) Senior Inspector Lino Capellan
who rendevouzed with a small detachment from the 45IB (Infantry Battalion), to use as armed backup. Speeding from Shariff Aguak, the former provincial capital which still houses most provincial government offices. Arriving at the municipal compound the two Inspectors and they military backup conferred with the two protestors. According to Senior Inspector Soliba they were then surrounded by eight well armed men and their commander, members of the Mayor's security detail.
According to Soliba he defused the tense situation by convincing the commander, Mayoral Aide Tungko Zakala, to accompany him inside the MPO so as to verify the eight armed guards' permits to carry weapons. Once inside the MPO Soliba claims that he was able to verify that in fact, the eight guards were all employed by SWAT (Saviour Weapons and Tactics) Security Agency in Cotabato City. Moreover Soliba says, he ascertained that the company's Temporary Liscence to Operate had expired exactly one week previously on Janurary 6th, 2011. At that point Soliba says, he had the soldiers from the 45IB confiscate two M653s (mini-M16s) and six MP5s. The eight guards, all local Maguindanowan Tribesmen under the employ of SWAT were then released to the town's Information Officer, Paisal Sulaik.
At the same time, the Ampatuans aren't the only group on the Governor's dancecard, the Mangudadatu paramilitary has entered into a conflict with the MILF and its military arm, the BIAF, otr the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces in the clan stronghold of Buluan. I covered this flare up in my entry, "MILF Armed Contacts for the Second Quarter of 2011
Mayor Reshal Santiago Ampatuan did not just roll over. On Janurary 20th she went to the media and complained of dirty politicking on the part of PPO Director Marcelo Pintac. When her guards were forcibly disarmed, at gunpoint she added, she formally submitted a request to Director Pintac to provide her with two uniformed and armed police officers. Pintac ignored her request. Mayor Ampatuan correctly noted that by law she is entitled to the two officers and that Pintac's actions, and conversely his lack of action thereafter prove that the Director is operating with a political agenda. Pintac's response? "Para sa akin pantay ako sa lahat. Sanay kasi yan sila na lahat ng gusto nila masusunod. Nung sila ba ang namahala sa Maguindanao naisip ba nila ang mga ginigawa sa tao di na maganda? Idiomatically translated, Director Pintac denied any unfair treatment saying that he treats all people fairly BUT then immediately followed with, "They (the Ampatuan Clan) are so used to getting what they want but when they were in power here in Maguindanao, what did they ever do for anyone?" Nah, no bias there, right?
Then Pintac promptly filed a formal complaint with Magiuindanao Provincial Board in which he charged the Mayor with Illegal Possesion of Weapons, Illegal Possesion of Ammunition, and Absenteeism. The Provincial Board, or Sangguniang Panlalawigan tossed the complaint in the trash and derided Pintac for wasting their time with it. Co-incidentally this move was the first open indication that the Mangudadatu alliance with Vice Governor Ibrahim "Dustin" Veloso Mastura had fractured, with Vice Governor Mastura steering the Board on that issue. At the birthday party on August 15th Mastura was not in attendance signalling that the rift is major.
I will continue with the conclusion of this entry in a subsequent post utilising the same title, with the addition, "Part 2."
Thursday, July 14, 2011
Ampatuan Files, Part I: List of Massacre Victims
Operating under the assumption that most anyone reading this entry will have at least a cursory understanding of the Maguindanao Massacre, as it is popularly known, I will simply segue directly into a list of that tragedy's 58 victims, categorised as to whether or not a victim was a member of the Mangudadatu Clan, the intended target of this gross violence, an attorney, a media representative, or simply a hapless motorist. That was victimised simply for being in the wrong place at the wrong time. The word "Bai" is an honorific given to Maguindanowan women of status, the female equivalent of "Datu." All Clan and kin are from the Clan stronghold, Buluan, in Maguindanao Province, abutting Sultan Kudarat Province.
Mangudadatu Clan and Kin
1) Bai Genalin Tiamzon Mangudadatu, 36 year old wife of the intended victim, Esmael "Toto" Mangudadatu, currently Governor of Maguindanao Province
2) Bai Eden Gaguil Mangudadatu, 45 years old, sister of "Toto" and a politician in her own right, serving as Mayor of the municipality of Mangudadatu, in Maguindanao Province at the time of her death
3) Bai Farinah Mangudadatu Hassan, age 24, the youngest sister of "Toto"
4) Rowena Ante Mangudadatu, age 33, a paternal aunt of "Toto"
5) Surayyda Gaguil Bernan, a maternal aunt of "Toto," 36 years of age
6) Wahida Ali Kaliman, Clan member of "Toto," age 39
7) Mamotabai Mangudadatu, another Clan member of "Toto," 40 years old
8) Raida Abdul Sapalon, another Clan member, age 41
9) Faridah Sabdullah Gaguil, a maternal family member, 33 years old
**************************************************************************************************************
Attorney for "Toto"
10) Cynthia Oquendo Ayon, age 35, of Cotabato City, a resident of Pomolok, South Cotabato Province
11) Catalino Oquendo, the 75 year old father of Ms. Ayon, along for the ride. He was the retired Municipal Treasurer for the municipality of Pomolok in South Cotabato Province
12) Concepcion Brizuela Jayme, of Kidapawan City, North Cotabato Province
***************************************************************************************************************
Supporters of "Toto"
13) Pinky Balayman, of Buluan, Maguindanao Province, 35 years old
14) Lailani "Ella" Balayman, age 25 and also of Buluan
15) Eugene Demillo Pamansag, 35 years old and also of Buluan
16) Abdillah Ayada, also of Buluan
17) Rahima P.Palawan, also of Buluan, 43 years old
18) Meriam Calimbol, also of Buluan
*************************************************************************************************************
Media (I will include their employer after their name)
19) Gina de la Cruz Carpenteros, Saksi
20) Marife Montano Cordova, Saksi, Balita, (radio station) DXCP, age 44
21) Jephon Cadagdagon, Saksi & Balita
22) Andres M.Teodoro, Inquirer (columnist) & People's Forum, age 59, Tacurong City, Sultan Kudarat Province
23) Marites Cablitas, publisher of News Focus (in General Santos City in Sarangani Province), and (radio station) DXDX, age 38
24) Rosell Morales Vivas, News Focus, age 34
25) Bienvenido Legarta, publisher of Prontiera News (Koronadal City)
26) Joel V.Parcon, Prontiera News (Koronadal City)
27) Francisco "Ian" Subang Jr., publisher of Periodica Ini
28) Arturo Betia, Peridico Ini
29) John Caniban, Periodico Ini
30) Rey V.Marisco, Peridico Ini, South Cotabato Province, age 34
31) Fernando "Ranny" P.Razon, Periodico Ini (sales manager), South Cotabato Province, age 44
32) Jose "Joy" Duhay, Goldstar, Sultan Kudarat Province
33) Ronnie L.Perante, Goldstar, Sultan Kudarat Province, 43 years old
34) Rubello R.Bataluna, Golstar, General Santos City, age 44
35) Benjie H.Adolfo, DZRH (radio station), General Santos City, 20 years old
36) Henry H.Araneta, DZRH, age 44
37) Victor O.Nunez, UNTV (TV station), General Santos City, age 24
38) Jolito Evardo, UNTV, General Santos City (cameraman)
39) Daniel Tiamzon, UNTV, Genral Santos City (driver)
40) Mac "Macmac" Delbert Areola, UNTV, General Santos City, (cameraman), 20 years old
41) Ernesto "Bombo Bart" S.Maravilla Jr., Bombo Radyo, Koronadal City
42) Santos "Junpee" Gatchalian Jr., Mindanao Daily Gazettw
43) Romeo "Palak" Kimmy Cabillo, Midland Review, Koronadal City
44) Reynaldo "Bebot" Momay, Midland Review (photographer) BODY NEVER FOUND, EXCEPT FOR DENTURES
45) Hannibal D.Cachuelo, Star (Mindanao Bureau Chief), age 51
46) Noel Decena, Penafrancia, Midsayap, North Cotabato Province, age 25
47) Napoleon Salaysay, Clearview Gazette (publisher), age 57
48) Lindo Lupogan, Mindanao Daily Gazette, Davao City
49) Eleanor "Leah" Dalmacio, Socsargen News TodayN General Santos City (publisher & editor), 38 years old
50) Alejandro M.Reblando, Freelancer, General Santos City, age 54
**************************************************************************************************************
Passenger Van Drivers (form of public transportation, in this case chartered) for the Mangudadatu Clan, family, and supporters
51) Norton "Sedick" Edza Ebus, age 33, Buluan in Maguindanao Province
52) Razul Daud Bulilo, the personal driver of former Governor and Congressman of Sultan Kudarat Province, Datu Pax Mangudadatu, uncle to "Toto" and currently the Clan patriarch, he was 35 years old
**************************************************************************************************************
Hapless motorists who just happened to have gotten to the PNP, or Philippine National Police, checkpoint at exactly the same time as the targetted convoy
53) Wilhelm S.Palabrica, a 43 year old city employee in Tacurong City, Sultan Kudarat Province. He was driving his co-worker, Eduardo D.Lichonsito, and their wives to Cotabato Regional Medical Center. Earlier Mr.Lichonsito had suffered a moderate stroke and was heading into Cotabato City to receive it. Their red Toyota Vios van was inside one of the open pits, filled with bodies and pummeled by an excavator bucket to try and flatten it so that they could use more of the pit.
54) Eduardo D.Lichonsito, 53 year old city employee of Tacurong City, Sultan Kudarat Province
55) Cecille Lichonsito, 52 year old wife of Eduardo
56) Mercy Catalino Palabrica, 32 year old wife of Wilhelm and a co-worker of Eduardo Lichonsito in Tacurong City
57) Daryll Vincent de los Reyes, 28 year old co-worker of Eduardo D.Lichonsito and along for the ride into Cotabato City
58) Anthony A.Ridao, a city employee of Cotabato City, driving alone in his Toyota sedan when he passed a vehicle and cut into the Mangudadatu convoy, causing him to be mistaken as a participant in the convoy.
Mangudadatu Clan and Kin
1) Bai Genalin Tiamzon Mangudadatu, 36 year old wife of the intended victim, Esmael "Toto" Mangudadatu, currently Governor of Maguindanao Province
2) Bai Eden Gaguil Mangudadatu, 45 years old, sister of "Toto" and a politician in her own right, serving as Mayor of the municipality of Mangudadatu, in Maguindanao Province at the time of her death
3) Bai Farinah Mangudadatu Hassan, age 24, the youngest sister of "Toto"
4) Rowena Ante Mangudadatu, age 33, a paternal aunt of "Toto"
5) Surayyda Gaguil Bernan, a maternal aunt of "Toto," 36 years of age
6) Wahida Ali Kaliman, Clan member of "Toto," age 39
7) Mamotabai Mangudadatu, another Clan member of "Toto," 40 years old
8) Raida Abdul Sapalon, another Clan member, age 41
9) Faridah Sabdullah Gaguil, a maternal family member, 33 years old
**************************************************************************************************************
Attorney for "Toto"
10) Cynthia Oquendo Ayon, age 35, of Cotabato City, a resident of Pomolok, South Cotabato Province
11) Catalino Oquendo, the 75 year old father of Ms. Ayon, along for the ride. He was the retired Municipal Treasurer for the municipality of Pomolok in South Cotabato Province
12) Concepcion Brizuela Jayme, of Kidapawan City, North Cotabato Province
***************************************************************************************************************
Supporters of "Toto"
13) Pinky Balayman, of Buluan, Maguindanao Province, 35 years old
14) Lailani "Ella" Balayman, age 25 and also of Buluan
15) Eugene Demillo Pamansag, 35 years old and also of Buluan
16) Abdillah Ayada, also of Buluan
17) Rahima P.Palawan, also of Buluan, 43 years old
18) Meriam Calimbol, also of Buluan
*************************************************************************************************************
Media (I will include their employer after their name)
19) Gina de la Cruz Carpenteros, Saksi
20) Marife Montano Cordova, Saksi, Balita, (radio station) DXCP, age 44
21) Jephon Cadagdagon, Saksi & Balita
22) Andres M.Teodoro, Inquirer (columnist) & People's Forum, age 59, Tacurong City, Sultan Kudarat Province
23) Marites Cablitas, publisher of News Focus (in General Santos City in Sarangani Province), and (radio station) DXDX, age 38
24) Rosell Morales Vivas, News Focus, age 34
25) Bienvenido Legarta, publisher of Prontiera News (Koronadal City)
26) Joel V.Parcon, Prontiera News (Koronadal City)
27) Francisco "Ian" Subang Jr., publisher of Periodica Ini
28) Arturo Betia, Peridico Ini
29) John Caniban, Periodico Ini
30) Rey V.Marisco, Peridico Ini, South Cotabato Province, age 34
31) Fernando "Ranny" P.Razon, Periodico Ini (sales manager), South Cotabato Province, age 44
32) Jose "Joy" Duhay, Goldstar, Sultan Kudarat Province
33) Ronnie L.Perante, Goldstar, Sultan Kudarat Province, 43 years old
34) Rubello R.Bataluna, Golstar, General Santos City, age 44
35) Benjie H.Adolfo, DZRH (radio station), General Santos City, 20 years old
36) Henry H.Araneta, DZRH, age 44
37) Victor O.Nunez, UNTV (TV station), General Santos City, age 24
38) Jolito Evardo, UNTV, General Santos City (cameraman)
39) Daniel Tiamzon, UNTV, Genral Santos City (driver)
40) Mac "Macmac" Delbert Areola, UNTV, General Santos City, (cameraman), 20 years old
41) Ernesto "Bombo Bart" S.Maravilla Jr., Bombo Radyo, Koronadal City
42) Santos "Junpee" Gatchalian Jr., Mindanao Daily Gazettw
43) Romeo "Palak" Kimmy Cabillo, Midland Review, Koronadal City
44) Reynaldo "Bebot" Momay, Midland Review (photographer) BODY NEVER FOUND, EXCEPT FOR DENTURES
45) Hannibal D.Cachuelo, Star (Mindanao Bureau Chief), age 51
46) Noel Decena, Penafrancia, Midsayap, North Cotabato Province, age 25
47) Napoleon Salaysay, Clearview Gazette (publisher), age 57
48) Lindo Lupogan, Mindanao Daily Gazette, Davao City
49) Eleanor "Leah" Dalmacio, Socsargen News TodayN General Santos City (publisher & editor), 38 years old
50) Alejandro M.Reblando, Freelancer, General Santos City, age 54
**************************************************************************************************************
Passenger Van Drivers (form of public transportation, in this case chartered) for the Mangudadatu Clan, family, and supporters
51) Norton "Sedick" Edza Ebus, age 33, Buluan in Maguindanao Province
52) Razul Daud Bulilo, the personal driver of former Governor and Congressman of Sultan Kudarat Province, Datu Pax Mangudadatu, uncle to "Toto" and currently the Clan patriarch, he was 35 years old
**************************************************************************************************************
Hapless motorists who just happened to have gotten to the PNP, or Philippine National Police, checkpoint at exactly the same time as the targetted convoy
53) Wilhelm S.Palabrica, a 43 year old city employee in Tacurong City, Sultan Kudarat Province. He was driving his co-worker, Eduardo D.Lichonsito, and their wives to Cotabato Regional Medical Center. Earlier Mr.Lichonsito had suffered a moderate stroke and was heading into Cotabato City to receive it. Their red Toyota Vios van was inside one of the open pits, filled with bodies and pummeled by an excavator bucket to try and flatten it so that they could use more of the pit.
54) Eduardo D.Lichonsito, 53 year old city employee of Tacurong City, Sultan Kudarat Province
55) Cecille Lichonsito, 52 year old wife of Eduardo
56) Mercy Catalino Palabrica, 32 year old wife of Wilhelm and a co-worker of Eduardo Lichonsito in Tacurong City
57) Daryll Vincent de los Reyes, 28 year old co-worker of Eduardo D.Lichonsito and along for the ride into Cotabato City
58) Anthony A.Ridao, a city employee of Cotabato City, driving alone in his Toyota sedan when he passed a vehicle and cut into the Mangudadatu convoy, causing him to be mistaken as a participant in the convoy.
Thursday, August 26, 2010
MILF/BIAF Developments for the Second and Third Quarters of 2010
The MILF is gearing up for the Peace Process once again, set to resume after Ramadan, i.e. in mid-September to early October, though of course we will be lucky if it happens anytime close to late October. While the MILF has yet to announce its new Peace Panel, GRP (Govt.) has, and I will get to that in this entry. In the interim the killing continues though of course without official MILF sanctioning (cough).
June 5th, 2010 saw Norway joining the MILF-GRP Peace Process. Norway has agreed to join the IMT (International Monitoring Team, an entity I have explained in detail a bit further on in this post) via a letter from Norwegian Ambassador to the Philippines, Kmot Solem to GHP Peace Panel Chairman Rafael Seguis with a corresponding copy to MILF Peace Panel chairman Mohagher Iqbal.
July 4th, 2010 in Barangay Buluan, Sultan Kudarat (town, not province), in Maguindanao Province, an IED, or Improvised Explosive Device (as in "bomb") fashioned from a 60MM mortar shell detonated and critically wounded one man. As the 54IB (Infantry Battalion) responded and set up a security perimeter and the 6ID (Infantry Division) EOD (Ordnance Team) Detachment set about scouring the immediate area for clues an alert soldier discovered a well concealed, second IED fasioned from an 81MM mortar shell. This 2nd device, much more powerful than the first was primed to detonate just as 1st Responders (medical, police and soldiers) reached critical mass on scene. Luckily this was averted and the device was decommisioned by Phased Water Cannon.
Predictably, and tiredly, the AFP tried to spin it as an MILF-SOG (MILF Special Operations Group, an almost apocryphal element of the MILF blamed for any type of bombing not thoroughly linked to any of the Kidnap for Ransom cum Extortion Gangs in the MILF AOR). The MILF though tried to outdo the AFP in implausability as it actually issued a release 9as opposed to unoffical comment or innuendo) blaming the AFP for a "False Flag Operation." For those unaware, a False Flag Operation is an act of war , or sabotage/terrorism undertaken by one side but served up as to appear as if it is from a second group. A good historical example might be the "Lavon Affair" that Israel undertook in Egypt in the very early 1950s.
The MILF is claiming, amazingly, that soldiers belonging to Datu Piang's Mayor Samer Uy's CVO had personally witnessed men in MILF fatigues walking from the town of Datu Piang across the border into the municipality of Sultan Kudarat and setting the 60MM IED. They then allegedly witnessed this group of men walking back into Datu Piang and entering the 29IB post, from which they were not observed leaving. In other words, 29IB soldiers wearing MILF camoflauge uniforms walked right past MILF supporters, crossed a municipal border, and in full view primed and buried a large IED. They then supposedly walked back across the border and down the street, back past MILF supporters, and then casually sauntered into an AFP post...in MILF uniforms. Riiiight.
In reality it was the work of BIAF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (armed wing of the MILF) Kumander Tata Uy, the nephew of the Mayor of Datu Piang, Samer Uy. The 2 kinsmen are battling each other over the younger man, Tata, not bowing to his older and more powerful kinsman, Mayor Samer Uy.
At 805PM on July 12th, 2010 in Datu Piang's Barangay Poblacion, a young man carrying an ADIDDAS gymbag hurriedly walked towards the towns MPO, or Municipal Police Office and set the bag down on the ground. Next door the town plaza was full of young students from Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School who were having a school celebration in the cool evening air. Then the powerful IED inside the bag detonated and rained debris for a radius of at least a half a kilometer. 8 year old student Moktar Ma was vapourised, a principal of a school in Datu Saudi Ampatuan, a neighbouring community and two 12 year old High School students were also critically wounded.
Young Moktar Ma had attended the school function in the town plaza and after it ended had gone across the road for a take away meal with his dad. Getting into a Triskiad (i.e. "Trike," i.e. "Tuk Tuk,"the most popular form of public transport in most Philippine communities. Fashioned from a dirt bike or off road motorcycle with a small cubic centimeter engine, inserted into an aluminum or iron carriage with bench seats front and back for passengers, unlike the similar contraptions one sees in Mainland SE Asia). As the triskiad began the ride to the Ma home, several streets away, the IED detonated and left little of the small boy. Amazingly, his father sitting next to him as well as the driver were left entirely unscathed.
The "School Principal" was on his own motorcycle and passing by the plaza as the detonation took place. He was able to survive with just a slight flesh wound in his leg. The two high schoolers were walking along the shoulder of the main road, en route to their homes after witnessing the event in the plaza. Both suffered moderate shrapnel wounds. All victims were residents of Datu Piang's Barangay Poblacion.
The BIAF itself is not known for laying IEDs though its members are often times involved in profitable sidelines, feuds and even stated political objectives that are, quite interestingly, 100% in synch with MILF/BIAF Objectives. IS-AFP (AFP Intelligence) often talks about the MILF-SOG (MILF Special Operations Group) as if it is an actual MILF entity, which it is not. What IS factual though is that particular BIAF Kumanders (Base Command brass) sanction these operations either for profit (as in Lanao del Sur and Norte transformers and Globe Telecom cell towers being blown to bits) or for political ends, as in the 105, 101 and 102 Base Commands, the so called "MILF Lost Commands" (another bit of fantasy) which use these bombings to manipulate both the GPH, or Government of the Philippines and the MILF political echelon.
The Datu Piang bombing, the 2nd in 2 months to hit the town, is the work of the 105 Base Command, in a matter of speaking since it is the work of its sub-Kumander Tata Uy, and though the MILF has made quite a show of giving its Kumander Ustadz Kato a lateral transfer into the political echelon, he is sanctioning the attacks for Kumander Tata Uy and his long running sub-conflict in Barangay Reina Regente. The fact of the matter is that the entire town has been terrorised since 2008 (actually since 1968 but you get the idea) and so, at present, the reasons why these bombings take place no longer really matters.
That same day, July 12, at 10PM, in Barangay Barurao, Sultan sa Barongis, Maguindanao Province the 105 Base Command's sub-Kumander Maestro Felmin led 400 of his well armed guerillas into town and surrounded roughly 100 homes belonging to clansmen and supporters of ex-Vice Mayor Oca Badal. The MILF then proceeded to burn almost the entire barangay to the ground. Badal is a Kumander in the ILLEGAL (as opposed to the re-formed and legal) Ampatuan CVO, the entity behind the Maguindanao Massacre. The CVO and the MILF have been at each other's throats for nearly 3 decades due to the Ampatuan's loyalty to the MNLF and their having exerted considerable power within the MILF AOR (Area of Operations).
As if Datu Piang, Maguindanao Province didnt have enough problems with its Mayor, Samer Uy battling his nephew and MILF sub-Kumander, Tata Uy, it also must contend with 2 other MILF groups battling EACH OTHER. Kumander Abunawas of the 104 Base Command is at odds with Kumander Adzmi of the 106 Base Command in one of those rice harvest blood baths that strike all over the island during the twice yearly harvest. It began when small detachments of uerillas from both groups came into the town to assist (i.e. "guard" i.e. "EXTORT") villagers with their rice harvests.
Tempers being what they are, especially when it comes to one fo the more lucrative forms of income for these guerillas, a fire fight borke out, lasting approximayely 45 minutes before both sides withdrew back into the bush. This initial exchange caused 500 IDPs to flee Barangays Liong and Balanaken, most taking shelter in Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School in Barangay Poblacion.
At that point it was only a matter of time before violence re-erupted and at 1130AM on August 07 it took place once again. By then the 29IB had set up a small lean-to outside the main gate to the school housing the IDPs from the earlier exchange. Open 9AM to 5PM, 7 days a week, and again from 730PM to 11PM on week nights it has managed to ensure the safety of all IDPs taking refuge inside the school compound. An additional 1200 people sought shelter at the school and at 2 other locations (Fish Landing Shelter on the Pulangi/rio Grande de Mindanao River in Barangay Buayan, at GLAC13, a.k.a. Gani L.Abpi College, a local private school also serving as an IDP centre).
On August 08 the 29IB, only tallying those IDPs at Datu Gumbay recorded, in number of families not individuals, 89 families from Barangay Alonganen, 63 from Barangay Balanaken and 194 from Barangay Liong. To the 29IB's credit it has taken it upon itself to show films on the school's stage, almost every evening to try and entertain the IDPs, a measure not usually taken by other Infantry Battalions. Outside the school that evening, 2 of Kumander Abunawas' guerillas were shot to death.
July 14, at 7PM in Barangay Labu Labu, Datu Hofer, Maguindanao Province, Labu Labu Elementary School was struck with a pre-mature IED detonation whose only casulaty was its courier.24 year old Sabtula Kad Unte was arrested at Cotabato Regional Medical Center as he was being treated for shrapnel wounds. He was then transferred to the 6th Infantry Division Hospital at Camp Siongco outside the city.
On July 19, 2010, the MILF formally announced the 4 month suspension of BDA (Bangsamoro Development Agency) BOD (Board of Directors) Chairman, Dr.Safrullah Dipatuan.The suspension formally began on July 15 and will run until November 15. He has been suspended for not having gotten his superiors' permission prior to a trip abroad. He had left on June 09 for Kuala Lampur, Malaysia to attend an Islamic conference where he harshly criticised Israel's Blockade of Gaza. This of courswe would probbally earn him kudos for a job well done with the MILF except that hidden in the Suspension Order is an interesting mention of his having gone there to "meet a friend."
Dr.Dipatuan had become chairman in 2009 when his predecessor Dr.Parido Pigkaulan was demoted to Member of the Board (on BOD)in what the MILF has claimed was a regular rotation of staff in that all appointees to the BDA are there for a 2 year rotation unless extended. Of course that doesnt explain just why Dr.Pigkaulan became a Member after serving as the Board's Chairman.
From July 19 to July 21, 2010 in Sitio Risingan, Barangay Dunguan, aleosan, North Cotabato Province, just over the river from Datu Piang, the municipality discussed in my last paragraph(s), Kumander Hadju Sajid of the 105 Base Command was warring with his arch nemesis Norodin Ungkay, a Town Councilotr in Aleosan and local CVO Kumander.
On the 19th Sajid attacked a CAFGU post loyal to Ungkay in Sitio Manggahan, Barangay Dunguan and caused an unknown (but large) number of IDPs to flee into the adjoining towns of Pikit, North Cotabato.
July 25 to August 01, 2010 in Barangay Matabong, Ampatuan, Maguindanao Province saw the LEGAL Ampatuan CVO under Kumander Marcos battling the MILF's 105 Base Command. The "Legal Ampatuan CVO" is the newly organised and trained, government sanctioned CVO operating out of Shariff Aguak, the provincial capitol of Maguindano but with branches in the towns once dominated by the ILLEGAL Ampatuan CVO (towns like Datu Saudi, etc,etc). A CVO, or "Civilain Volunteer Organisation" is an official government paramilitary that operates as a very localised military reserve. Manned by citizens of and only operating in specific municipalities and sublimated to the LGU at hand (Local Governmental Unit, i.e. "municipality or barangay), and usually operating under supervision of an infantry Battalion though the Ampatuan CVO did not have much to do with the AFP. The illegal Ampatuan CVO was the group responsible for the so called "Maguindanao Massacre" in late November of 2009. Almost all Filipinos and ex-pats reading this will know pretty much whom and what I am talking about, owning to the entire brouhaha's domination of the media for the first 6 months of 2010. However, imagining that others may not know these things, I will briefly offer up some context.
The Ampatuan Clan is, or perhaps was (actually still is) Maguindanao's most powerful clan. Led by patriarch Andal Sr, who at the time of the Massacre was the provincial governor, with his son and heir apparent Anadal Jr, the mayor of a town created just for him (1 of a few created by andal Sr, who also created an entire province, Shariff Aguak before the Supreme Court dissolved it). the Clan held a tite reign over the province but one time aly, Mayor Eshmael"Toto"Mangudadatu" sought to chalenge this monopoly of power with a run for the governor's seat in the last election, in 2010. Making known his intent, he sought to negate any chance for violence by deploying his wife at the head of a large convoy of SUVs filled with female clan members, allied attorneys and a horde of media representatives.
Driving down National Hiway towards to provincial capitol of Shariff Aguak (town, not the afore mentioned failed province), they were held at a PNP checkpoint in the town of Ampatuan. Andal jr., leading about 100 well armed members of the Ampatuan CVO appeared out of the jungle by the side of the road, and after some physical assaults had the CVO soldiers drive the vehicles in the Mangudadatu convoy to a hill about 2 kms away but over looking the checkpoint. At that site all 57 people (including a few who had only been sandwiched in by the convoy and weren't attached toit at all) were murdered by chain-fed M16 (1 journalist, hogtied and in the front seat of an SUV had been shot in the head with a double barrled shotgun).
The dead and their vehicles were being interred in 3 hastily excavated pits, with provincially owned construction machinery when CVO scouts alerted the group to an approaching detachment of AFP soldies not allied with the Ampatuan Clan. the soldiers had been deployed after a flurry of communications between the media and the AFP, by the companies employing the murdered journalists. the gruseome scene was recorded for all posterity instead of simply becoming yet another one of the many Philippine "Killing Fields" and the Ampatuans themselves were pretty much under the microscope, but not out of power, and not separated from their vast ill gotten fortune.
198 people have been charged in the incident, of which more than 100 remain at large. Many of those wanted men are CVO soldiers. interestingly, the CVO which had roughly 2500 men, has pretty much gone rogue with an estimated 2000 gunmen operating in Maguindanao and N.Cotabato Provinces, battling both the AFP as well as their perennial enemy , the MILF.
The whole sordid affair deserves its own series of entires and I will be producing them soon.
After the Massacre a State of Emergency, then a State of Martial Law which soon reverted back to a State of Emergency was declared for Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provinces (the latter being the base of the Mangudadatu Clan, themselves fairly powerful), as well as Cotabato City. Cotabato City was added because it is the capitol of the ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao). Besides Maguindanao being 1 of 5 ARMM provinces, the Governor of the ARMM (at the time) was another Ampatuan son, Zaldi Ampatuan. The region remains under a State of Emergency and the Ampatuan CVO (illegal) is spilling alot of blood up until the present.
On the day in question, the MILF 105 Base Command battled the legal Ampatuan CVO and around nightfall the moratars began pounding both sides without let up. At that point the AFP's 46IB came in and reinforced the CVO. The bloodshed stopped on August 01 when the IMT (International Monitoring Team, an entity composed of Brunei, Japan, Norway and the EU and led by Malaysia, created to monitor and support the Cease Fire between the MILF and the AFP/GRP), and the CCCH-MILF and the CCCH-GRP (explained in an earlier portion of this post) set up shoppe in Barangay Matabong and the adjoining Barangay Kapimpilan. This enabled both sides to save face due to international pressure and attention.
During this same period, July 25 through August 01, 2010 in Barangay Salat, President Quirino, Sultan Kudarat Province, 400 MILF guerillas under sub-Kumander Daud Macaalay entered the barangay and burned more than 100 homes to the ground. Most of the burned homes and buildings belonged to MNLF Kumander Magalona Ampatuan, a barangay councilor in Barangay Salat. Ampatuan's brother, Manny, also an MNLF Kumander was killed in an earlier exchange of gunfire. IDPs in the town have set up temporary shacks around the city hall compound.
July 26 through July 30, 2010 in Malabalay City, Bukidnon Province, the PMA (Pangadapu Mindanao Association) under Supreme Datu Migketay Victorino Saway, a Lumad (Hill Tribes) umbrella organisation held an important meeting of tribal chiefs in which they produced a Resolution demanding that Lumads (of course via the PMA) be given a seat at the next MILF-GRP Talks in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia after Ramadan. They demand that their rights with regard to Ancestral Domain be respected.
Datu Saway is a nemesis of the MILF's alternate Peace Panel member, Datu Antonio P.Ki , a B'laan tribal Historian who takes the opposite tact, i.e. the MILF party line. The MILF of course tries to sell a defected bill of goods claiming that while the MILF would hold political sovereignity of the Lumad Ancestral Domains, it would not actually "control" them. Instead it says, the Lumad themselves would handle the tracts. Naturally this has failed to satisfy anyone but the few Lumad puppets on the MILF payroll.
Again, a subject deserving of its own entry, Ancestral Domain is a concept akin to the US' Native American "Reservation" system with limited autonomy to indigenous groups over patches of land, not neccessarily contigious with which specific indigenous groups have a recorded historical conenction. These Domains involve alot of money because of timber, minerals, metals, and agricultral land. The Talks so far have hardly even mentioned the Lumad, and when mentioning them have sublimated their concerns to that of the Moros, the collective term for Muslims. in other words, the MILF wants to have ultimate control over Lumad lands within lands awarded to the Moros. Naturally this doesnt sit well with Lumads themselves.
On July 29, 2010, the Chairman of the MDA (Mindanao Development Authority). Jesus Dureza who concurrently has served in successive Peace Panels in MILF Talks, most recently as Chairman of the last Panel under the Arroyo Government in the 2003 Talks (which took place after the 2003 MILF-GRP War), has resigned his position at MDA. He was in the middle of a 6 year term but left his position because of his heavy identification with the former Administration.
Some may recall that as Chairman of the 2003 GRP-MILF Talks he became embroiled in some controversy when he was accused of "annotating" the proceedings minutes (the transcript of what is said during negotations), specifically 1 very important parlez in Kaula Lampur, Malaysia on February 28 that year. interestingly, and not known to very many, in 1999 long before the government utilised his services or gave him a position in any office he had contacted the MILF on his own and had offered to serve on THEIR Panel.
There is alot that can be said about this, and some may even argue that as a lifelong resident of Mindanao and a well known attorney not connected to either side that there was nothing wrong in what he did but it does show a certain level of ambitiousness that has caused some to call his abilities into question. when a person is attracted to the limelight, and more specifically to the hallowed halls of pwoer they will do anything within their reach to stay there, no matter the cause, the ends will justify the means. With that said, since his appointment to the GRP, both on the Panel as well as in his position at the MDA, he has done nothing to prove his critics right.
That same day, July 29, Sultan Muhammad Fuad Abdullah Kiram I of Suluofficially asked the GRP to disqualify Malaysia from its role as mediator of the GRP-MILF PEace PRocess Talks owing to his long time claim on Sabah. As I briefly discussed in my "Whole Lot of Ugly cum Operation Merdeka" series of entries, although Malaysia has flown its flag over Sabah State on Borneo since Malaysian Independance the state historically belongs to the Sulu Sultanate.
The remarks first surfaced at the CMD (Christian Muslim Democrats, as in Lakas-KAMPI-CMD) joint SultanteAward Presentation at Quezon City's Sulo Hotel. The Sultan (actually 1 of several claimants for the title of Sultan) clarified that he does not advocate seccession of Mindanao but does advocate a form of autonomy akin to Finalnd's entity created for its Sami ("Lapp") minority. The MILF which is heavily biased towards Malaysia came out swining and warned the Sultan to "be careful" with his words and made sure to describe him as a "claimant" to the throne.
In a related development, on Monday, August 30 GRP re-certified Malaysian participation and rationalised this by pointing out Malaysia's lengthly and deeply immersed service to the process. Malaysia which joined the Process as Mediator in March of 2001 also heads the IMT (International Monitoring Team), an entity devoted to preserving the Cease Fire. Malaysia reciprocated on Wednesday, September 01 by officially re-commmitting itself. If the government had not re-certified Malaysia it would have not only grreatly delayed the Talks, but could have very well jeapourdised the Process owing to MILF's afore mentioned bias towards the country. To reject the nation would have taken a bi-lateral agreement by both the GRP AND the MILF, and the latter would have never come.
July 30 to August 01, 2010 in Barangay Makasendeg, Pikit, North Cotabato saw the 29IB ensconed and shelling the MILF under Kumander Tata Uy who were dug in across the provincial border in Barangays Reina Regente and Dasawao in Datu Piang, Maguindanao. The AFP was lobbing 81MM mortar shells for 2 days stright and one of the last shells, at 3PM on August 01 managed to critically wound 4th grader Datu Mama Samiling (the child's first name is "Datu," he was not actually a "Datu" which means "Most Esteemed Man" and idiomatically means "Tribal Chief").
On August 07, 2010 in Sitio Kimudal, Barangay Balanakan, Datu Piang, Maguindanao Province, a detachment from the 29IB (Infantry Battalion), under Lt.Orcullo has ensconced itself in a village mosque as it sets up shoppe trying to pacify a local Rido (Clan Warfare) between 2 MILF factions from 2 different Base Commands ("Base Command" is a designation akin to conventional Brigade, a format the MILF adopted after the 2000 GRP-MILF War when the MILF destroyed almost all the MILF's static camps.
The fighting, which I had discussed earlier in this entry, reached its apex on August 10, but has ebbed and flowed continuously since then with very hot flare ups. I do know that 4 guerillas from the 106 Base Command died on the 10th but other than that it is exceedingly difficult to keep a tally since according to Shar'ia Law (Islamic Law), the dead must be buried before the following nightfall (though alternatively, "martyrs" in the undertaking of Jihad can be left as is but that is a Maranaw and Yakan custom not universally adhered to y all Moro ethnicities and certainly not at all held by the Islamic World in general).
The villagers are angry at the AFP for living in the mosque, especially since most in the AFP are non-Muslim and drink beer, eat pork, etc. As of posting, today is August 28, they are still biouvaced in that mosque. Some may recall that in 2009 the 54IB came under criticism for doing this same thing in Barangay Sambulawan, in Datu Salibo in that same province. This has also happened in Datu Piang's Barangays Magaslong and Balanakan in the past. In fairness to the AFP, there just arent that many semi-modern buildings large enough, and safe enough to house at least a platoon, and usually a company of soldiers. As long as the soldiers do not desecrate the building and make allowances for worshippers it shouldnt be a problem, irrespective of the Muslim belief that non-muslims shouldnt be living there.
The MILF has filed an official complaint for a Cease Fire Violation, by the AFP (i.e. "GRP") via the CCCH (an entity consisting of a panel from each side that is designed to mediate so called Violations so as to prolong the Cease Fire). The comaplaint is against an alleged bombing run by 2 AFP OV-10s ("Broncos," jets) that the MILF maintains bombed an entire barangay, Algunganan in Datu Piang, Maguindanao in fighting related to the 104 and 106 Base Commands. On August 07 those 2 jets dropped WP (White Phosphorus) in a rice paddy where the 2 groups were battling as a distinct warning. WP, as some may very well know, is the munition which turned the world's angry attention (once again) to Israel during the IDF's (Israeli Defense Forces) December 2008/Janurary 2009 operation in Gaza. Amazing how THAT can get the world on the edge of its collective seat while the very same munition can land on heads in umpteenth other conflicts that the West could not care the least about.
In truth, WP is completely legal and is NOT an AP (Anti-Personnel) Munition, meaning that it is not used to cause death or injury. Rather, when used correctly, it is designed to denude brush (clear foilage), Mark terrain (for subsequent bombing runs) , for Illumination (to provide light in dark conditions, or as an Obscurant (to give "Smoke" so that Ground Forces, i.e. infantry can operate in a much improved environment, safety wise).
On the day in question, the AFP dropped it a a Marker, so as to send a loud and clear message to the 2 MILF Base Commands to knock off the nonsense or take some 500 pounders on the head (stop fighting or you will be bombed into submission). The MILF, ignoring the fact that the entire sub-conflict is an MILF on MILF affair, and ignoring the bloodshed and misery not only amongst its own guerillas but the civlians amongst whom the operate instead chooses to spin the 2 WP shells as a propaganda exercise that noone even pays attention to. That day in question, 6000 new villagers (in total) became IDPs (Refugees).
August 09, 2010, Camp Darapanan, in Barangay Darapnan, Sultan Kudarat (town, not province), in Maguindanao Province, the camp holding the MILF's main political apparattus was home to the MILF-FOCAP (Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines), "Forum of the Peace Process." al Haj Ebrahim Murad, the Chairman of the MILF gave the Opening Speech.
In his speech chairman Murad claimed that there is merely 1 "Substantiative Agenda Item" holding the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) and the MILF apart. Om Janurary 27, 2010 both sides attempted to solve the impasse via the "Comprehensive Compact" Draft Agreement. The exchange of Drafts failed to bbring the 2 sides together. Murad claims that the MILF merely reiterated its last position, the so caled, "Assymetrical State and Sub-State Arrangement of Governance" where as the GRP recycled an untenable position it had held from 2000 to 2003.
The circa 2003 position, "Enhanced Autonomy" is merely a slight riff on the current programme, "ARMM" (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao). He continued, relating that at the last tet a tet in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia on June 03, 2010 left the GRP merely repeating its stated lack of direction. Murad sees no difference twith the new Administration, thus far but is taking a wait and see approach.
August 12, 2010 saw the IS-AFP (AFP Intelligence) distribute a Report on the MILF's "State of Readiness" over the preceeding 7 months. Camp Palestine, in butig, Lanao del Sur Province was home to 8 Training cycles. Of these 8, 2 were 90 day Basic Training courses, one 30 day Intelligence course and 6 courses of 3 day Reivews (Brush Ups) on Infantry technique. The 3 day Reviews of course entailed hundreds of trainnes per cycle. there was also 1 cycle in Tawi Tawi under the 117 Base Command, in Jungle Warfare, something that the MILF hasnt really concentrated on given the terrain under which it usually operates (Maranaw and Maguindanaowan area are marsh or river basins, or otherwise very denunded farmland that would not look entirely out of place in say, Essex in England or Wisconsin in the US). 2 Base Commands, the 114 and afore mentioned 117 do primarily operate in the jungle but then the 117th, whose AOR is Sulu and Tawi Tawi but basically only exists on Tawi Tawi, is ineffectual and basically concentrates its efforts at "fundraising," while the 114, whose AOR (Area of Operations) is on Basilan Island, is for all intensive purposes folded into the ASG (Abu Sayyaf Group).
On august 18, 2010, MILF Peace Panel Chairman (or I should say former since the Panel was officially deactivated almost 2 months ago though it is an open secret that he will once again be made Chairman when the re-constituted Panel is announced within the week) Jun Mantawil responded to media reports that Congressman Rodolfo Biazon has remarked that "Cha Cha" (Charter change, i.e. Constituional Ammending) is a pre-requisite for any realisation of the MoA (Memorandum of Agreement) on Ad (Ancestral Domain), per the current MILF position on the issue. Mantawil pointed out that under the current MILF position (this "position" being "Assymetrical State and Sub-State Arrangement") there are no demands for anything not currently allowed by the 1987 Constitution.
Mantawil stresses that the MILF is not demanding ultimate control over Currency/Monetary Arrangements or Foreign Relations and that indeed the MILF conceeds these to the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) along with Postal Powers (maybe this last aspect was given as a joke given the absolutely deplorable state of the Philippine Postal System, with most Mindanowan towns taking 6 months or more to receive DOMESTIC mail if they even ever receive it at all).
It is also worth noting that Mantawil also flogged the latest joint venture of the MILF and the Asia Foundation, a nicely bound (and rather expencive) compendium of all signed GRP-MILG Agreements post 1996 's Jakarta Accord. for those keeping count, there are 87 including the non-sensical blather like the last Agreement signed in Kuala Lampur in early june this year.
On August 21, 2010 on the eastside of Zamboanga City, 2 MILF guerillas were taken into custody re the AFP's Order of Battle. They were wanted though for their involvement with a local extortion gang along the likes of al Khobar and the Pentagon Gang, groups who I will discuss, as well as their dynamic, in an upcoming entry. The 2 men are charged with having strafed alocal bus with M16s as it sped by with passengers in an extortion plot against the bus company. The first attack in this spate took place on Janurary 17, 2010 in Licomo, Zamboanga del Sur Province when 12 people were wounded by an M16 strafing. 2 of those 12 people were plainclothes PNP Marshalls working with the bus company, Rural Transit.
June 5th, 2010 saw Norway joining the MILF-GRP Peace Process. Norway has agreed to join the IMT (International Monitoring Team, an entity I have explained in detail a bit further on in this post) via a letter from Norwegian Ambassador to the Philippines, Kmot Solem to GHP Peace Panel Chairman Rafael Seguis with a corresponding copy to MILF Peace Panel chairman Mohagher Iqbal.
July 4th, 2010 in Barangay Buluan, Sultan Kudarat (town, not province), in Maguindanao Province, an IED, or Improvised Explosive Device (as in "bomb") fashioned from a 60MM mortar shell detonated and critically wounded one man. As the 54IB (Infantry Battalion) responded and set up a security perimeter and the 6ID (Infantry Division) EOD (Ordnance Team) Detachment set about scouring the immediate area for clues an alert soldier discovered a well concealed, second IED fasioned from an 81MM mortar shell. This 2nd device, much more powerful than the first was primed to detonate just as 1st Responders (medical, police and soldiers) reached critical mass on scene. Luckily this was averted and the device was decommisioned by Phased Water Cannon.
Predictably, and tiredly, the AFP tried to spin it as an MILF-SOG (MILF Special Operations Group, an almost apocryphal element of the MILF blamed for any type of bombing not thoroughly linked to any of the Kidnap for Ransom cum Extortion Gangs in the MILF AOR). The MILF though tried to outdo the AFP in implausability as it actually issued a release 9as opposed to unoffical comment or innuendo) blaming the AFP for a "False Flag Operation." For those unaware, a False Flag Operation is an act of war , or sabotage/terrorism undertaken by one side but served up as to appear as if it is from a second group. A good historical example might be the "Lavon Affair" that Israel undertook in Egypt in the very early 1950s.
The MILF is claiming, amazingly, that soldiers belonging to Datu Piang's Mayor Samer Uy's CVO had personally witnessed men in MILF fatigues walking from the town of Datu Piang across the border into the municipality of Sultan Kudarat and setting the 60MM IED. They then allegedly witnessed this group of men walking back into Datu Piang and entering the 29IB post, from which they were not observed leaving. In other words, 29IB soldiers wearing MILF camoflauge uniforms walked right past MILF supporters, crossed a municipal border, and in full view primed and buried a large IED. They then supposedly walked back across the border and down the street, back past MILF supporters, and then casually sauntered into an AFP post...in MILF uniforms. Riiiight.
In reality it was the work of BIAF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (armed wing of the MILF) Kumander Tata Uy, the nephew of the Mayor of Datu Piang, Samer Uy. The 2 kinsmen are battling each other over the younger man, Tata, not bowing to his older and more powerful kinsman, Mayor Samer Uy.
At 805PM on July 12th, 2010 in Datu Piang's Barangay Poblacion, a young man carrying an ADIDDAS gymbag hurriedly walked towards the towns MPO, or Municipal Police Office and set the bag down on the ground. Next door the town plaza was full of young students from Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School who were having a school celebration in the cool evening air. Then the powerful IED inside the bag detonated and rained debris for a radius of at least a half a kilometer. 8 year old student Moktar Ma was vapourised, a principal of a school in Datu Saudi Ampatuan, a neighbouring community and two 12 year old High School students were also critically wounded.
Young Moktar Ma had attended the school function in the town plaza and after it ended had gone across the road for a take away meal with his dad. Getting into a Triskiad (i.e. "Trike," i.e. "Tuk Tuk,"the most popular form of public transport in most Philippine communities. Fashioned from a dirt bike or off road motorcycle with a small cubic centimeter engine, inserted into an aluminum or iron carriage with bench seats front and back for passengers, unlike the similar contraptions one sees in Mainland SE Asia). As the triskiad began the ride to the Ma home, several streets away, the IED detonated and left little of the small boy. Amazingly, his father sitting next to him as well as the driver were left entirely unscathed.
The "School Principal" was on his own motorcycle and passing by the plaza as the detonation took place. He was able to survive with just a slight flesh wound in his leg. The two high schoolers were walking along the shoulder of the main road, en route to their homes after witnessing the event in the plaza. Both suffered moderate shrapnel wounds. All victims were residents of Datu Piang's Barangay Poblacion.
The BIAF itself is not known for laying IEDs though its members are often times involved in profitable sidelines, feuds and even stated political objectives that are, quite interestingly, 100% in synch with MILF/BIAF Objectives. IS-AFP (AFP Intelligence) often talks about the MILF-SOG (MILF Special Operations Group) as if it is an actual MILF entity, which it is not. What IS factual though is that particular BIAF Kumanders (Base Command brass) sanction these operations either for profit (as in Lanao del Sur and Norte transformers and Globe Telecom cell towers being blown to bits) or for political ends, as in the 105, 101 and 102 Base Commands, the so called "MILF Lost Commands" (another bit of fantasy) which use these bombings to manipulate both the GPH, or Government of the Philippines and the MILF political echelon.
The Datu Piang bombing, the 2nd in 2 months to hit the town, is the work of the 105 Base Command, in a matter of speaking since it is the work of its sub-Kumander Tata Uy, and though the MILF has made quite a show of giving its Kumander Ustadz Kato a lateral transfer into the political echelon, he is sanctioning the attacks for Kumander Tata Uy and his long running sub-conflict in Barangay Reina Regente. The fact of the matter is that the entire town has been terrorised since 2008 (actually since 1968 but you get the idea) and so, at present, the reasons why these bombings take place no longer really matters.
That same day, July 12, at 10PM, in Barangay Barurao, Sultan sa Barongis, Maguindanao Province the 105 Base Command's sub-Kumander Maestro Felmin led 400 of his well armed guerillas into town and surrounded roughly 100 homes belonging to clansmen and supporters of ex-Vice Mayor Oca Badal. The MILF then proceeded to burn almost the entire barangay to the ground. Badal is a Kumander in the ILLEGAL (as opposed to the re-formed and legal) Ampatuan CVO, the entity behind the Maguindanao Massacre. The CVO and the MILF have been at each other's throats for nearly 3 decades due to the Ampatuan's loyalty to the MNLF and their having exerted considerable power within the MILF AOR (Area of Operations).
As if Datu Piang, Maguindanao Province didnt have enough problems with its Mayor, Samer Uy battling his nephew and MILF sub-Kumander, Tata Uy, it also must contend with 2 other MILF groups battling EACH OTHER. Kumander Abunawas of the 104 Base Command is at odds with Kumander Adzmi of the 106 Base Command in one of those rice harvest blood baths that strike all over the island during the twice yearly harvest. It began when small detachments of uerillas from both groups came into the town to assist (i.e. "guard" i.e. "EXTORT") villagers with their rice harvests.
Tempers being what they are, especially when it comes to one fo the more lucrative forms of income for these guerillas, a fire fight borke out, lasting approximayely 45 minutes before both sides withdrew back into the bush. This initial exchange caused 500 IDPs to flee Barangays Liong and Balanaken, most taking shelter in Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School in Barangay Poblacion.
At that point it was only a matter of time before violence re-erupted and at 1130AM on August 07 it took place once again. By then the 29IB had set up a small lean-to outside the main gate to the school housing the IDPs from the earlier exchange. Open 9AM to 5PM, 7 days a week, and again from 730PM to 11PM on week nights it has managed to ensure the safety of all IDPs taking refuge inside the school compound. An additional 1200 people sought shelter at the school and at 2 other locations (Fish Landing Shelter on the Pulangi/rio Grande de Mindanao River in Barangay Buayan, at GLAC13, a.k.a. Gani L.Abpi College, a local private school also serving as an IDP centre).
On August 08 the 29IB, only tallying those IDPs at Datu Gumbay recorded, in number of families not individuals, 89 families from Barangay Alonganen, 63 from Barangay Balanaken and 194 from Barangay Liong. To the 29IB's credit it has taken it upon itself to show films on the school's stage, almost every evening to try and entertain the IDPs, a measure not usually taken by other Infantry Battalions. Outside the school that evening, 2 of Kumander Abunawas' guerillas were shot to death.
July 14, at 7PM in Barangay Labu Labu, Datu Hofer, Maguindanao Province, Labu Labu Elementary School was struck with a pre-mature IED detonation whose only casulaty was its courier.24 year old Sabtula Kad Unte was arrested at Cotabato Regional Medical Center as he was being treated for shrapnel wounds. He was then transferred to the 6th Infantry Division Hospital at Camp Siongco outside the city.
On July 19, 2010, the MILF formally announced the 4 month suspension of BDA (Bangsamoro Development Agency) BOD (Board of Directors) Chairman, Dr.Safrullah Dipatuan.The suspension formally began on July 15 and will run until November 15. He has been suspended for not having gotten his superiors' permission prior to a trip abroad. He had left on June 09 for Kuala Lampur, Malaysia to attend an Islamic conference where he harshly criticised Israel's Blockade of Gaza. This of courswe would probbally earn him kudos for a job well done with the MILF except that hidden in the Suspension Order is an interesting mention of his having gone there to "meet a friend."
Dr.Dipatuan had become chairman in 2009 when his predecessor Dr.Parido Pigkaulan was demoted to Member of the Board (on BOD)in what the MILF has claimed was a regular rotation of staff in that all appointees to the BDA are there for a 2 year rotation unless extended. Of course that doesnt explain just why Dr.Pigkaulan became a Member after serving as the Board's Chairman.
From July 19 to July 21, 2010 in Sitio Risingan, Barangay Dunguan, aleosan, North Cotabato Province, just over the river from Datu Piang, the municipality discussed in my last paragraph(s), Kumander Hadju Sajid of the 105 Base Command was warring with his arch nemesis Norodin Ungkay, a Town Councilotr in Aleosan and local CVO Kumander.
On the 19th Sajid attacked a CAFGU post loyal to Ungkay in Sitio Manggahan, Barangay Dunguan and caused an unknown (but large) number of IDPs to flee into the adjoining towns of Pikit, North Cotabato.
July 25 to August 01, 2010 in Barangay Matabong, Ampatuan, Maguindanao Province saw the LEGAL Ampatuan CVO under Kumander Marcos battling the MILF's 105 Base Command. The "Legal Ampatuan CVO" is the newly organised and trained, government sanctioned CVO operating out of Shariff Aguak, the provincial capitol of Maguindano but with branches in the towns once dominated by the ILLEGAL Ampatuan CVO (towns like Datu Saudi, etc,etc). A CVO, or "Civilain Volunteer Organisation" is an official government paramilitary that operates as a very localised military reserve. Manned by citizens of and only operating in specific municipalities and sublimated to the LGU at hand (Local Governmental Unit, i.e. "municipality or barangay), and usually operating under supervision of an infantry Battalion though the Ampatuan CVO did not have much to do with the AFP. The illegal Ampatuan CVO was the group responsible for the so called "Maguindanao Massacre" in late November of 2009. Almost all Filipinos and ex-pats reading this will know pretty much whom and what I am talking about, owning to the entire brouhaha's domination of the media for the first 6 months of 2010. However, imagining that others may not know these things, I will briefly offer up some context.
The Ampatuan Clan is, or perhaps was (actually still is) Maguindanao's most powerful clan. Led by patriarch Andal Sr, who at the time of the Massacre was the provincial governor, with his son and heir apparent Anadal Jr, the mayor of a town created just for him (1 of a few created by andal Sr, who also created an entire province, Shariff Aguak before the Supreme Court dissolved it). the Clan held a tite reign over the province but one time aly, Mayor Eshmael"Toto"Mangudadatu" sought to chalenge this monopoly of power with a run for the governor's seat in the last election, in 2010. Making known his intent, he sought to negate any chance for violence by deploying his wife at the head of a large convoy of SUVs filled with female clan members, allied attorneys and a horde of media representatives.
Driving down National Hiway towards to provincial capitol of Shariff Aguak (town, not the afore mentioned failed province), they were held at a PNP checkpoint in the town of Ampatuan. Andal jr., leading about 100 well armed members of the Ampatuan CVO appeared out of the jungle by the side of the road, and after some physical assaults had the CVO soldiers drive the vehicles in the Mangudadatu convoy to a hill about 2 kms away but over looking the checkpoint. At that site all 57 people (including a few who had only been sandwiched in by the convoy and weren't attached toit at all) were murdered by chain-fed M16 (1 journalist, hogtied and in the front seat of an SUV had been shot in the head with a double barrled shotgun).
The dead and their vehicles were being interred in 3 hastily excavated pits, with provincially owned construction machinery when CVO scouts alerted the group to an approaching detachment of AFP soldies not allied with the Ampatuan Clan. the soldiers had been deployed after a flurry of communications between the media and the AFP, by the companies employing the murdered journalists. the gruseome scene was recorded for all posterity instead of simply becoming yet another one of the many Philippine "Killing Fields" and the Ampatuans themselves were pretty much under the microscope, but not out of power, and not separated from their vast ill gotten fortune.
198 people have been charged in the incident, of which more than 100 remain at large. Many of those wanted men are CVO soldiers. interestingly, the CVO which had roughly 2500 men, has pretty much gone rogue with an estimated 2000 gunmen operating in Maguindanao and N.Cotabato Provinces, battling both the AFP as well as their perennial enemy , the MILF.
The whole sordid affair deserves its own series of entires and I will be producing them soon.
After the Massacre a State of Emergency, then a State of Martial Law which soon reverted back to a State of Emergency was declared for Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provinces (the latter being the base of the Mangudadatu Clan, themselves fairly powerful), as well as Cotabato City. Cotabato City was added because it is the capitol of the ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao). Besides Maguindanao being 1 of 5 ARMM provinces, the Governor of the ARMM (at the time) was another Ampatuan son, Zaldi Ampatuan. The region remains under a State of Emergency and the Ampatuan CVO (illegal) is spilling alot of blood up until the present.
On the day in question, the MILF 105 Base Command battled the legal Ampatuan CVO and around nightfall the moratars began pounding both sides without let up. At that point the AFP's 46IB came in and reinforced the CVO. The bloodshed stopped on August 01 when the IMT (International Monitoring Team, an entity composed of Brunei, Japan, Norway and the EU and led by Malaysia, created to monitor and support the Cease Fire between the MILF and the AFP/GRP), and the CCCH-MILF and the CCCH-GRP (explained in an earlier portion of this post) set up shoppe in Barangay Matabong and the adjoining Barangay Kapimpilan. This enabled both sides to save face due to international pressure and attention.
During this same period, July 25 through August 01, 2010 in Barangay Salat, President Quirino, Sultan Kudarat Province, 400 MILF guerillas under sub-Kumander Daud Macaalay entered the barangay and burned more than 100 homes to the ground. Most of the burned homes and buildings belonged to MNLF Kumander Magalona Ampatuan, a barangay councilor in Barangay Salat. Ampatuan's brother, Manny, also an MNLF Kumander was killed in an earlier exchange of gunfire. IDPs in the town have set up temporary shacks around the city hall compound.
July 26 through July 30, 2010 in Malabalay City, Bukidnon Province, the PMA (Pangadapu Mindanao Association) under Supreme Datu Migketay Victorino Saway, a Lumad (Hill Tribes) umbrella organisation held an important meeting of tribal chiefs in which they produced a Resolution demanding that Lumads (of course via the PMA) be given a seat at the next MILF-GRP Talks in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia after Ramadan. They demand that their rights with regard to Ancestral Domain be respected.
Datu Saway is a nemesis of the MILF's alternate Peace Panel member, Datu Antonio P.Ki , a B'laan tribal Historian who takes the opposite tact, i.e. the MILF party line. The MILF of course tries to sell a defected bill of goods claiming that while the MILF would hold political sovereignity of the Lumad Ancestral Domains, it would not actually "control" them. Instead it says, the Lumad themselves would handle the tracts. Naturally this has failed to satisfy anyone but the few Lumad puppets on the MILF payroll.
Again, a subject deserving of its own entry, Ancestral Domain is a concept akin to the US' Native American "Reservation" system with limited autonomy to indigenous groups over patches of land, not neccessarily contigious with which specific indigenous groups have a recorded historical conenction. These Domains involve alot of money because of timber, minerals, metals, and agricultral land. The Talks so far have hardly even mentioned the Lumad, and when mentioning them have sublimated their concerns to that of the Moros, the collective term for Muslims. in other words, the MILF wants to have ultimate control over Lumad lands within lands awarded to the Moros. Naturally this doesnt sit well with Lumads themselves.
On July 29, 2010, the Chairman of the MDA (Mindanao Development Authority). Jesus Dureza who concurrently has served in successive Peace Panels in MILF Talks, most recently as Chairman of the last Panel under the Arroyo Government in the 2003 Talks (which took place after the 2003 MILF-GRP War), has resigned his position at MDA. He was in the middle of a 6 year term but left his position because of his heavy identification with the former Administration.
Some may recall that as Chairman of the 2003 GRP-MILF Talks he became embroiled in some controversy when he was accused of "annotating" the proceedings minutes (the transcript of what is said during negotations), specifically 1 very important parlez in Kaula Lampur, Malaysia on February 28 that year. interestingly, and not known to very many, in 1999 long before the government utilised his services or gave him a position in any office he had contacted the MILF on his own and had offered to serve on THEIR Panel.
There is alot that can be said about this, and some may even argue that as a lifelong resident of Mindanao and a well known attorney not connected to either side that there was nothing wrong in what he did but it does show a certain level of ambitiousness that has caused some to call his abilities into question. when a person is attracted to the limelight, and more specifically to the hallowed halls of pwoer they will do anything within their reach to stay there, no matter the cause, the ends will justify the means. With that said, since his appointment to the GRP, both on the Panel as well as in his position at the MDA, he has done nothing to prove his critics right.
That same day, July 29, Sultan Muhammad Fuad Abdullah Kiram I of Suluofficially asked the GRP to disqualify Malaysia from its role as mediator of the GRP-MILF PEace PRocess Talks owing to his long time claim on Sabah. As I briefly discussed in my "Whole Lot of Ugly cum Operation Merdeka" series of entries, although Malaysia has flown its flag over Sabah State on Borneo since Malaysian Independance the state historically belongs to the Sulu Sultanate.
The remarks first surfaced at the CMD (Christian Muslim Democrats, as in Lakas-KAMPI-CMD) joint SultanteAward Presentation at Quezon City's Sulo Hotel. The Sultan (actually 1 of several claimants for the title of Sultan) clarified that he does not advocate seccession of Mindanao but does advocate a form of autonomy akin to Finalnd's entity created for its Sami ("Lapp") minority. The MILF which is heavily biased towards Malaysia came out swining and warned the Sultan to "be careful" with his words and made sure to describe him as a "claimant" to the throne.
In a related development, on Monday, August 30 GRP re-certified Malaysian participation and rationalised this by pointing out Malaysia's lengthly and deeply immersed service to the process. Malaysia which joined the Process as Mediator in March of 2001 also heads the IMT (International Monitoring Team), an entity devoted to preserving the Cease Fire. Malaysia reciprocated on Wednesday, September 01 by officially re-commmitting itself. If the government had not re-certified Malaysia it would have not only grreatly delayed the Talks, but could have very well jeapourdised the Process owing to MILF's afore mentioned bias towards the country. To reject the nation would have taken a bi-lateral agreement by both the GRP AND the MILF, and the latter would have never come.
July 30 to August 01, 2010 in Barangay Makasendeg, Pikit, North Cotabato saw the 29IB ensconed and shelling the MILF under Kumander Tata Uy who were dug in across the provincial border in Barangays Reina Regente and Dasawao in Datu Piang, Maguindanao. The AFP was lobbing 81MM mortar shells for 2 days stright and one of the last shells, at 3PM on August 01 managed to critically wound 4th grader Datu Mama Samiling (the child's first name is "Datu," he was not actually a "Datu" which means "Most Esteemed Man" and idiomatically means "Tribal Chief").
On August 07, 2010 in Sitio Kimudal, Barangay Balanakan, Datu Piang, Maguindanao Province, a detachment from the 29IB (Infantry Battalion), under Lt.Orcullo has ensconced itself in a village mosque as it sets up shoppe trying to pacify a local Rido (Clan Warfare) between 2 MILF factions from 2 different Base Commands ("Base Command" is a designation akin to conventional Brigade, a format the MILF adopted after the 2000 GRP-MILF War when the MILF destroyed almost all the MILF's static camps.
The fighting, which I had discussed earlier in this entry, reached its apex on August 10, but has ebbed and flowed continuously since then with very hot flare ups. I do know that 4 guerillas from the 106 Base Command died on the 10th but other than that it is exceedingly difficult to keep a tally since according to Shar'ia Law (Islamic Law), the dead must be buried before the following nightfall (though alternatively, "martyrs" in the undertaking of Jihad can be left as is but that is a Maranaw and Yakan custom not universally adhered to y all Moro ethnicities and certainly not at all held by the Islamic World in general).
The villagers are angry at the AFP for living in the mosque, especially since most in the AFP are non-Muslim and drink beer, eat pork, etc. As of posting, today is August 28, they are still biouvaced in that mosque. Some may recall that in 2009 the 54IB came under criticism for doing this same thing in Barangay Sambulawan, in Datu Salibo in that same province. This has also happened in Datu Piang's Barangays Magaslong and Balanakan in the past. In fairness to the AFP, there just arent that many semi-modern buildings large enough, and safe enough to house at least a platoon, and usually a company of soldiers. As long as the soldiers do not desecrate the building and make allowances for worshippers it shouldnt be a problem, irrespective of the Muslim belief that non-muslims shouldnt be living there.
The MILF has filed an official complaint for a Cease Fire Violation, by the AFP (i.e. "GRP") via the CCCH (an entity consisting of a panel from each side that is designed to mediate so called Violations so as to prolong the Cease Fire). The comaplaint is against an alleged bombing run by 2 AFP OV-10s ("Broncos," jets) that the MILF maintains bombed an entire barangay, Algunganan in Datu Piang, Maguindanao in fighting related to the 104 and 106 Base Commands. On August 07 those 2 jets dropped WP (White Phosphorus) in a rice paddy where the 2 groups were battling as a distinct warning. WP, as some may very well know, is the munition which turned the world's angry attention (once again) to Israel during the IDF's (Israeli Defense Forces) December 2008/Janurary 2009 operation in Gaza. Amazing how THAT can get the world on the edge of its collective seat while the very same munition can land on heads in umpteenth other conflicts that the West could not care the least about.
In truth, WP is completely legal and is NOT an AP (Anti-Personnel) Munition, meaning that it is not used to cause death or injury. Rather, when used correctly, it is designed to denude brush (clear foilage), Mark terrain (for subsequent bombing runs) , for Illumination (to provide light in dark conditions, or as an Obscurant (to give "Smoke" so that Ground Forces, i.e. infantry can operate in a much improved environment, safety wise).
On the day in question, the AFP dropped it a a Marker, so as to send a loud and clear message to the 2 MILF Base Commands to knock off the nonsense or take some 500 pounders on the head (stop fighting or you will be bombed into submission). The MILF, ignoring the fact that the entire sub-conflict is an MILF on MILF affair, and ignoring the bloodshed and misery not only amongst its own guerillas but the civlians amongst whom the operate instead chooses to spin the 2 WP shells as a propaganda exercise that noone even pays attention to. That day in question, 6000 new villagers (in total) became IDPs (Refugees).
August 09, 2010, Camp Darapanan, in Barangay Darapnan, Sultan Kudarat (town, not province), in Maguindanao Province, the camp holding the MILF's main political apparattus was home to the MILF-FOCAP (Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines), "Forum of the Peace Process." al Haj Ebrahim Murad, the Chairman of the MILF gave the Opening Speech.
In his speech chairman Murad claimed that there is merely 1 "Substantiative Agenda Item" holding the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) and the MILF apart. Om Janurary 27, 2010 both sides attempted to solve the impasse via the "Comprehensive Compact" Draft Agreement. The exchange of Drafts failed to bbring the 2 sides together. Murad claims that the MILF merely reiterated its last position, the so caled, "Assymetrical State and Sub-State Arrangement of Governance" where as the GRP recycled an untenable position it had held from 2000 to 2003.
The circa 2003 position, "Enhanced Autonomy" is merely a slight riff on the current programme, "ARMM" (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao). He continued, relating that at the last tet a tet in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia on June 03, 2010 left the GRP merely repeating its stated lack of direction. Murad sees no difference twith the new Administration, thus far but is taking a wait and see approach.
August 12, 2010 saw the IS-AFP (AFP Intelligence) distribute a Report on the MILF's "State of Readiness" over the preceeding 7 months. Camp Palestine, in butig, Lanao del Sur Province was home to 8 Training cycles. Of these 8, 2 were 90 day Basic Training courses, one 30 day Intelligence course and 6 courses of 3 day Reivews (Brush Ups) on Infantry technique. The 3 day Reviews of course entailed hundreds of trainnes per cycle. there was also 1 cycle in Tawi Tawi under the 117 Base Command, in Jungle Warfare, something that the MILF hasnt really concentrated on given the terrain under which it usually operates (Maranaw and Maguindanaowan area are marsh or river basins, or otherwise very denunded farmland that would not look entirely out of place in say, Essex in England or Wisconsin in the US). 2 Base Commands, the 114 and afore mentioned 117 do primarily operate in the jungle but then the 117th, whose AOR is Sulu and Tawi Tawi but basically only exists on Tawi Tawi, is ineffectual and basically concentrates its efforts at "fundraising," while the 114, whose AOR (Area of Operations) is on Basilan Island, is for all intensive purposes folded into the ASG (Abu Sayyaf Group).
On august 18, 2010, MILF Peace Panel Chairman (or I should say former since the Panel was officially deactivated almost 2 months ago though it is an open secret that he will once again be made Chairman when the re-constituted Panel is announced within the week) Jun Mantawil responded to media reports that Congressman Rodolfo Biazon has remarked that "Cha Cha" (Charter change, i.e. Constituional Ammending) is a pre-requisite for any realisation of the MoA (Memorandum of Agreement) on Ad (Ancestral Domain), per the current MILF position on the issue. Mantawil pointed out that under the current MILF position (this "position" being "Assymetrical State and Sub-State Arrangement") there are no demands for anything not currently allowed by the 1987 Constitution.
Mantawil stresses that the MILF is not demanding ultimate control over Currency/Monetary Arrangements or Foreign Relations and that indeed the MILF conceeds these to the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) along with Postal Powers (maybe this last aspect was given as a joke given the absolutely deplorable state of the Philippine Postal System, with most Mindanowan towns taking 6 months or more to receive DOMESTIC mail if they even ever receive it at all).
It is also worth noting that Mantawil also flogged the latest joint venture of the MILF and the Asia Foundation, a nicely bound (and rather expencive) compendium of all signed GRP-MILG Agreements post 1996 's Jakarta Accord. for those keeping count, there are 87 including the non-sensical blather like the last Agreement signed in Kuala Lampur in early june this year.
On August 21, 2010 on the eastside of Zamboanga City, 2 MILF guerillas were taken into custody re the AFP's Order of Battle. They were wanted though for their involvement with a local extortion gang along the likes of al Khobar and the Pentagon Gang, groups who I will discuss, as well as their dynamic, in an upcoming entry. The 2 men are charged with having strafed alocal bus with M16s as it sped by with passengers in an extortion plot against the bus company. The first attack in this spate took place on Janurary 17, 2010 in Licomo, Zamboanga del Sur Province when 12 people were wounded by an M16 strafing. 2 of those 12 people were plainclothes PNP Marshalls working with the bus company, Rural Transit.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)