Large portions of Mindanao exist entirely off of the grid. By "grid" I mean modernity, life's luxuries like running water, and running electricity. Filipinos have been labeled the highest cellphone users in the world on a per capita basis, with SMS, or, "Text Messaging" being the primary form of communication. Imagine then, how frustrating it must be for the soldiers coming south from Luzon, who are already having to adjust to language and cultural differences on top of being dropped into a remote corner of Mindanao, one without cellular signals. One such maddening post is the 57IB (Infantry Battalion) garrison in the municipality of Makilala's Barangay Batasan. The detachment's post, in that barangay's Purok #6, is without running water, electricity, and yes, also without a cellular signal.
So it was on Friday, November 11th, 2011, when Corporal (Cpl.) Hassan Sarif was tasked with picking up the next three days worth of supplies, not one but two Privates First Class (Pfc.), volunteered to accompany Cpl.Sarif on the supply run. Like their Corporal, Pfc.Dandie Garbo and Pfc.Alex Calon changed into civilian attire. Although on duty, they would be trekking 6 kilometers to the main sector garrison for their supplies, as well as charging their cellphone batteries for those rare times when the unit moved through the hills near their post, locales that offered intermittent cellphone signals. The civilian attire is meant to remove the giant bullseye taped to their foreheads since they operate in one of the most dangerous sectors on Mainland Mindanao. Aside from the BIAF, or, Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, as the military wing of the MILF is known, there are two competitive factions of the MNLF/BMA (BMA being the Bangsamoro Army, the military half of the MNLF equation), the MNLF-Misuari, and the MNLF-EC15 (Executive Council of 15, led by the Vice Mayor of Cotabato City, Muslimin Sema). Additionally, there are the three Communist Insurgencies, the CPP/NPA, the RPM-M/RPA, and the Black Fighters. The second, Rebolusyonaryong Partido Manggagawa (Revolutionary Worker's Party), and its armed wing, the Revolutionary Proletariat Army, are at the tail end of a Peace Process and for all effective purposes, have been neutralised. The last group, the Black Fighters, are a B'laan Lumad group with roughly three dozen guerillas whose chief aim seems to be cattle rustling and cannabis trafficking, luckily for the Government.
The CPP/NPA however, remains a force to be reckoned with. Although the original NPA Regional Command covering that sector- the Second Congressional District of North Cotabato Province, the Central Mindanao Committee, or CMC, disintegrated under the internal pressures wrought by what the CPP now calls, its "Second Great Rectification," when the CMC rejected CPP founder and chief ideologue Jose Maria "Joma" Sison's strict "My way or the hiway" ethos vis a vis Orthadox Maoism, the sector has bounced back under NPA control quite strongly. Today the sector is controlled by the SMRC, or, Southern Mindanao Regional Committee. The SMRC, whose AOR, or Area of Responsibility (as in "Area of Operation") is concentrated on Region 11, the Davao Region, but also covers what remains of the NPA's once extremely formidable presence in that province, North Cotabato. The specific Front, or guerilla unit operating in Makilala is Front 51, the Matanggol Roque Command. Covering Antipas, Arakan, and M'lang, as well as Makilala, Front 51 has proved itself equipped to dance toe to toe with the AFP for the long haul.
As Cpl.Sarif and Pfcs.Garbo and Calon left their post, they made a mistake all too common of lax soldiers, and stuck to a regular routine. Instead of following the ridge line, slowly, they traipsed down the footpath meandering next to a creek on the valley floor. Approaching them from the opposite direction was a 16 year old B'laan Tribesmen leading his goats to a higher pasture. The young shepard would later recall that Pfc.Calon, the only one of the three carrying a weapon, was walking to the rear as Cpl.Sarif and Pfc.Garbo were deep in conversation. The report of a rifle echoed all through the mountain valley.
Pfc.Alex Calon was killed instantly by a aniper's bullet that tore through the side of his head. As the shepard scrambled with his goats, Cpl.Sarif and Pfc.Garbo helplessly fell to their bellies, with no idea where the shot came from. In quick sucession both men were critically wounded as well. Playing dead, the two surviving men were able to recover Pfc.Calon's M16 and service issued 45 caliber pistol, before escaping under the cover of darkness. Almost always, NPA sniping incidents are the result of Irregulars, members of the NPA Irregular Force, "Milisya ng Bayan," or, "Village Militia."
Showing posts with label MNLF-EC15. Show all posts
Showing posts with label MNLF-EC15. Show all posts
Friday, December 16, 2011
Thursday, October 6, 2011
Kidnap for Ransom for the Fourth Quarter of 2011, Part III: The Release of Evangeline Taverisma
In my entry, "Kidnap for Ransom for the Third Quarter of 2011, Part V" I discussed the case of 55 year old Evangeline Taverisma. The wife of a retired AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines soldier, Ms.Taverisma spent much of her time at the Rural Health Station in Barangay Tagbak, in the municipality of Indanan on Sulu Province's Jolo Island. There Evangeline worked as a midwife much as she had been doing for the better part of the past thirty-five years.
As Ms.Taverisma walked home from her job on the afternoon August 3rd, 2011, she was waylaid by four gun wielding men who, while waving 45 caliber pistols in the air, angrily ordered her to quickly get inside the red six-bench (a shorter version of the "jeepney") Toyota Tamaraw that they had recently commandeered. The men, ASG, or Abu Sayyaf Group guerillas under Kumander Nasir Timbang then spirited Ms.Taverisma into the upland barangay of Kuppung where she then spent the better part of the next two weeks.
Kumander Timbang then sold Ms.Taverisma to a second Abu Sayyaf faction under Kumander Muhmar Jikiri in a deal brokered by Timbang's wingman, known only by his nom de guerre, sub-Kumander Pula and Jikiri Clansmen Sarippuddin "Iddih" Jikiri, the 23 year old Mayor of Indanan and the son of MNLF-EC15 (MNLF-Executive Committee of 15 aka MNLF-Sema) senior officer Yusop Jikiri, former Governor and Congressman to boot. It was Kumander Muhmar Jikiri who then opened ransom negotiations with the ridiculously high sum of P5 Million ($105,000). As a midwife at a Government health clinic and the wife of a retired AFP enlisted man there was no way that Ms.Taverisma's loved ones could even raise P500,000 ($11,000). Luckily for her perhaps, she was able to regain her freedom without a single centavo ever being paid.
On Thursday, October 6th, 2011 the Sulu PPO, or Provincial Police Office, was on reconnaisance patrol in the municipality of Parang. Sometime after crossing into the upland barangay of Lanao Dakula they began taking fire from a thickly wooded area. When the shooting stopped 10 minutes later the police officers carefully made their way into the wooded area and discovered a small ASG encampment. Moreover, huddling inside a blue plastic tarp, shivering in fear, was Ms.Taverisma. The Sulu PPO immediately transported the still shocked woman into Jolo City where she was released to the custody of the Provincial Hospital for the requisite medical exam, with her de-briefing scheduled for later today, Friday, October 7th.
As Ms.Taverisma walked home from her job on the afternoon August 3rd, 2011, she was waylaid by four gun wielding men who, while waving 45 caliber pistols in the air, angrily ordered her to quickly get inside the red six-bench (a shorter version of the "jeepney") Toyota Tamaraw that they had recently commandeered. The men, ASG, or Abu Sayyaf Group guerillas under Kumander Nasir Timbang then spirited Ms.Taverisma into the upland barangay of Kuppung where she then spent the better part of the next two weeks.
Kumander Timbang then sold Ms.Taverisma to a second Abu Sayyaf faction under Kumander Muhmar Jikiri in a deal brokered by Timbang's wingman, known only by his nom de guerre, sub-Kumander Pula and Jikiri Clansmen Sarippuddin "Iddih" Jikiri, the 23 year old Mayor of Indanan and the son of MNLF-EC15 (MNLF-Executive Committee of 15 aka MNLF-Sema) senior officer Yusop Jikiri, former Governor and Congressman to boot. It was Kumander Muhmar Jikiri who then opened ransom negotiations with the ridiculously high sum of P5 Million ($105,000). As a midwife at a Government health clinic and the wife of a retired AFP enlisted man there was no way that Ms.Taverisma's loved ones could even raise P500,000 ($11,000). Luckily for her perhaps, she was able to regain her freedom without a single centavo ever being paid.
On Thursday, October 6th, 2011 the Sulu PPO, or Provincial Police Office, was on reconnaisance patrol in the municipality of Parang. Sometime after crossing into the upland barangay of Lanao Dakula they began taking fire from a thickly wooded area. When the shooting stopped 10 minutes later the police officers carefully made their way into the wooded area and discovered a small ASG encampment. Moreover, huddling inside a blue plastic tarp, shivering in fear, was Ms.Taverisma. The Sulu PPO immediately transported the still shocked woman into Jolo City where she was released to the custody of the Provincial Hospital for the requisite medical exam, with her de-briefing scheduled for later today, Friday, October 7th.
Friday, April 29, 2011
MNLF,First Quarter of 2011:MNLF Peace Process:4th Tripartite Review Held in Jeddah,and a History of the Tripartite Modality
Counter-intutitively the 1996"Jakarta Agreement"(Jakarta Accord) between the MNLF and GPH (Govt.of the Philippines) only unleashed even more confounding problems rather than helping to end the MNLF Insurgency,or-Heaven Forbid-solve its underlying causes.The 1996 Agreement,known as the"FPA,"or Final Peace Agreement,was meant to frame the implementation of a much earlier agreement,"Tripoli 1976,"signed in Tripoli Libya.Tripoli was a Marcos Era shell game that had a lot of bells and whistles but in reality lacked any real substance.According to Tripoli the Philippines would create an autonomous zone in Central Mindanao.In reality it created very little and solved even less.
With Marcos's ouster in 1986 and his successor,Corazon"Cory"Aquino ascending to the Presidency,the GHP-MNLF Peace Process began anew.By 1989 President Aquino had created ARMM,the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao.Still,nothing really changed until she was succeeded by President Fidel Ramos,former AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines) Chief of Staff.Ramos re-initiated the Process which had been left to its own devices and stalled out in 1987.Beginning in late 1993 and concluding in late 1996,after a mere 4 Rounds of Formal Talks,the 2 sides concluded Jakarta 1996.
Jakarta 96,or the FPA,devised an implementational blueprint for Tripoli 1976.It divided the implementation into 2 Phases:
1) Phase I)"Transitional",to take place from 1996 to 1999 though it optioned the built in extension rider so that Phase I officially concluded in 2001).This Phase involved:
A) The creation of the SPCPD,or Southern Philippines Center for Peace and Development.An Executive Branch entity with 81 members,directly answerable to the President.SPCPD would take direct control over other governmental developmental entities operation within the ARMM AOR.
B) Creation of SZOPAD (Special Zone of Peace and Development).This entity was to function as an economically advantageous area and would include 14 provinces:
1) Lanao del Norte
2) Lanao d Sur
3) North Cotabato
4) South Cotabato
5) Davao del Sur
6) Sarangani
7) Zamboanga del Sur
8) Zamboanga del Norte
9) Basilan
10) Sulu
11) Tawi Tawi
12) Maguindanao
13) Sultan Kudarat
14) Palawan
as well as focusing on 9 cities:
1) Cotabato City
2) Dapitan City
3) Dipolog City
4) GenSan (General Santos City)
5) Iligan City
6) Marawi City
7) Pagadian City
8) Zamboanga City
9) Puerto Princessa City
SZOPAD was under control of SPCPD.
C) Creation of the CA,or Consultative Assembly.An 81 member advisory body to the SPCPD without any legislative powers and overwhelmingly composed of MNLF/BMA members.
2) De-mobilisation of BMA,the Bangsamoro Army,the MNLF's military wing.Thousands og guerillas would integrated into the AFP and to a lesser degree,the PNP.
Phase II would involve 1)Ammending RA (Republic Act)# 6734,the"Organic Act of ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao)".This was to take place by 1998.
2) After Ammending,a plebiscite would be held within those 9 cities and 14 provinces.
3) After Ammending the Organic Act,the Transitory Mechanisms would be de-commissoned (SPCPD,SZOPAD and CA).
RA# 6734 ended up Ammended as RA# 9054 in 2001 but in the plebiscite only 1 city,Marawi and 1 province,Basilan opted to join.Basilan's provincial capitol,Isabela City didn't join the rest of its province and so while Basilan Island is now part of ARMM,its capitol is part of Zamboanga del Norte administratively.The MNLF boycotted the plebiscite with Misuari contending that both President Ramos and his successor Joseph"ERAP"Estrada had violated the spirit,if not the letter of Jakarta 96 with GPH having authored,passed and ratified RA# 9054 (Ammended Organic Act) without consulting the MNLF.More to the point,GPH had hobbled Misuari financially,thus stunting crucial infrastructual development.Also an important factor,duly noted by Misuari was that Congress had treated Misuari like Ramos' whipping boy.Ramos,in creating the SPCPD and installing Misuari as the Council's Chairman had managed to infuriate Congress.The House was livid over GPH creating the entity as part and parcel of the Executive branch.In doing this Ramos hoped to avoid unwanted Congressional interference which would delay implemention of modalities and programmes.Likewise this circumvention of the Legislative Branch enabled President Ramos to directly fund certain modalities via certain discretionary funds allocated to the President under generic labels out of the Annual Presidential Budget.There in lies a hugely problematic issue.
Misuari was made Chairman of the SPCPD which acted as the supervisory entity over SZOPAD and all other developmemtal programmes within the SZOPAD AOR (Area of Responsibility).Entities like TF Basilan (not to be confused with the AFP's Task Force of the same name which at that point did not exist),TF Malmar (covering Central Mindanao),Sulu Developmental TF,OMA (Office of Muslim Affairs),OSCC (Office if Southern Cultural Communities),SPDA (Southern Philippines Development Authority) and SDGP (Special Development Planning Group,an ad hoc entity composed of representatives from different national agencies dealing with infrastructural development).Misuari wasn't devoid of organisational skills.He ran a moderately complex organisation that operated on an international basis and had spent 24 years interacting with governmental agencies on one level or another.Still,that is a whole different dynamic than sitting in the cockpit of a bureaucratic behemoth.All the more so when many of these same governmental entities actively work to stifle your efforts.
After the last portion of Phase I was completed,the de-mobilisation of the BMA and mass intefration of demobilised guerillas into both the AFP and the PNP (Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police) attentions turned to Phase II.At this point,in 199,Misuari was under incredible pressure to produce tangible results.He faced opposition from literally every corner.The Catholic Church had mobilised and had taken great issue with the FPA's Article II,Section 5 which mandated the creation of an advisory body to the SPCPD,the"Darul Iftah."Misuari had always maintained that his crusade revolved around ethnicity and culture,not religion.Yet,at MNLF insistence a single advisory body composed entirely of Islamic clergy was created to ensure-as its proponents stated-the enshrinement of Islamic Values.Naturally this rankled the Catholic Church.Understandably it also became a political hot potato with local politicians forming entire platforms around the entity.The fact that this was taking place within SZOPAD was a nightmare for Misuari and his ever dwindling coterie of backers.
The Church also focused on another of the 3 transitory entities created in Phase I,the CA (Consultative Assembly).Like the SPCPD it had Misuari as its Chairman.Tasked with acting as a soundboard to advise Misuari and the rest of the SPCPD.Particularly troubling to the Church,and even to a fair number of Muslims was that the CA had a dedicated slot of 44 seats for MNLF/BMA members.This translated into a majority control and so instead of representing all stakeholders it would be overwhelmingly representing the MNLF programme.The facct that Misuari automaticaly Chaired the entity mandated to advise him also troubled more than a few people.
Yet the real trouble came with the implementation of Phase II.Article III of the FPA/Jarkata 1996 mandated a repeal or Ammending of RA# 6734,the Organic Act of ARMM.Congress then embarked on a quest to do so but without an iota of input from a single member of the MNLF.Seeing as how the purpose of this endeavor was to fashion an entity in accordance with the FPA,it seems almost criminal to have ignored the group at the epicentre of the dynamic.Of course Congress had an axe to grind over President Ramos's delegation of Executive Power to the SPCPD.No matter if such childish tit for tat sinks the nation into another decade of orgiastic violence,just so long as the political dynasties filling Congress get to salve their battered egos.Though Congress was ready to Ammend RA# 6734 by 1999 it took roughly 2 years to pass.It had been introduced in the 2nd Session of the 10th Congress but had taken until the 11th Congress,finally entering into effect on March 31,2001.Opinions seems to be united in viewing Congress as having stalled consideration purposefully.
With passage of the Ammended Organic Act ("Act to Strengthen and Expand the Organic Act" in shorthand) the transitory mechanisms implemented in Phase I of the FPA were to be abolished in favour of more permanent governmental bodies.The SPCPD was to be replaced with a Governor,Vice Governor and an Executive Council.Yet,it was really only a name change since the Governor appointed the 3 Deputies of the Executive Council,or"EC",just as the Chairman of the SPCPD had.Just as in the SPCPD the 3 Deputies were to each represent 1 of the 3 main demographic pools on Mindanao,and so on.CA was to be replaced with the RLA,or Regional Legislative Assembly.Finally,SZOPAD was to be erased,as is.Despite this being explicitly articulated in the FPA,then President Gloria M.Arroyo,"GMA,"saw fit to earn her stripes by issuing an Executive Order that left no room for doubt.EO# 80 countermanded EO# 161 issued by her predecessor,President Joseph"ERAP"Estrada in September of 1999.EO# 161 was merely a 1 year extension of the original Executive Order,EO# 371 issued by ERAP's predecessor,President Fidel Ramos.
Between the passage of RA# 9054 and issuance of EO# 80,which dissolved the SPCPD and CA Misuari was raked over the coals.As if the passage of RA# 9054 wasn't hard enough to deal with,just 29 days later he saw his closest confidantes turn on him.On April 29,2001 his #2,Dr.Parouk Sawadjaan Hussin led the MNLF's 15 member Executive Council in voting Misuari out as Chairman,though they did deign to bestow the meaningless title"Chairman Emeritus"upon him in that same Resolution.The move was especially treacherous given the fact that there was nothing to gain in pushing him out.Then,to do so at that particular juncture?After you have ridden Misuari's acclaim to positions of moderate power?Just reading the Resolution can make one cringe.In it Misuari was scalded as an inept administrator,a terrible leader,egotistical and hellbent on personal enrichment at the expence of the cause he pretended to represent.Misuari was labeled as"incompetent,"and what muat have hurt Misuari the most was that a lot of those callously offered judgments were spot on.
Parouk,with Cotabato City Mayor Muslimin G.Sema as the new #2 proclaimed themselves the new leaders of the MNLF.Immediately afterwards President Arroyo recognised their assumption of control and sponsored Parouk Hussin's campaign to replace a battered Misuari as Governor of ARMM.Predictably,Hussin won (November 26,2001),and Misuari returned to his hometown of Maimbung,Jolo Island,Sulu Province to lick his wounds.He must have healed very quickly because just dats after returning to Jolo he ended up directing the factions still loyal to him on an assault of an AFP position on Jolo that resulted in well over 100 deaths.That debacle led to a paperless escape to Sabah,where he was arrested for Illegal Entry. As the Arroyo Goverment charged him with Rebellion Misuari was returned to Manila after a hellish 45 days in a Malaysian prison.He would spend most of the next 8 years incarcerated though the vast bulk of it was spent in a 2 bedroom cottage on a PNP base.That of course is the Cliffnotes version of the Misuari narrative,as well as the backstory of ARMM,and of course the FPA.Ahhhh,the FPA,even today it is still stirring controversy.
Even as Misuari managed to emerge as the leader of the strongest MNLF faction,and much more importantly the one with which the OIC (Organisation of the Islamic Conference) does business with,the FPA remained an unresolved issue.As stated earlier,it merely functions as the Implementational Blueprint for Tripoli 76.Ergo it isn't a solution in and of itself UNLESS it serves to spur full implementation of Tripoli 76.While the Philippine Government has maintained that it has satisfied its onus under the FPA,the MNLF has held to the diametrically opposite position.As Misuari sat in stir the OIC,which has Facilitated the GPH-MNLF Peace Process since day one recognised that unless the GPH and MNLF viewpoints moved a lot closer to each other there would be no way to end the 30 years of bloodshed.In the Winter of 2006 the OIC deployed Sayeed Kassem el Masry,Speacial Envoy of the OIC Secretary General as the leader of a small OIC delegation (actually,the"delegation"consisted of Masry,his boyfriend who was billed as his"aide" and Libyan Representative Salem M.Adem) which was tasked with conducting a Field Visit to the Philippines so as to take a first hand look at the position(s) of both parties,but with an added secret agenda of trying ti facilitate Misuari's release from detention.
On May 17,2006 Sayed Kassem el Masry led his delegates on a 5 day OIC Field Mission,officially titled,"2006 Field Visit to Mindanao"and immediately paid a requisite courtesy call at the DFA (Dept.of Foreign Affairs) in Manila.From there the delegation wasted no time in directly travelling to Misuari's"cottage"tucked behind 2 fenced in enclosures topped with razor ribbbon at the PNP compound at Fort Santa Rosa,Laguna Province.Misuari conferred with the delegation,reiterating his concerns both about the FPA as well as about his detention which at that point had reached half a decade without resolution.The next morning the delegation,joined by in-country representatives (Ambassadors and Consular Generals from Embassies to the Philippines) from the OIC-PCSP (Peace Committee for the Southern Philippines) which is merely an expanded form of the Group of 8 (8 OIC member states that have taken the GPH-MNLF Peace Process as their pet project) and a delegation from GPH led by Secretary Jesus Dureza of OPAPP (Office of the Presidential Advisor on the Peace Process) left for a 3 day tour of Mindanao with time in Marawi City,Cotabato City and Jolo City.Returning on May 20 they met with GMA,the prancing pony of politeness herself,President Gloria M.Arroyo.Knowing that she couldn't pull the OIC's chain GMA whispered pillow talk and then pushed her own agenda,the desire of the Philippines to gain Observer Status at the OIC.With that unfufilled wish dangling in the air the 2 sides issued a Joint Communique in which they both acknowledged that the FPA's Phase II implementation has been left wanting.
Upon returning to Jeddah(where the OIC is based) el Masry composed his official report quickly and submitted it at the 33rd ICFM,the annual OIC Conference of Foreign Ministers,in Baku,Azeribijan (June 19 to June 21,2006).The jist of the report is that the Philippine Government strongly feels that it has succesfully implemented most if not all of Phase II.The MNLF holds a diametrically opposed viewpoint and there is a dire need with which to bring these 2 viewpoints more in alignment so as to salvage FPA.The OIC promptly passed a Resolution,#2-33-MM,which called for a Tripartite Review Process (GPH,MNLF and the OIC,in Section# 5 of the Resolution).The Tripartite Review was handed a mandate to not only review implementation but to develop modalities designed to foster and facilitate such implementation.
With the Philippine Government forced to agree the OIC tenatively schedualed the 1st Tripartite Review for November of that same year,2006.At the Government's insistence the Review was re-schedualed time and again before finally transpiring in November of 2007 (11/12-11/14).The GPH Delegation was chaired by Nabil Tan,Undersecretary for OPAPP while the MNLF's was led by attorney Randolph"Bong"Parcasio who was Chief Counsel for the MNLF and who had held the post of Executive Secretary under the Misuari Administration at ARMM.Ideally Misuari would have been in the driver's seat but he was still confined at Fort Santa Rosa.However,Misuari had personally picked each MNLF delegate and had Parcasio read a speech in his stead so that the entire affair had Misuari's thumbprint.The Review actually did manage to accomplish something in that both sides articulated a total of 36 Areas of Concern vis a vis Implementation of the FPA.In a quick review of these issues it was discovered that only 21 of them were at all cpntentious.
Having accomplished this the tet a tet could stake a claim to productivity but the meeting's 2nd mandate was to devise a mechanism with which to spur further implementational progress.All 3 delegations agreed to form a Tripartite Joint Secretariat composed of 5 members each from the MNLF and GPH.The Secretariat held its first meeting on December 10,2006 and ensconced itself in the Indonesian Embassy in Makati City in Metro Manila.At the First Review the 3 delegations agreed to form 5 Joint Working Groups to tackle the 21 contentious issues which they then categorised 5 ways:
1) National Defense and Security
2) Education
3) Economic and Finiancial Systems in addition to Natual Resource Exploitation ("exploitation"in the financial sense as in MPSAs,i.e."Mineral Production Sharing Agreements").
4) Administrative System and Right of Representation in addition to Participation in the National Government and All State Agencies.
5) Shar'ia (Islamic Jurisprudence) and the Judiciary
The exact structure of Working Groups,or"JWGs,"and their protocols were to be devised through the Tripartite Joint Secretariat.In addition,the 3 delegations agreed upon the formation of Ad Hoc Working Group,or"AHWG."AHWG was tasked with aiding in the JWG process as well as in assisting the Secretariat.The Secretariat met in January of 2008 and empanelled the 5 JWGs as well as AHWG and so the Tripartite Process began in earnest.
The 2nd Tripartite Review had actually been schedualed to take place concurrently to the Secretariat meeting but had,as was so often the case,been delayed.Again,all 3 Panels were Chaired by the same men that had led them at the 1st Review.Held only a few weeks behind scheduale (2/14-2/16) it was convened at the OIC Cultural Centre (IRCICA,OIC Research Centre) in Besiktas District Istanbul,Turkey.Mostly remembered as the Review where the gloves came off and delegates from the MNLF and GPH very nearly came to blows,in the end they agreed that the 5 JWGs were a decent beginning but that the groups needed fleshing out,more definition.Despite just having been formed the JWGs issued a collective Progress Report.
In March of 2009 the 3rd Tripartite Review took place at the Heritage Hotel in Metro Manila's Pasay City (3/11-3/13).Once again el Masry,Parcasio and Tan Chaired their respective delegations.The JWGs and Secretariat issued Progress Reports but the most notable development was that Misuari was in attendance for the first time having been released from detention on bail in April of 2008.On substantiative issues,the Review Process probably had its most accomplished period with all 3 Panels having agreed upon the formation of a Joint Legal Panel composed of delegates from the MNLF and GHP,to be co-Chaired by Leah Tandora Armamenta and Misuari.Speaking of Misuari,he certainly provided the entertainment by railing on and on about"GPH Massacres."Noone thought to remind him however that he had spent almost the entire decade in stir for getting more than 100 people killed.I reckon 100 violent deaths constitute a"massacre"but then again we ARE taking about Mindanao.The Joint Legal Panel,or JLP,was created to deal with the underlying issue in all of this,from the unresolved points of contention to the continued disparity in viewpoints between the Government and the MNLF.Its primary focus soon became the drafting an Ammendatory Bill for Congress to use in crafting a revision of,or even a full replacement for RA# 9054 (Expanded Organic Act).Hmmmmm...where have we heard THAT before?Ammendment or replacement og the Organic Act?Who would have imagined?
On January 22,2010 the JLP inked a Draft Bill at the Secretariat,housed in the Indonesian Embassy in Makati City.After presentation at the 4th Tripartite Review it would be submitted to Congress.Just a month later came the 4th and most recent Tripartite Review,in Jeddah,Saudi Arabia (2/22-2/23).Unlike the 3rd Review,Misuari Chaired the MNLF Panel while Secretary Teresita Q.Deles Chaired that of the GPH.There were 2 very notable accomplishments at this last meeting,namely the creation of the BDAF,or Bangsamoro Development Assistance Fund to act as the budgetary clearinghouse that had been omitted from the SPCPD and which was the single error most responsible for the failure to satisfactorily implement the FPA.Secondly,On the 3 remaining contentious issues:
1) Economic issues related to the Exploitation of Natural Resources,specifically Revenue Sharing between the Autonomous Region and the Government
2) Monitoring Entity for continued and sustained implementation of Phase II of the FPA
3) Umbrella for budgetary allocations specifically for development
the Panels agreed to form 3 Technical Committees,to be termed"Expert Groups".Now that the BDAF is being created the 3rd issue really will only deal with developing the BDAF's TORs (Terms of Reference,i.e."Protocols") so that it is a done deal really only leaving 2 issues.Of the 2,the Monitoring Body is a no-brainer in that it would simply be an evolution of the Tripartite Review Process.The real issue then will be Revenue Sharing on Natural Resources and since this has been hashed out in the GPH-MILF Peace Process with very favourable terms to the MILF I believe the light at the end of the tunnel is in sight.Of course that only means that Misuari and the MNLF will no longer be able to use the FPA and Tripoli 1976 as a scapegoat.It does NOT mean contention will disappear,nor will the violence still flaring up amongst the 5 extant MNLF Factions suddenly disappear.
With Marcos's ouster in 1986 and his successor,Corazon"Cory"Aquino ascending to the Presidency,the GHP-MNLF Peace Process began anew.By 1989 President Aquino had created ARMM,the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao.Still,nothing really changed until she was succeeded by President Fidel Ramos,former AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines) Chief of Staff.Ramos re-initiated the Process which had been left to its own devices and stalled out in 1987.Beginning in late 1993 and concluding in late 1996,after a mere 4 Rounds of Formal Talks,the 2 sides concluded Jakarta 1996.
Jakarta 96,or the FPA,devised an implementational blueprint for Tripoli 1976.It divided the implementation into 2 Phases:
1) Phase I)"Transitional",to take place from 1996 to 1999 though it optioned the built in extension rider so that Phase I officially concluded in 2001).This Phase involved:
A) The creation of the SPCPD,or Southern Philippines Center for Peace and Development.An Executive Branch entity with 81 members,directly answerable to the President.SPCPD would take direct control over other governmental developmental entities operation within the ARMM AOR.
B) Creation of SZOPAD (Special Zone of Peace and Development).This entity was to function as an economically advantageous area and would include 14 provinces:
1) Lanao del Norte
2) Lanao d Sur
3) North Cotabato
4) South Cotabato
5) Davao del Sur
6) Sarangani
7) Zamboanga del Sur
8) Zamboanga del Norte
9) Basilan
10) Sulu
11) Tawi Tawi
12) Maguindanao
13) Sultan Kudarat
14) Palawan
as well as focusing on 9 cities:
1) Cotabato City
2) Dapitan City
3) Dipolog City
4) GenSan (General Santos City)
5) Iligan City
6) Marawi City
7) Pagadian City
8) Zamboanga City
9) Puerto Princessa City
SZOPAD was under control of SPCPD.
C) Creation of the CA,or Consultative Assembly.An 81 member advisory body to the SPCPD without any legislative powers and overwhelmingly composed of MNLF/BMA members.
2) De-mobilisation of BMA,the Bangsamoro Army,the MNLF's military wing.Thousands og guerillas would integrated into the AFP and to a lesser degree,the PNP.
Phase II would involve 1)Ammending RA (Republic Act)# 6734,the"Organic Act of ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao)".This was to take place by 1998.
2) After Ammending,a plebiscite would be held within those 9 cities and 14 provinces.
3) After Ammending the Organic Act,the Transitory Mechanisms would be de-commissoned (SPCPD,SZOPAD and CA).
RA# 6734 ended up Ammended as RA# 9054 in 2001 but in the plebiscite only 1 city,Marawi and 1 province,Basilan opted to join.Basilan's provincial capitol,Isabela City didn't join the rest of its province and so while Basilan Island is now part of ARMM,its capitol is part of Zamboanga del Norte administratively.The MNLF boycotted the plebiscite with Misuari contending that both President Ramos and his successor Joseph"ERAP"Estrada had violated the spirit,if not the letter of Jakarta 96 with GPH having authored,passed and ratified RA# 9054 (Ammended Organic Act) without consulting the MNLF.More to the point,GPH had hobbled Misuari financially,thus stunting crucial infrastructual development.Also an important factor,duly noted by Misuari was that Congress had treated Misuari like Ramos' whipping boy.Ramos,in creating the SPCPD and installing Misuari as the Council's Chairman had managed to infuriate Congress.The House was livid over GPH creating the entity as part and parcel of the Executive branch.In doing this Ramos hoped to avoid unwanted Congressional interference which would delay implemention of modalities and programmes.Likewise this circumvention of the Legislative Branch enabled President Ramos to directly fund certain modalities via certain discretionary funds allocated to the President under generic labels out of the Annual Presidential Budget.There in lies a hugely problematic issue.
Misuari was made Chairman of the SPCPD which acted as the supervisory entity over SZOPAD and all other developmemtal programmes within the SZOPAD AOR (Area of Responsibility).Entities like TF Basilan (not to be confused with the AFP's Task Force of the same name which at that point did not exist),TF Malmar (covering Central Mindanao),Sulu Developmental TF,OMA (Office of Muslim Affairs),OSCC (Office if Southern Cultural Communities),SPDA (Southern Philippines Development Authority) and SDGP (Special Development Planning Group,an ad hoc entity composed of representatives from different national agencies dealing with infrastructural development).Misuari wasn't devoid of organisational skills.He ran a moderately complex organisation that operated on an international basis and had spent 24 years interacting with governmental agencies on one level or another.Still,that is a whole different dynamic than sitting in the cockpit of a bureaucratic behemoth.All the more so when many of these same governmental entities actively work to stifle your efforts.
After the last portion of Phase I was completed,the de-mobilisation of the BMA and mass intefration of demobilised guerillas into both the AFP and the PNP (Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police) attentions turned to Phase II.At this point,in 199,Misuari was under incredible pressure to produce tangible results.He faced opposition from literally every corner.The Catholic Church had mobilised and had taken great issue with the FPA's Article II,Section 5 which mandated the creation of an advisory body to the SPCPD,the"Darul Iftah."Misuari had always maintained that his crusade revolved around ethnicity and culture,not religion.Yet,at MNLF insistence a single advisory body composed entirely of Islamic clergy was created to ensure-as its proponents stated-the enshrinement of Islamic Values.Naturally this rankled the Catholic Church.Understandably it also became a political hot potato with local politicians forming entire platforms around the entity.The fact that this was taking place within SZOPAD was a nightmare for Misuari and his ever dwindling coterie of backers.
The Church also focused on another of the 3 transitory entities created in Phase I,the CA (Consultative Assembly).Like the SPCPD it had Misuari as its Chairman.Tasked with acting as a soundboard to advise Misuari and the rest of the SPCPD.Particularly troubling to the Church,and even to a fair number of Muslims was that the CA had a dedicated slot of 44 seats for MNLF/BMA members.This translated into a majority control and so instead of representing all stakeholders it would be overwhelmingly representing the MNLF programme.The facct that Misuari automaticaly Chaired the entity mandated to advise him also troubled more than a few people.
Yet the real trouble came with the implementation of Phase II.Article III of the FPA/Jarkata 1996 mandated a repeal or Ammending of RA# 6734,the Organic Act of ARMM.Congress then embarked on a quest to do so but without an iota of input from a single member of the MNLF.Seeing as how the purpose of this endeavor was to fashion an entity in accordance with the FPA,it seems almost criminal to have ignored the group at the epicentre of the dynamic.Of course Congress had an axe to grind over President Ramos's delegation of Executive Power to the SPCPD.No matter if such childish tit for tat sinks the nation into another decade of orgiastic violence,just so long as the political dynasties filling Congress get to salve their battered egos.Though Congress was ready to Ammend RA# 6734 by 1999 it took roughly 2 years to pass.It had been introduced in the 2nd Session of the 10th Congress but had taken until the 11th Congress,finally entering into effect on March 31,2001.Opinions seems to be united in viewing Congress as having stalled consideration purposefully.
With passage of the Ammended Organic Act ("Act to Strengthen and Expand the Organic Act" in shorthand) the transitory mechanisms implemented in Phase I of the FPA were to be abolished in favour of more permanent governmental bodies.The SPCPD was to be replaced with a Governor,Vice Governor and an Executive Council.Yet,it was really only a name change since the Governor appointed the 3 Deputies of the Executive Council,or"EC",just as the Chairman of the SPCPD had.Just as in the SPCPD the 3 Deputies were to each represent 1 of the 3 main demographic pools on Mindanao,and so on.CA was to be replaced with the RLA,or Regional Legislative Assembly.Finally,SZOPAD was to be erased,as is.Despite this being explicitly articulated in the FPA,then President Gloria M.Arroyo,"GMA,"saw fit to earn her stripes by issuing an Executive Order that left no room for doubt.EO# 80 countermanded EO# 161 issued by her predecessor,President Joseph"ERAP"Estrada in September of 1999.EO# 161 was merely a 1 year extension of the original Executive Order,EO# 371 issued by ERAP's predecessor,President Fidel Ramos.
Between the passage of RA# 9054 and issuance of EO# 80,which dissolved the SPCPD and CA Misuari was raked over the coals.As if the passage of RA# 9054 wasn't hard enough to deal with,just 29 days later he saw his closest confidantes turn on him.On April 29,2001 his #2,Dr.Parouk Sawadjaan Hussin led the MNLF's 15 member Executive Council in voting Misuari out as Chairman,though they did deign to bestow the meaningless title"Chairman Emeritus"upon him in that same Resolution.The move was especially treacherous given the fact that there was nothing to gain in pushing him out.Then,to do so at that particular juncture?After you have ridden Misuari's acclaim to positions of moderate power?Just reading the Resolution can make one cringe.In it Misuari was scalded as an inept administrator,a terrible leader,egotistical and hellbent on personal enrichment at the expence of the cause he pretended to represent.Misuari was labeled as"incompetent,"and what muat have hurt Misuari the most was that a lot of those callously offered judgments were spot on.
Parouk,with Cotabato City Mayor Muslimin G.Sema as the new #2 proclaimed themselves the new leaders of the MNLF.Immediately afterwards President Arroyo recognised their assumption of control and sponsored Parouk Hussin's campaign to replace a battered Misuari as Governor of ARMM.Predictably,Hussin won (November 26,2001),and Misuari returned to his hometown of Maimbung,Jolo Island,Sulu Province to lick his wounds.He must have healed very quickly because just dats after returning to Jolo he ended up directing the factions still loyal to him on an assault of an AFP position on Jolo that resulted in well over 100 deaths.That debacle led to a paperless escape to Sabah,where he was arrested for Illegal Entry. As the Arroyo Goverment charged him with Rebellion Misuari was returned to Manila after a hellish 45 days in a Malaysian prison.He would spend most of the next 8 years incarcerated though the vast bulk of it was spent in a 2 bedroom cottage on a PNP base.That of course is the Cliffnotes version of the Misuari narrative,as well as the backstory of ARMM,and of course the FPA.Ahhhh,the FPA,even today it is still stirring controversy.
Even as Misuari managed to emerge as the leader of the strongest MNLF faction,and much more importantly the one with which the OIC (Organisation of the Islamic Conference) does business with,the FPA remained an unresolved issue.As stated earlier,it merely functions as the Implementational Blueprint for Tripoli 76.Ergo it isn't a solution in and of itself UNLESS it serves to spur full implementation of Tripoli 76.While the Philippine Government has maintained that it has satisfied its onus under the FPA,the MNLF has held to the diametrically opposite position.As Misuari sat in stir the OIC,which has Facilitated the GPH-MNLF Peace Process since day one recognised that unless the GPH and MNLF viewpoints moved a lot closer to each other there would be no way to end the 30 years of bloodshed.In the Winter of 2006 the OIC deployed Sayeed Kassem el Masry,Speacial Envoy of the OIC Secretary General as the leader of a small OIC delegation (actually,the"delegation"consisted of Masry,his boyfriend who was billed as his"aide" and Libyan Representative Salem M.Adem) which was tasked with conducting a Field Visit to the Philippines so as to take a first hand look at the position(s) of both parties,but with an added secret agenda of trying ti facilitate Misuari's release from detention.
On May 17,2006 Sayed Kassem el Masry led his delegates on a 5 day OIC Field Mission,officially titled,"2006 Field Visit to Mindanao"and immediately paid a requisite courtesy call at the DFA (Dept.of Foreign Affairs) in Manila.From there the delegation wasted no time in directly travelling to Misuari's"cottage"tucked behind 2 fenced in enclosures topped with razor ribbbon at the PNP compound at Fort Santa Rosa,Laguna Province.Misuari conferred with the delegation,reiterating his concerns both about the FPA as well as about his detention which at that point had reached half a decade without resolution.The next morning the delegation,joined by in-country representatives (Ambassadors and Consular Generals from Embassies to the Philippines) from the OIC-PCSP (Peace Committee for the Southern Philippines) which is merely an expanded form of the Group of 8 (8 OIC member states that have taken the GPH-MNLF Peace Process as their pet project) and a delegation from GPH led by Secretary Jesus Dureza of OPAPP (Office of the Presidential Advisor on the Peace Process) left for a 3 day tour of Mindanao with time in Marawi City,Cotabato City and Jolo City.Returning on May 20 they met with GMA,the prancing pony of politeness herself,President Gloria M.Arroyo.Knowing that she couldn't pull the OIC's chain GMA whispered pillow talk and then pushed her own agenda,the desire of the Philippines to gain Observer Status at the OIC.With that unfufilled wish dangling in the air the 2 sides issued a Joint Communique in which they both acknowledged that the FPA's Phase II implementation has been left wanting.
Upon returning to Jeddah(where the OIC is based) el Masry composed his official report quickly and submitted it at the 33rd ICFM,the annual OIC Conference of Foreign Ministers,in Baku,Azeribijan (June 19 to June 21,2006).The jist of the report is that the Philippine Government strongly feels that it has succesfully implemented most if not all of Phase II.The MNLF holds a diametrically opposed viewpoint and there is a dire need with which to bring these 2 viewpoints more in alignment so as to salvage FPA.The OIC promptly passed a Resolution,#2-33-MM,which called for a Tripartite Review Process (GPH,MNLF and the OIC,in Section# 5 of the Resolution).The Tripartite Review was handed a mandate to not only review implementation but to develop modalities designed to foster and facilitate such implementation.
With the Philippine Government forced to agree the OIC tenatively schedualed the 1st Tripartite Review for November of that same year,2006.At the Government's insistence the Review was re-schedualed time and again before finally transpiring in November of 2007 (11/12-11/14).The GPH Delegation was chaired by Nabil Tan,Undersecretary for OPAPP while the MNLF's was led by attorney Randolph"Bong"Parcasio who was Chief Counsel for the MNLF and who had held the post of Executive Secretary under the Misuari Administration at ARMM.Ideally Misuari would have been in the driver's seat but he was still confined at Fort Santa Rosa.However,Misuari had personally picked each MNLF delegate and had Parcasio read a speech in his stead so that the entire affair had Misuari's thumbprint.The Review actually did manage to accomplish something in that both sides articulated a total of 36 Areas of Concern vis a vis Implementation of the FPA.In a quick review of these issues it was discovered that only 21 of them were at all cpntentious.
Having accomplished this the tet a tet could stake a claim to productivity but the meeting's 2nd mandate was to devise a mechanism with which to spur further implementational progress.All 3 delegations agreed to form a Tripartite Joint Secretariat composed of 5 members each from the MNLF and GPH.The Secretariat held its first meeting on December 10,2006 and ensconced itself in the Indonesian Embassy in Makati City in Metro Manila.At the First Review the 3 delegations agreed to form 5 Joint Working Groups to tackle the 21 contentious issues which they then categorised 5 ways:
1) National Defense and Security
2) Education
3) Economic and Finiancial Systems in addition to Natual Resource Exploitation ("exploitation"in the financial sense as in MPSAs,i.e."Mineral Production Sharing Agreements").
4) Administrative System and Right of Representation in addition to Participation in the National Government and All State Agencies.
5) Shar'ia (Islamic Jurisprudence) and the Judiciary
The exact structure of Working Groups,or"JWGs,"and their protocols were to be devised through the Tripartite Joint Secretariat.In addition,the 3 delegations agreed upon the formation of Ad Hoc Working Group,or"AHWG."AHWG was tasked with aiding in the JWG process as well as in assisting the Secretariat.The Secretariat met in January of 2008 and empanelled the 5 JWGs as well as AHWG and so the Tripartite Process began in earnest.
The 2nd Tripartite Review had actually been schedualed to take place concurrently to the Secretariat meeting but had,as was so often the case,been delayed.Again,all 3 Panels were Chaired by the same men that had led them at the 1st Review.Held only a few weeks behind scheduale (2/14-2/16) it was convened at the OIC Cultural Centre (IRCICA,OIC Research Centre) in Besiktas District Istanbul,Turkey.Mostly remembered as the Review where the gloves came off and delegates from the MNLF and GPH very nearly came to blows,in the end they agreed that the 5 JWGs were a decent beginning but that the groups needed fleshing out,more definition.Despite just having been formed the JWGs issued a collective Progress Report.
In March of 2009 the 3rd Tripartite Review took place at the Heritage Hotel in Metro Manila's Pasay City (3/11-3/13).Once again el Masry,Parcasio and Tan Chaired their respective delegations.The JWGs and Secretariat issued Progress Reports but the most notable development was that Misuari was in attendance for the first time having been released from detention on bail in April of 2008.On substantiative issues,the Review Process probably had its most accomplished period with all 3 Panels having agreed upon the formation of a Joint Legal Panel composed of delegates from the MNLF and GHP,to be co-Chaired by Leah Tandora Armamenta and Misuari.Speaking of Misuari,he certainly provided the entertainment by railing on and on about"GPH Massacres."Noone thought to remind him however that he had spent almost the entire decade in stir for getting more than 100 people killed.I reckon 100 violent deaths constitute a"massacre"but then again we ARE taking about Mindanao.The Joint Legal Panel,or JLP,was created to deal with the underlying issue in all of this,from the unresolved points of contention to the continued disparity in viewpoints between the Government and the MNLF.Its primary focus soon became the drafting an Ammendatory Bill for Congress to use in crafting a revision of,or even a full replacement for RA# 9054 (Expanded Organic Act).Hmmmmm...where have we heard THAT before?Ammendment or replacement og the Organic Act?Who would have imagined?
On January 22,2010 the JLP inked a Draft Bill at the Secretariat,housed in the Indonesian Embassy in Makati City.After presentation at the 4th Tripartite Review it would be submitted to Congress.Just a month later came the 4th and most recent Tripartite Review,in Jeddah,Saudi Arabia (2/22-2/23).Unlike the 3rd Review,Misuari Chaired the MNLF Panel while Secretary Teresita Q.Deles Chaired that of the GPH.There were 2 very notable accomplishments at this last meeting,namely the creation of the BDAF,or Bangsamoro Development Assistance Fund to act as the budgetary clearinghouse that had been omitted from the SPCPD and which was the single error most responsible for the failure to satisfactorily implement the FPA.Secondly,On the 3 remaining contentious issues:
1) Economic issues related to the Exploitation of Natural Resources,specifically Revenue Sharing between the Autonomous Region and the Government
2) Monitoring Entity for continued and sustained implementation of Phase II of the FPA
3) Umbrella for budgetary allocations specifically for development
the Panels agreed to form 3 Technical Committees,to be termed"Expert Groups".Now that the BDAF is being created the 3rd issue really will only deal with developing the BDAF's TORs (Terms of Reference,i.e."Protocols") so that it is a done deal really only leaving 2 issues.Of the 2,the Monitoring Body is a no-brainer in that it would simply be an evolution of the Tripartite Review Process.The real issue then will be Revenue Sharing on Natural Resources and since this has been hashed out in the GPH-MILF Peace Process with very favourable terms to the MILF I believe the light at the end of the tunnel is in sight.Of course that only means that Misuari and the MNLF will no longer be able to use the FPA and Tripoli 1976 as a scapegoat.It does NOT mean contention will disappear,nor will the violence still flaring up amongst the 5 extant MNLF Factions suddenly disappear.
Tuesday, March 29, 2011
Kidnap for Ransom,First Quarter 2011,Part III: Cris Neil Gulfan,Aubrey Virtudez and Aiden Yu
On February 19, 2011, 24 year old Cris Neil Gulfan and his 19 year old girlfriend Aubrey Virtudez decided to spend a quiet afternoon in a computer cafe located just off of the Mindanao State University campus in Marawi City, Lanao del Sur Province. As Cris was walking Aubrey to her dormitory on 7th Street, Macarambon Cottage, a maroon coloured Isuzu Trooper skidded to a halt beside the couple and forced them into the SUV before speeding away. Mr.Gulfan is employed by AKIC (al Khawirizam International College, a new community college on National Hiway in Marawi City and is from Pagadian City in Zamboanga del Sur Province. Ms.Virtuez hails from Tagoloan in Misaims Occidental Province and is studying Information Technology at Mindanao State University (MSU).
As with almost all Marawi City KFRs (Kidnaps for Ransom") the victims were held in and around the municipality of Poona Piagao. The last MSU students kidnapped were on December 10, 2010, the end of the last quarter. Those 2 students were taken by that same group in Poona Piagapo and just as in that case the release of the hostages was facilitated by the Mayor of Marawi City, Hadji Fahad Salic. Philippine Libel Laws being what they are (not to mention assassinations) let me just say that KFR is a huge source of revenue in some parts of the island, Marawi is certainly one of those areas. Likewise, executives of local government are almost always involved in one way or another, whether it be actual involvement or by simply looking the other way in exchange for "donations."
Within this first quarter of 2011 two former mayors have been subjected to manhunts over their involvement in KFR (both on Basilan Island, and both having been just as involved while they held public office). More informative perhaps is the current imbroglio with Vice Mayor Muslimin Sema of Cotabato City, in North Cotabato Province. Mr.Sema, who is also the Chairman of the MNLF's EC-15 faction (Executive Committee of 15, a Maguindanowan Tribal-centric faction that broke with the MNLF over Chairman Nur Misuari's ineptitude as Governor of ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao), had served as Mayor of his city before reaching the maximum limit of 9 years in 2010. More to the point, Vice Mayor Sema was formally charged in one of the most recent Tsinoy (Chinese-Filipino) KFRs that have been plagueing that city for more than 2 decades.
Sema wasn't the only public official charged but was specifically listed as the shot caller, the man pulling all the strings. Other local officials charged in this case are:
1) Esmael Dauley, a retired police officer and ex-city Administrator.
2) Sukarno Sema, aside from being the brother of the illustrious Muslimin Sema, this Sema slash Kidnapper is also a City Councilor for Cotabato City
3) Salaban Diocolano, Mayor of Kabantulan, Maguindanao Province, within shouting distance of Cotabato City
4) Rolly Solano
5) Alim Budi, the last 3 all being family members of Muslimin Sema. I never thought of Kidnapping as a family activity but hey, to each his own.
6) Mohaliden Baguilan
7) Musib Indal
8) Teng Sipe
9) Ustadz Jack Utto who is better known as "Randy Zamora"
10) Abusama Gumbay
11) Joemar Guiamat
12) Salindato Dimalin, #s 6 thru 12 being well respected businessmen and civic leaders in GenSan. They were arrested en masse on January 20th.
Charged by Cotabato City Prosecutor Wilfred Buyco in Regional Trial Court #13, in Cotabato City under Judge Bansawan Ibrahim, Vice Mayor Sema was joined by 22 more co-defendants:
1) Toks Datukan
2) Hadja Sittie Midtimbang
3) Khadaffy Guiamelon
4)_Nasrudin Sangko
5) Datu Boy Mastura
6) Lukman Mastura
7) Datu Lukman Mastura
8) Ali Tanto
9) Nasser Tanto
10) Nasser Kaunting
11) Kagui Manan Kaunting
12) Totoh Ulang
13) Hadji Ali Abas
14) Nasirin Unko
15) Tabe Sadat
16) Ustadz Norhan Kamad
17) Teng Osmena
19) Ryan Pua
20) Rashid Disumimba
21) Akmad Mahdi Dumasangkay
22) "John Doe"
The charges against Vice Mayor Sema and the last 22 co-defendants were initiated via an Ammendment to the original Charge Sheet. They didn't last long however because Judge Ibrahim handed out a Ruling citing "Insufficient Evidence" (pp7 of the 8pp Decison). The judge, in his infinte wisdom, declared that the 7 sworn Affadavits collected from a van full of gang members nabbed at a GenSan (General Santos City) checkpoints were riddled with both "Hearsay" and "Reasonable Doubt" as to their veracity. Prosecutor Buyco has filed a Motion for Reconsideration on that Decison AS WELL AS a Motion for Inhibition against Judge Ibrahim for what Buyco says is the judge's highly prejudicial verbiage as well as his having overstepped his legal authority in that he was supposed to merely rule oN the legality of the warrants, not judge the credibility of witnesses, so on and so forth. So, Vice Mayor Sema is once again unencumbered and free to "pull strings" until his heart's content. In the meantime, Prosecutor Buyco has appealed directly to Secretary of the Department of Justice Leila de Lima to quickly transfer him out of Mindanao citing credible threats agaimst his life. Gee, wonder who could be threatening the man. Buyco has since bowed out of the melodrama and has been replaced by his compatriot, Prosecutor Al Calica who is carrying on with Buyco's Motions of Reconsideration and Inhibition.
The original case, which included Sema, was Case #2011-4296 filed in Regional Trial Court #1 under Judge George Jabido. Judge Jabido then rescused himself for personal reasons and so the case ended up in front of the afore mentioned Judge Ebrahim in Regional Trial Court #13. In Prosecutor Buyco's appeal to Secretary de Lima he asked that she appoint a Special Prosecutor in the matter so as to avoid the inherent bias carried by any local prosecutor (a "bias" towards preserving one's life, not to mention that IF the prosecutor were to do his or her job, as Buyco and Calica have done, they would be risking not only thir own life but the lives of their families as well).
The case in question is the February 10, 2011 KFR of Yu Lo Yu Lim, better known as "Aidan Yu." In fact, Sema is also being accused of masterminding other Cotabato City KFRs, including the Attempted KFR of Eulogio Tan on January 08, 2011, a case I will discuss in a subsequent entry. The current case, that of Aidan Yu, was just one of many involving Cotabato City Tsinoy. Tsinoy (Chinese Filipinos) tend to use more Filipino sounding names when dealing with non-Chinese. It is also worth noting that for Chinese, the surname comes first so that Yu Lo Yu Lim's surname is "Yu," not "Lim."
On the day in question Aidan Yu and his wife Kathy Yu spent an hour gambling in the San Garden Hotel Casino on Governor Gutierrez Street, just meters from the entrance to the ARMM Capitol Comlex. In terms of personal security Mindanao doesn't offer much better than this. Aside from soldiers from the regular detachment of infantryman from the 6ID (Infantry Division), there were Marines from MBLT-7 (Marine Battalion Landing Team 7, a "Landing Team" is analogous to an army battalion in terms of strength, utilisation and so on. The Marines had recently deployed to Cotabato City at the insistence of that city's Tsinoy Community who form the municipality's economic backbone (just as Tsinoy do in most any Philippine city). The Tsinoy threatened to abandon the city unless it got a rapid Marine deployment. Aside from the Army and the Marines there were PNP (police) from various elements (Cotabato City Municipal, North Cotabato Provincial and ARMM Regional) who augment the 1 platoon from the provincial PMG (Police Mobile Group) in a dedicated deployment to the complex. To top it all off, the hotel maintains a small paramilitary who guard its perimeter ferociously, and yet on this night Aidan Yu was targeted directly in front of the well lit plaza in front of the Casino entrance.
Leaving via the front entrance at 9PM Mr.Yu waited for his wife who had tarried behind in need of the comfort room (Felipino term for loo, bathroom, etc.). As the 56 year old man stopped to light his cigarette a red Toyota Corolla barreled down Governor Guitierrez Street, screeching to a halt in the plaza just a couple of meters from the stunned Mr.Yu. 2 men who had been standing in the plaza pretending to be patrons of the hotel quickly grabbed Mr.Yu just as a 3rd man jumped from the vehicle with an M16. The two men, now brandishing 45 caliber pistols pushed the stunned Yu towards the car's open door. As the kidnappers were getting him into the car though, hotel guards (paramilitary soldiers) opened fire. It was at this point that 2 gunmen riding tandem on a single motorcycle sped across the plaza spraying pistol fire which offered covering fire and a diversion that then allowed the Corolla to escape with Mr.Yu. Quickly the car sped off in an easterly direction trying to reach the border of Ligusan Marsh.
Less than 30 minutes later the Corolla was found empty on Don Andres 0alonzo Street in Barangay Rosary Heights #11. Very worrisome was the massive amount of blood found staining the rear seat, the seat which had held Mr.Yu. Shortly afterward Mrs.Yu received the requisite demand for Ransom. The Yus together own the city's largest and oldest hawsware store, a baker and a cafe and so they were therefore gauged as "big fish." The initial demand was for 50 Million Pesos, roughly 1 Million Euros. Negotiations proceeded but when the requisite POL (Proof of Life, usually a video showing the kidnap victim standing and talking as he holds that day's newspaper in front of him so as to show he is alive and well on the day in question) was not forthcoming negotiations hit a wall. After all, there were those blood stains to worry about. The Philippines do not have much of a forensics capability and so they usually rely on the American FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) to do the job for them. Ergo it wasn't until mid-March before DNA Testing showed that the massive amount of blood in the get away vehicle did indeed belong to Aidan Yu. Having gotten intelligence very early on that Mr.Yu had died in Ligusan Marsh from wounds received as he was being dragged across the hotel plaza, it is all but a closed case at this point, unfortunately.
As with almost all Marawi City KFRs (Kidnaps for Ransom") the victims were held in and around the municipality of Poona Piagao. The last MSU students kidnapped were on December 10, 2010, the end of the last quarter. Those 2 students were taken by that same group in Poona Piagapo and just as in that case the release of the hostages was facilitated by the Mayor of Marawi City, Hadji Fahad Salic. Philippine Libel Laws being what they are (not to mention assassinations) let me just say that KFR is a huge source of revenue in some parts of the island, Marawi is certainly one of those areas. Likewise, executives of local government are almost always involved in one way or another, whether it be actual involvement or by simply looking the other way in exchange for "donations."
Within this first quarter of 2011 two former mayors have been subjected to manhunts over their involvement in KFR (both on Basilan Island, and both having been just as involved while they held public office). More informative perhaps is the current imbroglio with Vice Mayor Muslimin Sema of Cotabato City, in North Cotabato Province. Mr.Sema, who is also the Chairman of the MNLF's EC-15 faction (Executive Committee of 15, a Maguindanowan Tribal-centric faction that broke with the MNLF over Chairman Nur Misuari's ineptitude as Governor of ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao), had served as Mayor of his city before reaching the maximum limit of 9 years in 2010. More to the point, Vice Mayor Sema was formally charged in one of the most recent Tsinoy (Chinese-Filipino) KFRs that have been plagueing that city for more than 2 decades.
Sema wasn't the only public official charged but was specifically listed as the shot caller, the man pulling all the strings. Other local officials charged in this case are:
1) Esmael Dauley, a retired police officer and ex-city Administrator.
2) Sukarno Sema, aside from being the brother of the illustrious Muslimin Sema, this Sema slash Kidnapper is also a City Councilor for Cotabato City
3) Salaban Diocolano, Mayor of Kabantulan, Maguindanao Province, within shouting distance of Cotabato City
4) Rolly Solano
5) Alim Budi, the last 3 all being family members of Muslimin Sema. I never thought of Kidnapping as a family activity but hey, to each his own.
6) Mohaliden Baguilan
7) Musib Indal
8) Teng Sipe
9) Ustadz Jack Utto who is better known as "Randy Zamora"
10) Abusama Gumbay
11) Joemar Guiamat
12) Salindato Dimalin, #s 6 thru 12 being well respected businessmen and civic leaders in GenSan. They were arrested en masse on January 20th.
Charged by Cotabato City Prosecutor Wilfred Buyco in Regional Trial Court #13, in Cotabato City under Judge Bansawan Ibrahim, Vice Mayor Sema was joined by 22 more co-defendants:
1) Toks Datukan
2) Hadja Sittie Midtimbang
3) Khadaffy Guiamelon
4)_Nasrudin Sangko
5) Datu Boy Mastura
6) Lukman Mastura
7) Datu Lukman Mastura
8) Ali Tanto
9) Nasser Tanto
10) Nasser Kaunting
11) Kagui Manan Kaunting
12) Totoh Ulang
13) Hadji Ali Abas
14) Nasirin Unko
15) Tabe Sadat
16) Ustadz Norhan Kamad
17) Teng Osmena
19) Ryan Pua
20) Rashid Disumimba
21) Akmad Mahdi Dumasangkay
22) "John Doe"
The charges against Vice Mayor Sema and the last 22 co-defendants were initiated via an Ammendment to the original Charge Sheet. They didn't last long however because Judge Ibrahim handed out a Ruling citing "Insufficient Evidence" (pp7 of the 8pp Decison). The judge, in his infinte wisdom, declared that the 7 sworn Affadavits collected from a van full of gang members nabbed at a GenSan (General Santos City) checkpoints were riddled with both "Hearsay" and "Reasonable Doubt" as to their veracity. Prosecutor Buyco has filed a Motion for Reconsideration on that Decison AS WELL AS a Motion for Inhibition against Judge Ibrahim for what Buyco says is the judge's highly prejudicial verbiage as well as his having overstepped his legal authority in that he was supposed to merely rule oN the legality of the warrants, not judge the credibility of witnesses, so on and so forth. So, Vice Mayor Sema is once again unencumbered and free to "pull strings" until his heart's content. In the meantime, Prosecutor Buyco has appealed directly to Secretary of the Department of Justice Leila de Lima to quickly transfer him out of Mindanao citing credible threats agaimst his life. Gee, wonder who could be threatening the man. Buyco has since bowed out of the melodrama and has been replaced by his compatriot, Prosecutor Al Calica who is carrying on with Buyco's Motions of Reconsideration and Inhibition.
The original case, which included Sema, was Case #2011-4296 filed in Regional Trial Court #1 under Judge George Jabido. Judge Jabido then rescused himself for personal reasons and so the case ended up in front of the afore mentioned Judge Ebrahim in Regional Trial Court #13. In Prosecutor Buyco's appeal to Secretary de Lima he asked that she appoint a Special Prosecutor in the matter so as to avoid the inherent bias carried by any local prosecutor (a "bias" towards preserving one's life, not to mention that IF the prosecutor were to do his or her job, as Buyco and Calica have done, they would be risking not only thir own life but the lives of their families as well).
The case in question is the February 10, 2011 KFR of Yu Lo Yu Lim, better known as "Aidan Yu." In fact, Sema is also being accused of masterminding other Cotabato City KFRs, including the Attempted KFR of Eulogio Tan on January 08, 2011, a case I will discuss in a subsequent entry. The current case, that of Aidan Yu, was just one of many involving Cotabato City Tsinoy. Tsinoy (Chinese Filipinos) tend to use more Filipino sounding names when dealing with non-Chinese. It is also worth noting that for Chinese, the surname comes first so that Yu Lo Yu Lim's surname is "Yu," not "Lim."
On the day in question Aidan Yu and his wife Kathy Yu spent an hour gambling in the San Garden Hotel Casino on Governor Gutierrez Street, just meters from the entrance to the ARMM Capitol Comlex. In terms of personal security Mindanao doesn't offer much better than this. Aside from soldiers from the regular detachment of infantryman from the 6ID (Infantry Division), there were Marines from MBLT-7 (Marine Battalion Landing Team 7, a "Landing Team" is analogous to an army battalion in terms of strength, utilisation and so on. The Marines had recently deployed to Cotabato City at the insistence of that city's Tsinoy Community who form the municipality's economic backbone (just as Tsinoy do in most any Philippine city). The Tsinoy threatened to abandon the city unless it got a rapid Marine deployment. Aside from the Army and the Marines there were PNP (police) from various elements (Cotabato City Municipal, North Cotabato Provincial and ARMM Regional) who augment the 1 platoon from the provincial PMG (Police Mobile Group) in a dedicated deployment to the complex. To top it all off, the hotel maintains a small paramilitary who guard its perimeter ferociously, and yet on this night Aidan Yu was targeted directly in front of the well lit plaza in front of the Casino entrance.
Leaving via the front entrance at 9PM Mr.Yu waited for his wife who had tarried behind in need of the comfort room (Felipino term for loo, bathroom, etc.). As the 56 year old man stopped to light his cigarette a red Toyota Corolla barreled down Governor Guitierrez Street, screeching to a halt in the plaza just a couple of meters from the stunned Mr.Yu. 2 men who had been standing in the plaza pretending to be patrons of the hotel quickly grabbed Mr.Yu just as a 3rd man jumped from the vehicle with an M16. The two men, now brandishing 45 caliber pistols pushed the stunned Yu towards the car's open door. As the kidnappers were getting him into the car though, hotel guards (paramilitary soldiers) opened fire. It was at this point that 2 gunmen riding tandem on a single motorcycle sped across the plaza spraying pistol fire which offered covering fire and a diversion that then allowed the Corolla to escape with Mr.Yu. Quickly the car sped off in an easterly direction trying to reach the border of Ligusan Marsh.
Less than 30 minutes later the Corolla was found empty on Don Andres 0alonzo Street in Barangay Rosary Heights #11. Very worrisome was the massive amount of blood found staining the rear seat, the seat which had held Mr.Yu. Shortly afterward Mrs.Yu received the requisite demand for Ransom. The Yus together own the city's largest and oldest hawsware store, a baker and a cafe and so they were therefore gauged as "big fish." The initial demand was for 50 Million Pesos, roughly 1 Million Euros. Negotiations proceeded but when the requisite POL (Proof of Life, usually a video showing the kidnap victim standing and talking as he holds that day's newspaper in front of him so as to show he is alive and well on the day in question) was not forthcoming negotiations hit a wall. After all, there were those blood stains to worry about. The Philippines do not have much of a forensics capability and so they usually rely on the American FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) to do the job for them. Ergo it wasn't until mid-March before DNA Testing showed that the massive amount of blood in the get away vehicle did indeed belong to Aidan Yu. Having gotten intelligence very early on that Mr.Yu had died in Ligusan Marsh from wounds received as he was being dragged across the hotel plaza, it is all but a closed case at this point, unfortunately.
Thursday, March 17, 2011
MILF Armed Engagements,First Quarter 2011
Of course the biggest news this quarter, by far, is the revolt against the MILF Central Committee by Ustadz Ameril Ombra Kato, much better known as the infamous "Kumander Kato." Kato, the Commanding Officer of the MILF's largest and most powerful Base Command, the 105th, has formally seperated from the MILF in a move I predicted in my last MILF entries for 2010. His new organisation, the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters, or "BIFF" is a force tp reckon with. BIFF is also central to the second leading topic related to the MILF, the GRP-MILF Peace Process. Both those very important issues fully deserve their own entries and so I will relegate this entry to discussion of MILF Contacts. For those unaware, a "Contact" is any armed confrontation between a targeted entity, in this cade the MILF, and any oppositional force.
On January 09,2011 in the municipality of Kabacan in North Cotabato Province, the MILF's Datu Kineg Imalang, much better know as "Kumander Kinang" ruined the lives of almost eight thousand people, par for the course when it comes to the MILF. Kumander Kinang is not formally a member of the BIAF, the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces. The BIAF is the armed wing of the MILF. Most people are unaware that the BIAF even exists because when politicians and the media discuss the BIAF they refer to it as the MILF which is the name of the parent organisation, the political wing of the movement. Kinang is a member of the MILF, the MILF Governor for that part of North Cotabato Province since the MILF runs a well entrenched parallel government within most of its AOR (Area of Responsibility, synonymous with Area of Operations for all intencive purposes).
The MILF "Province" in question is named "Kapalawan," and Kinang is quite active in local affairs. His chief enforcer is his son,"Kumander Nano" of the BIAF. Unfortunately for the municipality of Kabacan it lies well within the Kapalawan AOR. In 2010 Kumamder Kineg set his sights on a very valuable tract of arable land spanning 2 of Kabacan's upcountry barangays, Nanga'an and Semone, and extending onto an adjacent mountain. Roughly 1,000 hectares, quite abit of money is at stake. Complicating Kineg's greedy plans however is the fact that a very strong MNLF-EC15 Kumander has a conflicting claim on the tract. The MNLF-EC15's Kumander Datu Dimalao"Aladin" Ambil has staked an earlier claim, though both say nothing about the local Lumad Tribe (Hill Tribe), the Semone Manobo who hold the tract under a CAD (Certificate of Ancestral Domain).
Though the fracas began in September, 2010 with the appearance of MILF Kumander Taya"Hanibbal"Abubakr on Bundok Marupayag, the issue first came to a head on October 06, 2010, on the afore mentioned mountain, Bundok Marupayag (Mt.Marupayag, or Mt.Eel, as in the fish). Actually beginning as a rido (Clan Feud) based conflict over an internal MILF issue. Kumander Kineg's father, Datu Amal Kugaw was shot to death by 3 MILF Kumanders, one of who is a member of the Pedtamanan Clan on April 05,1988. The actual shooter's son, Noel Pedtamanan is currently a low ranking BIAF guerilla. After the killing, almost 3 decades ago, the MILF Islamic Court (Shari'a Court) ruled that no Pedtamanan Clansman could enter the uplands of North Cotabato Province, i.e."Kapalawan." The rationale being that a separation of 2 large constituent clans in the MILF would stave off rido (Clan Feud) so that the MILF Islamic Court could adjudicate the case properly. The MILF of course is far from efficient and so the case has languished all these years. In the Court's defence, there have been 3 "wars" since the initial Ruling, "Estrada 2000," "Bunliok Complex 2003" and "MoA 2008-2009."
The 3 BIAF Kumanders charged with responsibility in the murder, the infamous "Jack" Abas (currently Kumander of the Mainlamd Mindanao Eastern Front of the BIAF), Taya"Hanibal"Abubakr (still an MILF Kumander but closely allied to MNLF-EC-15 Kumander Ambil) and...Sambuto Pendtamanan, father of the key actor in this case, Noel Pendtamanan. Ironically, it was Ambil who joined with Kineg in avenging Kineg's father's murder but who now is allied with 1 of the murderer's sons, Noel.
On the say in question, October 06, 2011,the afore mentioned BIAF guerilla Noel Pedtamanan crossed into "Kapalawan" AOR, atop Bundok Marupayag and linked up with BIAF sub-Kumander Matog Lumambas, aka "Kumander Cowboy." Lumambas was given the right to farm Semone Manobo Tribal lands atop the mountain by Manobo Datu Zamora Bandara in exchange for securing Manobo villages in that sector. On October 06 however MILF elements on the mountain began sniping at Manobo Tribesmen as they worked their abaca (hemp) plots, apparently for recreation. The sniping took place on and off until October 23 when Bagani Paramilitary (the word "Bagani" means "Warrior" and is used by NPA elements within the Southern Mindanao Regional Command, in the Davao Region,but this particular paramilitary is pro-Government, created by the Armed Forces of the Philippines under its Oplan Alsa Lumad, aka Operational Plan Hill Tribes Arise, the cornerstone of the Mindanowan COIN Programme) entered the sector and ensconced atop the mountain. A Bagani Blocking Force dug in at Sitios Demahuok and Malambeg in the neighbouring municipality of Matalam's Barangay Temped #2, also in North Cotabato Province and within the MILF's Kapalawan AOR.
Ironically Kineg had managed to establish a working relationship with the Bagani who are based over the border of Bukidnon Province, probably because the Bagani operated outside of any MILF-BIAF AOR. Kineg conferred with the Bagani Commanding Officer, Datu Ongelio "Bungalos" Mandatem and according to Bagani sources provided logistical support, aware that a Pedatamanan Clansman had contravened the agreed upon boundry issued by the MILF Islamic Court.
Between the end of October and New Year things were relatively calm although there were occaisonal trade offs of sniper fire on the mountain. In the interim additional Bagani Blocking Forces ensconced in the Barangays of Semone and Nanga'an in Kabacan, sometimes in conjunction with forces under BIAF sub-Kumander Nano, Kineg's son. Before daylight on January 09,2011 things got much worse. Kineg's son, BIAF sub-Kumander Nano directly joined the fray, linking with the Bagani still under Datu Bungalos. The joint force ascended the mountain on all sides and over ran Kumamder Cowboy's position, killing 2 of Cowboy's BIAF guerillas in the process. At 9AM that day the Bagani Blocking Force at a position situated directly on the border of Barangays Semone and Nanga'an was assaulted by an MILF element under Kumander Cowboy's Clansman, Salem Lumambas who approached through Barangay Semone. In Semone they linked up with a much larger force of MNLF under Kumander Datu Dimalao"Aladin" Ambil and surged forward. This full scale assault caused the terrified population of Barangay Semone to flee for their lives. All 673 families sought asylum in the municipality of Carmen, across the flooding Pulangi River (the Rio Grande de Cotabato headwaters). Setting up tarps in Carmen's upland barangays of Lanoon and Pebpuluan, they badly taxed the meagre resources of the already impovershed villagers living on that side of the Pulangi.
On January 27 fighting spread to Barangay Nanga'an when sub-Kumander Salem Lumambas' forces pushed through the Bagani/MILF lines. The result was that barangay's population of 600 families fled in batches until on January 28 only gunmen were left there, busy in house to house fighting. The IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,aka "Refugees") from both barangays had by this time overwhelmed Carmen and were now encamped along National Hiway in Barangays Kayaga and Lumayong.
Later the next day, January 29, a high ranking delegation from the MNLF-EC15 was deployed to try and convince Datu Ambil to enter into a ceasefire. Trying to earn brownie points the MNLF-Misuari also deployed a small team to do the same later that night but to no avail. The MNLF-EC15, under delegation leader Romeo Sema, the brother of MNLF-EC15 Chairman Muslaman Sema (the Vice Moyor of Cotabato who is currently embroiled in a KFR Case which I will post about soon) was able to get Ambil to sign a letter to the MILF Central Committee in which Ambil stated his terms, which included that 1,000 hectare tract (he has already been soliciting "investors" for a palm oil plantation there). For its part, the MILF Central Committee delegation under Spokesman Eid Kabalu had begun parlezing with Kineg on January 12 but to no avail. The MNLF-EC15 and MILF, without talking to the combatants, decided amongst themselves to hold a joint meeting on February 06 to discuss the ceasefire and create a mechanism with which to jointly enforce it. Of course that is oh so typical of the MILF, waiting a week to talk peace as thousands of civilians suffer as refugees.
Ambil told Romeo Sema, and anyone who will listen that he wasn't trying to exert a claim on the tract for personal gain but rather because he intends to re-distribute the lands to "the people." Not saying word one about the Semone Manobo who have lived on the tract for hundreds of years until Muslims tried dispossesing them Ambil obviously uses "people" as a code word for "my family."
Although February 03 saw an unexpected flareup that killed a combined total of 13 guerillas. Not much took place at the February 06 meeting between the MILF Central Committee and the MNLF-EC15 but after the recent deaths both actors (Kineg and Ambil) expressed a willingness to ratchet down the conflict. However, the very next day, February 07 hostilities erupted again. While no guerillas were killed 6 non-combatants were, including a 4 year old child, Lala Dalamanan. All 6 were sleeping in their nipa (a bamboo framed palm thatched dwelling, 1 room, most common type of house on the island). Ironically the family had built it next to an IDP centre, thinking that to be the safest place. Fighting contimued in spurts until on February 26 the Mayor of Kabacan, George Tan managed to gain an agreement between Ambil and Kineg to stop the bloodshed. Though a significant number of guerillas and paramilitary soldiers were killed between February 07 and the 2fth I don't have exact figures yet so I will withold numbers until I'm sure. I haven't gotten information on further civilian casualties as well.
The fighting which included 60MM guns and 81MM and 60MM mortars destroyed much of those 2 barangays, What wasn't damaged was burned deliberately. Barangays Simbuhay also suffered significant destruction as well. The final IDP tally was 1,782 families though last week saw the last large group returning to rebuild. As if they didn't have a hard enough task as it was the town is the epicentre of a rodent population explosion with the rice crop now totally destroyed.
On January 09,2011 in the municipality of Kabacan in North Cotabato Province, the MILF's Datu Kineg Imalang, much better know as "Kumander Kinang" ruined the lives of almost eight thousand people, par for the course when it comes to the MILF. Kumander Kinang is not formally a member of the BIAF, the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces. The BIAF is the armed wing of the MILF. Most people are unaware that the BIAF even exists because when politicians and the media discuss the BIAF they refer to it as the MILF which is the name of the parent organisation, the political wing of the movement. Kinang is a member of the MILF, the MILF Governor for that part of North Cotabato Province since the MILF runs a well entrenched parallel government within most of its AOR (Area of Responsibility, synonymous with Area of Operations for all intencive purposes).
The MILF "Province" in question is named "Kapalawan," and Kinang is quite active in local affairs. His chief enforcer is his son,"Kumander Nano" of the BIAF. Unfortunately for the municipality of Kabacan it lies well within the Kapalawan AOR. In 2010 Kumamder Kineg set his sights on a very valuable tract of arable land spanning 2 of Kabacan's upcountry barangays, Nanga'an and Semone, and extending onto an adjacent mountain. Roughly 1,000 hectares, quite abit of money is at stake. Complicating Kineg's greedy plans however is the fact that a very strong MNLF-EC15 Kumander has a conflicting claim on the tract. The MNLF-EC15's Kumander Datu Dimalao"Aladin" Ambil has staked an earlier claim, though both say nothing about the local Lumad Tribe (Hill Tribe), the Semone Manobo who hold the tract under a CAD (Certificate of Ancestral Domain).
Though the fracas began in September, 2010 with the appearance of MILF Kumander Taya"Hanibbal"Abubakr on Bundok Marupayag, the issue first came to a head on October 06, 2010, on the afore mentioned mountain, Bundok Marupayag (Mt.Marupayag, or Mt.Eel, as in the fish). Actually beginning as a rido (Clan Feud) based conflict over an internal MILF issue. Kumander Kineg's father, Datu Amal Kugaw was shot to death by 3 MILF Kumanders, one of who is a member of the Pedtamanan Clan on April 05,1988. The actual shooter's son, Noel Pedtamanan is currently a low ranking BIAF guerilla. After the killing, almost 3 decades ago, the MILF Islamic Court (Shari'a Court) ruled that no Pedtamanan Clansman could enter the uplands of North Cotabato Province, i.e."Kapalawan." The rationale being that a separation of 2 large constituent clans in the MILF would stave off rido (Clan Feud) so that the MILF Islamic Court could adjudicate the case properly. The MILF of course is far from efficient and so the case has languished all these years. In the Court's defence, there have been 3 "wars" since the initial Ruling, "Estrada 2000," "Bunliok Complex 2003" and "MoA 2008-2009."
The 3 BIAF Kumanders charged with responsibility in the murder, the infamous "Jack" Abas (currently Kumander of the Mainlamd Mindanao Eastern Front of the BIAF), Taya"Hanibal"Abubakr (still an MILF Kumander but closely allied to MNLF-EC-15 Kumander Ambil) and...Sambuto Pendtamanan, father of the key actor in this case, Noel Pendtamanan. Ironically, it was Ambil who joined with Kineg in avenging Kineg's father's murder but who now is allied with 1 of the murderer's sons, Noel.
On the say in question, October 06, 2011,the afore mentioned BIAF guerilla Noel Pedtamanan crossed into "Kapalawan" AOR, atop Bundok Marupayag and linked up with BIAF sub-Kumander Matog Lumambas, aka "Kumander Cowboy." Lumambas was given the right to farm Semone Manobo Tribal lands atop the mountain by Manobo Datu Zamora Bandara in exchange for securing Manobo villages in that sector. On October 06 however MILF elements on the mountain began sniping at Manobo Tribesmen as they worked their abaca (hemp) plots, apparently for recreation. The sniping took place on and off until October 23 when Bagani Paramilitary (the word "Bagani" means "Warrior" and is used by NPA elements within the Southern Mindanao Regional Command, in the Davao Region,but this particular paramilitary is pro-Government, created by the Armed Forces of the Philippines under its Oplan Alsa Lumad, aka Operational Plan Hill Tribes Arise, the cornerstone of the Mindanowan COIN Programme) entered the sector and ensconced atop the mountain. A Bagani Blocking Force dug in at Sitios Demahuok and Malambeg in the neighbouring municipality of Matalam's Barangay Temped #2, also in North Cotabato Province and within the MILF's Kapalawan AOR.
Ironically Kineg had managed to establish a working relationship with the Bagani who are based over the border of Bukidnon Province, probably because the Bagani operated outside of any MILF-BIAF AOR. Kineg conferred with the Bagani Commanding Officer, Datu Ongelio "Bungalos" Mandatem and according to Bagani sources provided logistical support, aware that a Pedatamanan Clansman had contravened the agreed upon boundry issued by the MILF Islamic Court.
Between the end of October and New Year things were relatively calm although there were occaisonal trade offs of sniper fire on the mountain. In the interim additional Bagani Blocking Forces ensconced in the Barangays of Semone and Nanga'an in Kabacan, sometimes in conjunction with forces under BIAF sub-Kumander Nano, Kineg's son. Before daylight on January 09,2011 things got much worse. Kineg's son, BIAF sub-Kumander Nano directly joined the fray, linking with the Bagani still under Datu Bungalos. The joint force ascended the mountain on all sides and over ran Kumamder Cowboy's position, killing 2 of Cowboy's BIAF guerillas in the process. At 9AM that day the Bagani Blocking Force at a position situated directly on the border of Barangays Semone and Nanga'an was assaulted by an MILF element under Kumander Cowboy's Clansman, Salem Lumambas who approached through Barangay Semone. In Semone they linked up with a much larger force of MNLF under Kumander Datu Dimalao"Aladin" Ambil and surged forward. This full scale assault caused the terrified population of Barangay Semone to flee for their lives. All 673 families sought asylum in the municipality of Carmen, across the flooding Pulangi River (the Rio Grande de Cotabato headwaters). Setting up tarps in Carmen's upland barangays of Lanoon and Pebpuluan, they badly taxed the meagre resources of the already impovershed villagers living on that side of the Pulangi.
On January 27 fighting spread to Barangay Nanga'an when sub-Kumander Salem Lumambas' forces pushed through the Bagani/MILF lines. The result was that barangay's population of 600 families fled in batches until on January 28 only gunmen were left there, busy in house to house fighting. The IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,aka "Refugees") from both barangays had by this time overwhelmed Carmen and were now encamped along National Hiway in Barangays Kayaga and Lumayong.
Later the next day, January 29, a high ranking delegation from the MNLF-EC15 was deployed to try and convince Datu Ambil to enter into a ceasefire. Trying to earn brownie points the MNLF-Misuari also deployed a small team to do the same later that night but to no avail. The MNLF-EC15, under delegation leader Romeo Sema, the brother of MNLF-EC15 Chairman Muslaman Sema (the Vice Moyor of Cotabato who is currently embroiled in a KFR Case which I will post about soon) was able to get Ambil to sign a letter to the MILF Central Committee in which Ambil stated his terms, which included that 1,000 hectare tract (he has already been soliciting "investors" for a palm oil plantation there). For its part, the MILF Central Committee delegation under Spokesman Eid Kabalu had begun parlezing with Kineg on January 12 but to no avail. The MNLF-EC15 and MILF, without talking to the combatants, decided amongst themselves to hold a joint meeting on February 06 to discuss the ceasefire and create a mechanism with which to jointly enforce it. Of course that is oh so typical of the MILF, waiting a week to talk peace as thousands of civilians suffer as refugees.
Ambil told Romeo Sema, and anyone who will listen that he wasn't trying to exert a claim on the tract for personal gain but rather because he intends to re-distribute the lands to "the people." Not saying word one about the Semone Manobo who have lived on the tract for hundreds of years until Muslims tried dispossesing them Ambil obviously uses "people" as a code word for "my family."
Although February 03 saw an unexpected flareup that killed a combined total of 13 guerillas. Not much took place at the February 06 meeting between the MILF Central Committee and the MNLF-EC15 but after the recent deaths both actors (Kineg and Ambil) expressed a willingness to ratchet down the conflict. However, the very next day, February 07 hostilities erupted again. While no guerillas were killed 6 non-combatants were, including a 4 year old child, Lala Dalamanan. All 6 were sleeping in their nipa (a bamboo framed palm thatched dwelling, 1 room, most common type of house on the island). Ironically the family had built it next to an IDP centre, thinking that to be the safest place. Fighting contimued in spurts until on February 26 the Mayor of Kabacan, George Tan managed to gain an agreement between Ambil and Kineg to stop the bloodshed. Though a significant number of guerillas and paramilitary soldiers were killed between February 07 and the 2fth I don't have exact figures yet so I will withold numbers until I'm sure. I haven't gotten information on further civilian casualties as well.
The fighting which included 60MM guns and 81MM and 60MM mortars destroyed much of those 2 barangays, What wasn't damaged was burned deliberately. Barangays Simbuhay also suffered significant destruction as well. The final IDP tally was 1,782 families though last week saw the last large group returning to rebuild. As if they didn't have a hard enough task as it was the town is the epicentre of a rodent population explosion with the rice crop now totally destroyed.
Monday, August 2, 2010
The MNLF,First through the Third Quarters,2010:Alot of Bloodshed and a Tiny Boost Politically
The MNLF,or Moro National Liberation Front,is the granddaddy of Modern Islamic Insurgency here in the Southern Philippines.Though the organisation is most often linked to former Professor Nur Misuari,a Tausug Tribesman from Jolo Island in Sulu,the actual story is alot more complex.Like all insurgent organisations here it is a story well deserving of its own time and attention.With that in mind I will use this current entry to simply outline goings on within the organisation during 2010,with the hope and intent to focus on that history and backstory in an upcoming entry.
First however,I do need to point out that the organisation is currently made up of 5 factions,3 of which are very distinct:
1) MNLF-Misuari Faction,still loyal to Nur Misuari
2) MNLF-Committee of 15 (MNLF-EC15),sometimes referred to as the MNLF-Sema.This faction is loyal to a former underling of Misuari,Muslimin Sema who is also currently the Vice Mayor of Cotabato City in North Cotabato Province (having moved to that slot from the Mayoral seat after reaching his term limit)
3) MNLF-Mainland Mindanao State Committee (MNLF-MMSC),under Kumander Datu Faizal"Randy"Karon,of whom I have been posting so much about lately due to his ongoing sub-conflict with Kumander Jud Caludtiag of the BIAF (Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces,the military wing of the MILF,or Moro Islamic Liberation Front) 104 Base Command on the borders of Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provinces.MNLF-MMSC is very closely allied with the MNLF-EC15.
The other 2:
1) MNLF-Reformist Group (MNLG-RG)
2) MNLF-Islamic Command (MNLF-IC)
are nearly extinct and no longer even field armed components. I will have to discuss these factionalisations and shifting alliances in that aforementioned"upcoming"entry.I need to add for clarity that there is the MNLF-Habir Malik (MNLF-HM) which can actually be considered a part of the Misuari organisation.
On to the "happenings"...On Janurary 23,2010 in Barangay Bato-Bato, Indanan, Sulu (Jolo Island), a rogue faction of the MNLF-Misuari Faction centered on Jolo Island,the largest island in the Sulu Archipelago,blew up the Talaktak Bridge.The faction,under Kumander Ustadz Habir Malik operates in a close alliance with the largest Abu Sayyaf faction on Jolo Island.
6 MNLF guerillas led by sub-Kumander Tahil Sali were seen approaching the bridge and carefully laying the charges (C4 explosives, A.K.A. "Plastique").After the guerillas withdrew local residents notified the authorities and MBLT-6 (Marine Battalion Landing Team #6) was deployed to the scene.As the detachment was en route the charges detonated , knocking out the bridge.
MBLT-6 was them immediately re-deployed for a Pursuit Operation in hopes of cutting off the MNLF team who in addition to THAT bridge had also attempted to bomb another one on Janurary 21,two days prior.That earlier bridge, Lampaking-Dayuan,also in the municipality of Indanan was only partially damaged but still usable.
Kumander Malik and his faction are in heavy opposition to the Infrastructural Improvement Projects ("Hearts and Minds") spearheaded by US Forces ensconced at the island's Camp Bautista,the Headquarters for AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines) Marines.They were behind the IED (Improvised Explosive Devices,as in"bombs") that killed an AFP Marine and 2 US personnel,incorrectly identified as US SEABEES (Naval Construction personnel),but in reality 2 Special Forces soldiers.That incident took place on an access road near Camp Bautista in September of 2009,an incident I will flesh out in more detail in an upcoming entry (I know,I know,alot of"upcoming entries"but time being what it is...).
On Feburary 27th and 28th,2010 at (MNLF) Camp Datu Lumambas in the town of Kabacan in North Cotabato,the main camp of the MNLF-Committee of 15,a 2 day gathering of roughly 400 MNLF leaders officialised the newest MNLF faction, MNLF-Mainland Mindanao State Committee (MNLF-MMSC) under Kumander Datu Faizal"Randy"Karon" of Sultan Kudarat Province. This newest faction is comprised mostly of Maranowan (Maranaon) Tribesmen (the chief ethnicity in Lanao del Sur Province and around Lake Lanao and Ligusan Marsh) despite Datu Faizal,better known by the moniker"Randy Karon"being a Maguindanowan,whereas the Committee of 15 Faction is dominated by Maguindanowan Tribesmen,the main ethnicity in Maguindano and Cotabato
Provinces.
The new faction coalesced out of Maranaowans who were present at an important MNLF gathering on Janurary 13,2010 where 400 leaders of the organisation had gathered to forge a new direction in light of the then rapidly progressing GHP-MILF Peace Talks (negotiations between the Government and the MILF),and the possible conflict that these talks represented in light of the existing Agreement between the government and the MNLF,the 1996 Agreement,"Jakarta 1996."Chairman Misuari failed to show up for that all important meeting and much worse,didnt even bother calling to tell the organisers of that gathering that he wouldnt be able to make it.
Alot of dissent had been building up until that point because of Misuari's warm welcome for Norberto Manero Jr., icon of the Ilaga Movement.The Ilaga,very briefly because they too are deserving of at least a couple of entries of their own,were an organisation formed in the very early 1970s to counter the Barakuda,an Islamic paramilitary formed by Moro (Muslims) politicians here on Mindanao.The Ilaga very early on were simply concerned with battling Moros though they veered into anti-Communist Operations from the early 1980s onward before finally losing steam in the early 1990s.There was a briefly re-constituted version of the group from 2005 until 2009,concentrating on countering the rogue MILF/BIAF factions terrorising Bisayan and Ilonggo communities in Central and Nortern Mindanao,but they seem to have faded into obscurity after the move by Misuari,towards Manero.
Norberto"Kumander Bucay"Manero Jr.became famous in the Philippines for the killing of a pro-Communist priest in North Cotabato Province,an incident that gained infamy when Manero and others ate the priest's entrails,a claim which Manero himself disputes but for which he was convicted and ended up serving nearly 3 decades in prison. Towards the end of his sentence Misuari made contact with him and to the suprise of many Manero converted to Islam, at which point Misuari welcomed him into the MNLF as a"brother."
This move by Misuari,perhaps astute in that it neutralised Manero at a time when the Ilaga was enjoying a moderate resurgence,alienated the Chairman to a great many Moros,both within and without the MNLF.
Additionaly,voices of dissent within the MNLF noted that while Misuari couldn't find time to even notify organisers that he wouldnt appear at the Feburary meeting,he had been able to campaign vigirously for the Governorship of Sulu Province,1 of 3 non-contigious provinces in Mindanao. To add insult to injury, this was also seen as further proof that Misuari had fully engaged the government at the expence of the MNLF's vital principles.While indpendance had been given up as unobtainable under Libyan pressure,the organisation is still very much committed to a form of autonomy not much removed from the vision of the MILF.That is to say an autonomy that borders on actual independance in all but name.
The February meeting at which this new faction officially took shape also served a dual purpose in that it was an enthronement ceremony for the Sultanate of Buayan,as well as for Kumander Karon who became a full fledged"Datu." Though the term Datu is often used loosely these days it holds considerable meaning and prestige for Moros as well as for some non-Islamicised tribes on Mindanao (i.e. "Lumad").Often mis-understood to mean"Chief,"while all chiefs ARE Datus,not all Datus are chiefs.It is an honourific given to the most esteemed men in the community.Buayan is 1 of 2 Maguindanowan Sultunates,and though Karon leaders a force of mostly Maranowans he himself is Maguindanowan.
Karon took the tile"Datu Wata"(Young Datu),an important step in what may be a telegraphing of Karon's intentions to become more than just a petty warlord.Congressman Datu
Pax Mangadadatu,who is a sub-chief of the Maguindanowan Tribe for most of Sultan Kudarat Province (Karon's home province) was in attendance,as was Cotabato City Mayor (soon to be"Vice Mayor') Muslamin Sema who is Chairman of the MNLF-Committee of 15 faction.Mayor Sema was also enthroned as Crown Prince (Rajamuda) of the Buayan Sultanate. This move also works to solidify the alliance between these 2 factions of the MNLF,against the Misuari faction.
Kumanders under Karon, Datu Dima Ambil and Datu Mentokan Sunsona were also in attendance at that ceremony and organisational meeting as well.
Not to be undone,the Misuari faction moved to solidify its position as the faction with which the government does business.Until about 2007 there was a 4 year period in which the Committee of 15 was the"official"MNLF.This changed as the Government found Misuari much more conducive to doing business after his release from Home Arrest for his rebellion after being unseated as Governor of ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao).Misuari of course being the man whom the OIC (International Islamic umbrealla group which has been very involved in the Mindnowan Peace Process since the mid-1970s) considers to be the true representative of the MNLF.
On April 20,2010,the Misuari Faction was in Tripoli,Libya for the signing of a 2 page MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) with the government.Misuari himself signed on behalf of the MNLF while the Government was represented by attorney Camilo Miguel M.Montessa,a sign of how unimportant the Governor now considers the MNLF in the overall scheme of things for Mindanao.The Government brass was in Kuala Lampur,Malaysia trying to make progress with the MILF. In terms of organisational accumen and recent military movements the MILF certainly takes precedence but by no means should anyone count the MNLF out for the count,especially its newer and more ambitious factions.Representing the OIC (Organisation of Islamic Countries),which has been the long term mediator between the GHP (Government of the Philippines) and the MNLF,H.E.Rezlan I.Jenie,signing on behalf of the OIC-PCSP.
This MoU has 3 main points,which I will paraphrase here in condensed form:
I)Re: 3rd Tripartite Meeting,it will concentrate on the transformation of Common Proposals into Legal Form.Both parties,GHP and the MNLF have reviewed the work of the JLP (Joint Legal Panel,a panel combined of attorneys from both the GRP and MNLF) and have given their assent to the list of Common Proposals to be concentrated on.This list is given as"Annex A."
Any other remaining contentious issues that need to be resolved towards this end,such as additional Common Proposals not represented in"Annex A,"will be listed on"Annex B."
Work is to be done as soon as humanly possible after which it will be transmitted jointly to the President,and there after to Congress as a"Certified Administration Bill."A copy of this Bill will then be forwarded to the OIC-PCSP.
II) Re: Fund Mechanism,Both parties recognise the most pressing need for development of the Southern Philippines and both appreciate the work towards that end undertaken thus far by the OIC which has been working on this since the "1996 Jakarta Agreement."
With the OIC's further support both sides agree to implement a Fund Mechanism to support the afore mentioned development,with exact details to be concluded via discussion with both sides,mediated by the OIC.
III) Re: Tripartite Implementation and Monitoring,the 3 parties agree to implement a monitoring entity to oversee the implementation of the "1996 Jakarta Agreement."
Aside from that important development,on May 10,2010 the Election was held and Chairman Misuari lost his bid to assume Governorship of Sulu Province.Co-incidentally,Mayor Muslamin Sema of Cotabato City in North Cotabato Province and Chairman of the Central Committee of the faction now popularly holding his name but officially known as the MNLF-Executive Committee of 15 (EC15) won election as Vice Mayor of that city after having reached his 9 year term limit as mayor.Meanwhile,his wife Bai Sandra Sema won the 1st District Congressional Seat for North Cotabato Province.
On May 21,2010,Jolo City Court issued Warrant #1119-4 with no provision for bail,against 20 MNLF-Misuari Faction members under Kumander Habir Malik,the kumander mentioned at the begininning of my entry.The warrant relates to the IED that killed 2 US Special Forces soldiers and 1 AFP Marine on September 29,2009 in Barangay Kagay in the town of Indanan on Jolo Island in Sulu Province.20 MNLF guerillas led by sub-Kumander Khaid Ajibon were involved in the setting of an IED on the gravel access road leading to a forward AFP Marine post.An unarmoured US Hummer carrying AFP Marines and 2 US personnel was flipped,killing the 2 US personnel and 1 AFP Marine.
The official release claims that the 2 Americans were Navy SEABEES,construction workers,overseeing the reonvation of school classrooms in Sitio Laum Siang in Barangay Kagay where the bombing took place.In reality though they were Special Forces soldiers training the Marines in COIN (Counterinsurgency Warfare):
1) 1stSgt.Christopher D.Shaw,37,of Markham,Illinois
2) Staff Sgt.Jack Martin III,26,of Bethany, California
were both attached to the 3rd Battalion of the 1st Special Forces Group.Politics being what it is,especially with the latest brouhaha out of Basilan with American forces (I will get to it in a subsequent post),the 2 men deserve to be recognised for the very difficult job that they were sent to do and that job was NOT to renovate school rooms (though in terms of COIN,Counterinsurgency,that IS an important role as well).The MNLF denies any and all involvement in their deaths.
That was the 1st killing of US personnel on the Philippine mission since 2002 when an IED attached to an unoccupied motorcycle detonated outside a videoke bar close to Camp Navarro in Zamboanga City killing a Special Forces soldier deployed on Basilan.That IED was an Abu Sayyaf operation.
2 hours after the IED detonation that killed the 2 soldiers (and 1 AFP Marine) on Jolo Island a 2nd detonated in Barangay Kasanyangan in Jolo City at a PNP RMG (PNP Regional Mobile Group,used to supplement security shortcomings, primarily police,as needed) command post.It is believed to have been set in retaliation for a PNP engagement in which 1 Abu Sayyaf guerilla,Karim Juldani,was killed on Sunday,September 26.That engagement also resulted in the capture of a 2nd Abu Sayyaf member,Albashir Adjili.The incident took place as the 2 guerillas were interdicted at a PNP checkpoint in an outer barangay of Jolo City,as they tried to infiltrate the city.This 2nd IED caused no casualties.
Later in the day in Sitio Dauyan in Barangay Bunot in the town of Indanan a bridge was targetted with yet another IED.
On June 20,2010 the MNLF-Misuari faction signed yet another Unity Agreement with the MILF.This Agreement however was noteworthy due to its broker being the Secretary General of the OIC (Organisation of the Islamic Conference).The signing, by both Misuari and MILF Chairman,al Haj Murad Ebrahim,took place in the OIC Secretary General's office on the sidelines of the OIC Annual Conference in Dashnube,Tajikastan.
June 22,2010 at 10AM in Barangay Mahala in the town of Talipao on Jolo Island in Sulu Province,MNLF-Misuari Kumander Habir Malik was again letting his displeasure over"Hearts and Minds"projects be seen.In this case it was a road connecting an outlying barangay,Tuyang,to Barangay Poblacion so as to speed up transport to market of farm goods. Malik's sub-Kumanders Nidzmi Jabar,Maas Ejan and Jahid Susukan joined with an Abu Sayyaf faction under Kumander Yasser Igasan to attack MBLT-3 (Marine Battalion Landing Team #3).2 Abu Sayyaf guerillas were killed and 4 AFP Marines were wounded.
After the firefight MBLT-3 entered Barangay Tuyan and captured a main MNLF camp belonging to Malik.At the same time, MBLT-1 was able to capture a satellite camp in Barangay Poblacion,also in the municipality of Talipao.
Though he supports Nur Misuari,Malik has been on his own since rejecting the 1996 Jakarta Accord in November,2001. since that time he has been attacking the AFP though his actions ebb and flow.A major player,he commanded an entire front (Sulu has 2 MNLF fronts,East and West),he also operates almost openly in tandem with ASG (Abu Sayyaf Group). He currently has a P1 Million Bounty on his head (20,000 Euros).Some might remember his name from the audacious Operation he pulled off in Feburary,2007.General Ben Dolorfino and then Under Secretary of Defense Ramon Santos along with 12 AFP officers were trying to negotiate with Malik over his actions (he was trying to get Misuari released from House Arrest in Manila at the time).Malik took the party hostage.The goal was to get Misuari released to attend the OIC (Organisation of the Islamic Conference) Conference in Jeddah.Though nominally independent he is counted as part of the Misuari faction due to his diehard support of his old friend and former Commander.
On June 27,2010 officials in and around Valencia City in Bukidnon Province expressed alarm that the MNLF was moving into this partof the island.Bukidnon is not home to many Muslims but the organisation has been actively recruiting in the towns of Pangantucan,Kalilangan and as I mentioned,Valencia City.The recruiters have been promising P15,000 a month (almost US400),practically a fortune in that depressed area,though with a hitch.Applicants need to pay up to P3,000 (US75) for the application,ID card,etc.This same scheme has also been taking place in ComVal Province (Compostela Valley),Davao del Sur and Davao Oriental Provinces which are other non-Muslim provinces and another area where LGUs (Local Government Units,i.e."towns") officials are up in arms and asking the AFP to boost its presence over the course of the last 12 months.
In Valencia City's westside,in Sitio Kibalaog,Barangay Lilingayon the MNLF have established a provincial HQ in a place they are calling Camp Datu Matoos.Actually this development took place almost 2 years ago unbeknownst to most local officials and in fact created quite a stir locally when Chairman Misuari himself arrived in a 7 vehichle convoy,with 18 well armed bodyguards brought with him from ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao).The event was an Induction Ceremony for local recruits,but that took place after they were first converted to Islam.
Misuari has long made a point of trying to include non-Muslims in the MNLF,even going so far as to state that a "Moro"is anyone who lives in Mindanao and accepts the label (I think I'll pass).Earlier this year,2010,he appeared at a Lumad (Hill Tribe) festival in Agusan del Sur Province as a guest of honor.Agusan del Sur is tied with Surigao del Sur as the 2 provinces in Mindanao having the least number of Muslim residents,both barely registering more than 1,000 each.
The 2008 ceremony in Bukidnon,which took place on December 1st,was organised in conjunction with Barangay Councilwoman Julie Zulita,a non-Muslim.
On July 2nd,2010 in the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat in Maguindano Province the MNLF-MMSC faction,under its leader Datu Faizal"Randy"Karon and the BIAF 104 Base Command under Kumander Jud Caludtiag once again locked horns over that piece of contentious provincial borderland.On June 13th the AFP's 6IB (Infantry Battalion) managed to pull both sides apart and occupy the border,creating a mini-DMZ (Demiliatarised Zone) of sorts.It was able to get warring parties out of Barangay Meti in Datu Blah Sinsuat as well as out of Barangays Tran and Kalamonogg in the adjoining town of Lebak in Sultan Kudarat Province.
The BIAF withdrew and re-positioned in upper sectors of Barangay Laguitan in the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat but over the last week of June there were sporadic clashes.On June 30th the AFP which here-to-fore had claimed it had no manpower to re-deploy from adjoining barangays lest more flare-ups occur there suddenly re-positioned forces in Barangay Sinepak whic adjoins Barangay Laguitan.On the morning of July 2nd,2010 the MNLF-MMSC attacked the BIAF's positions in Barangays Dunpilas and Tran over the border in Lebak,Sultan Kudarat Province.
July 3rd,at 7PM in Barangay Sinepak in the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat,the AFP launched five 105MM rounds from a gunboat situated off the coast of Laguitan as ground forces launched a fussilade of 81MM mortar shells into BIAF held sectors.
The next morning,July 4th,at 7AM,ground forces attacked the BIAF in Barangay Meti.Of course the MILF/BIAF brass, while denying any culpability at all for the actions undertaken by Kumander Caludtiag have cried foul and accused the AFP of supporting the MNLF.
On July 16 the MNLF-MMSC blew a small boat out of the water as it ferried IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,i.e. "Refugees"),as the BIAF was landing in similar boats down the beach,using the IDP exodus as cover for troop re-positioning.Roughly 50 BIAF guerillas landed and an intense firefight broke out as IDPs fled in all directions.
That same day Datu Blah Sinsuat's ex-mayor Datu Ibrahim Manot"Manaut"Sinsuat who also serves in the MNLF-MMSC was en route to a mosque in another border town of Maguindano Province,the municipality of Buluan,when he was waylaid in Barangay Poblacion in the town of President Roxas in Sultan Kudarat Province.Trucks boxed in his minivan as gunmen on foot strafed the vehicle badly with M16s.Shaken but alive the MNLF Kumander was able to escape with everything intact.
Datu Sinsuat,while still mayor (he was voted out this past election,May 10th,2010) is believed to have had his nephew Errol Sinsuat murdered.Errol was a Barangay Captain/Chairman in the town and had just passed a Resolution condemning the Mayor for maintaining a paramilitary (actually it was his MNLF element),a hot political issue since the"Maguindanao Massacre."The Resolution however stemmed from Errol's support of a 2nd uncle,Vice Mayor Marcial Sinsuat in his bid to unseat the Mayor.The murder took place on Cotabato City's Don Ramon Rebago Street in Barangay Mother in the city's fashionable Rosary Heights section on Wednesday,February 17th,2010.
As the 2 murderers were riding tandem on a single motorcycle while leaving the scene they had the very bad luck to run across a rookie PNP officer.Unlike a more seasoned officer who tries to avoid life threatening,or even physically challenging situations whenever possible this young man took it upon himself to actually try and catch the shooters and a short but violent firefight ensued.When the noise stopped one of the men on the motorcycle was wounded and though he still managed to escape the firefight caused him to leave his backpack on scene.
The backpack,military issue,had the owner's name stenciled on it,PFC.(Private First Class) Norodin Sinsuat (another nephew of the former Mayor) deployed with the 10ID (Infantry Division).The operator of the motorcycle,PFC.Esmael Mama,deployed with the 6ID was charged along with Norodin,who is the alleged shooter.
On July 18th the fighting between the BIAF and MNLF-MMSC continued heavily,unabated from the 16th but with it having expanded into the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat's Barangay Sadam as well,and back over the border into Barangay Tran in the town of Lebak in Sultan Kudarat Province.As the 6IB struggled to stay out of the way some 40 civilians were killed along with an unknown number of guerillas on both sides.
On July 29th,2010 in Cotabato City in North Cotabato Province,MNLF member Jonel Pandalat was caught fleeing the scene of a murder.PNP says he had just killed 50 year old Roger Aragon after buying charcoal from the man.He refused to answer anything under interrogation but is being looked at for involvement in earlier murders in the city and outlying areas.
That same week the long simmering conflict between Kumander Datu Faisal"Randy"Karon,the paramount leader of the MNLF's newest faction,the MNLF-MMSC (Mainland Mindanao State Committee) and the BIAF 104 Base Command's Kumander Jud Caludtiag saw the MILF/BIAF hierarchy trying to float a peace plan of sorts.The conflict between these 2 men, because it is not an organisational conflict,but rather a personal feud (as opposed to "Rido," or "Clan Feud"),has been flaring up as I explained in my aforementioned entry for about 4 years now.Sadly,the civilians on the border of Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provinces are the ones who suffer the most,this time is no exception.
The MILF/BIAF"Plan"has received approval from Kumander Jud Caludtiag,commanding the BIAFF 104 Base Command,as well as the MNLF-Misuari and MNLF-Sema (Executive Committee of 15) factions.Though Kumander Karon's faction, Mainland Mindanao State Committee is allied with Sema,ithasn't agreed to abide by the"plan,"and of course THAT is the MNLF faction doing the actual fighting...He has been very receptive,but has always found a major issue to contest and so the fighting continues.
Basically there are 3 components of this"Plan":
I) Deploy uninvolved elements of both the MILF/BIAF and the MNLF to the provincial border where the fighting is taking place.
II) Let IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,i.e."Refugees") return to their villages and both sides will then work towards rehabilitation and development of the area so as to benefit those IDPs.
III) After the 1st two components have been implemented talks will begin between the 2 sides so as to reach an acceptable and permanent accord.
It seems simple enough,and yet it hasn't been accepted although Kumander Karon has agreed to allow non-local PNP (Philippine National Police) officers to be deployed to the area so as to bring at least the semblance of law and order (looting and other lawlessness is always an issue in these types of sub-conflicts).It is a start anyway.
Interestingly the 2 men have along history together and it wasn't always acrimonius.Both started off as combatants in the MNLF (when there was only one MNLF,under Misuari),based in Barangay Tran in the town of Lebak in Sultan Kudarat,1 of the 2 communities currently embroiled in this violence.A specific battle there was christened"Battle of Hell's Little Acre"by the AFP who had an incredibly difficult time against this particular MNLF element who amazingly were able to hold the barangay for 6 months as the AFP threw its best men and equipment at them (the AFP has a penchant for using American military terminology,in this case the battle's name).If only the same elan and finesse had been present at Camp Abubakar in the"2000 War"perhaps Mindanao would be a much different place right now.
The battle took place from Feburary 23rd,1973 until mid-August of that year and claimed the lives of Karon's 3 elder brothers as well as serious wounding Kumander Karon himself.Also worth noting,Senator Gregorio"Gringo"Honasan, leader of a famous coup attempt while still in the AFP,was also wounded in that famous battle.Kumander Jud Caludtiag wasn't wounded but did fight well by all accounts and so both men have positive common ground on which to build a lasting agreement should they ever truly be serious about it.
As of August 2nd,2010,there are a total of 17,000 IDPs suffering during the height of Monsoon.That should be the most pressing issue.17,000 men,women and children...So what is causing this latest round of violence?The MILF/BIAF says Karon kidnapped a woman from the BIAF 104 Base Command AOR (Area of Responsibility"i.e."Turf") in 2009.More neutral voices say it is over control of a patch of beach straddling both towns (Lebak,Sultan Kudarat and Datu Blah Sinsuat,Maguindanao) directly on the border that holds immense strategical value,as well as possibly commercial value should the conflict ever end and development ever truly come to the region.Karon,for his own 2 cents says it is because of an MILF/BIAF attack after the failure of the MoA-AD (Memorandum of Understanding on Ancestral Domain) in August of 2008.
Most will remember that when the Supreme Court issued a Restraining Order against the signing of this Memorandum by the GPH (Government) and the MILF/BIAF,that 3 BIAF Base Commands went off the reservation.It began with Kumander Kato and his 105 Base Command occupying PALMA,a strategic patch of land holding 5 municipalities in North Cotabato Province close to the Maguindano Province Border.These villages and towns were almost entirely Bisaya and Ilonggo (i.e. "Christian") and so what has been called a"Police Action"against 3"Lost Commands" (term first used by Philippine Constalbury Col.Carlos"Charlie" Palabrica Lademora,later known as"Kumander Brown,"borrowed from American lingo used in the Vietnam War),but without a doubt was actually a war.
Many Crimes Against Humanity,atrocities took place during this war but Kumander Karon is angered over a particular act.What act you ask?The 104 Base Command under Kumander Caludtiag attacked a power generator located on a barge off of the town of Kalamansig in Sultan Kudarat Province.The barge provided power to the area and left residents without power for several weeks.As the barge was being attacked an element also attacked the town of Lebak as a diversionary move.That diversionary move is the jist of it,though in honesty Karon seems to have a case of selective memory since that attack took place 2 years AFTER his problems with the 104 Base Command began.
First however,I do need to point out that the organisation is currently made up of 5 factions,3 of which are very distinct:
1) MNLF-Misuari Faction,still loyal to Nur Misuari
2) MNLF-Committee of 15 (MNLF-EC15),sometimes referred to as the MNLF-Sema.This faction is loyal to a former underling of Misuari,Muslimin Sema who is also currently the Vice Mayor of Cotabato City in North Cotabato Province (having moved to that slot from the Mayoral seat after reaching his term limit)
3) MNLF-Mainland Mindanao State Committee (MNLF-MMSC),under Kumander Datu Faizal"Randy"Karon,of whom I have been posting so much about lately due to his ongoing sub-conflict with Kumander Jud Caludtiag of the BIAF (Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces,the military wing of the MILF,or Moro Islamic Liberation Front) 104 Base Command on the borders of Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provinces.MNLF-MMSC is very closely allied with the MNLF-EC15.
The other 2:
1) MNLF-Reformist Group (MNLG-RG)
2) MNLF-Islamic Command (MNLF-IC)
are nearly extinct and no longer even field armed components. I will have to discuss these factionalisations and shifting alliances in that aforementioned"upcoming"entry.I need to add for clarity that there is the MNLF-Habir Malik (MNLF-HM) which can actually be considered a part of the Misuari organisation.
On to the "happenings"...On Janurary 23,2010 in Barangay Bato-Bato, Indanan, Sulu (Jolo Island), a rogue faction of the MNLF-Misuari Faction centered on Jolo Island,the largest island in the Sulu Archipelago,blew up the Talaktak Bridge.The faction,under Kumander Ustadz Habir Malik operates in a close alliance with the largest Abu Sayyaf faction on Jolo Island.
6 MNLF guerillas led by sub-Kumander Tahil Sali were seen approaching the bridge and carefully laying the charges (C4 explosives, A.K.A. "Plastique").After the guerillas withdrew local residents notified the authorities and MBLT-6 (Marine Battalion Landing Team #6) was deployed to the scene.As the detachment was en route the charges detonated , knocking out the bridge.
MBLT-6 was them immediately re-deployed for a Pursuit Operation in hopes of cutting off the MNLF team who in addition to THAT bridge had also attempted to bomb another one on Janurary 21,two days prior.That earlier bridge, Lampaking-Dayuan,also in the municipality of Indanan was only partially damaged but still usable.
Kumander Malik and his faction are in heavy opposition to the Infrastructural Improvement Projects ("Hearts and Minds") spearheaded by US Forces ensconced at the island's Camp Bautista,the Headquarters for AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines) Marines.They were behind the IED (Improvised Explosive Devices,as in"bombs") that killed an AFP Marine and 2 US personnel,incorrectly identified as US SEABEES (Naval Construction personnel),but in reality 2 Special Forces soldiers.That incident took place on an access road near Camp Bautista in September of 2009,an incident I will flesh out in more detail in an upcoming entry (I know,I know,alot of"upcoming entries"but time being what it is...).
On Feburary 27th and 28th,2010 at (MNLF) Camp Datu Lumambas in the town of Kabacan in North Cotabato,the main camp of the MNLF-Committee of 15,a 2 day gathering of roughly 400 MNLF leaders officialised the newest MNLF faction, MNLF-Mainland Mindanao State Committee (MNLF-MMSC) under Kumander Datu Faizal"Randy"Karon" of Sultan Kudarat Province. This newest faction is comprised mostly of Maranowan (Maranaon) Tribesmen (the chief ethnicity in Lanao del Sur Province and around Lake Lanao and Ligusan Marsh) despite Datu Faizal,better known by the moniker"Randy Karon"being a Maguindanowan,whereas the Committee of 15 Faction is dominated by Maguindanowan Tribesmen,the main ethnicity in Maguindano and Cotabato
Provinces.
The new faction coalesced out of Maranaowans who were present at an important MNLF gathering on Janurary 13,2010 where 400 leaders of the organisation had gathered to forge a new direction in light of the then rapidly progressing GHP-MILF Peace Talks (negotiations between the Government and the MILF),and the possible conflict that these talks represented in light of the existing Agreement between the government and the MNLF,the 1996 Agreement,"Jakarta 1996."Chairman Misuari failed to show up for that all important meeting and much worse,didnt even bother calling to tell the organisers of that gathering that he wouldnt be able to make it.
Alot of dissent had been building up until that point because of Misuari's warm welcome for Norberto Manero Jr., icon of the Ilaga Movement.The Ilaga,very briefly because they too are deserving of at least a couple of entries of their own,were an organisation formed in the very early 1970s to counter the Barakuda,an Islamic paramilitary formed by Moro (Muslims) politicians here on Mindanao.The Ilaga very early on were simply concerned with battling Moros though they veered into anti-Communist Operations from the early 1980s onward before finally losing steam in the early 1990s.There was a briefly re-constituted version of the group from 2005 until 2009,concentrating on countering the rogue MILF/BIAF factions terrorising Bisayan and Ilonggo communities in Central and Nortern Mindanao,but they seem to have faded into obscurity after the move by Misuari,towards Manero.
Norberto"Kumander Bucay"Manero Jr.became famous in the Philippines for the killing of a pro-Communist priest in North Cotabato Province,an incident that gained infamy when Manero and others ate the priest's entrails,a claim which Manero himself disputes but for which he was convicted and ended up serving nearly 3 decades in prison. Towards the end of his sentence Misuari made contact with him and to the suprise of many Manero converted to Islam, at which point Misuari welcomed him into the MNLF as a"brother."
This move by Misuari,perhaps astute in that it neutralised Manero at a time when the Ilaga was enjoying a moderate resurgence,alienated the Chairman to a great many Moros,both within and without the MNLF.
Additionaly,voices of dissent within the MNLF noted that while Misuari couldn't find time to even notify organisers that he wouldnt appear at the Feburary meeting,he had been able to campaign vigirously for the Governorship of Sulu Province,1 of 3 non-contigious provinces in Mindanao. To add insult to injury, this was also seen as further proof that Misuari had fully engaged the government at the expence of the MNLF's vital principles.While indpendance had been given up as unobtainable under Libyan pressure,the organisation is still very much committed to a form of autonomy not much removed from the vision of the MILF.That is to say an autonomy that borders on actual independance in all but name.
The February meeting at which this new faction officially took shape also served a dual purpose in that it was an enthronement ceremony for the Sultanate of Buayan,as well as for Kumander Karon who became a full fledged"Datu." Though the term Datu is often used loosely these days it holds considerable meaning and prestige for Moros as well as for some non-Islamicised tribes on Mindanao (i.e. "Lumad").Often mis-understood to mean"Chief,"while all chiefs ARE Datus,not all Datus are chiefs.It is an honourific given to the most esteemed men in the community.Buayan is 1 of 2 Maguindanowan Sultunates,and though Karon leaders a force of mostly Maranowans he himself is Maguindanowan.
Karon took the tile"Datu Wata"(Young Datu),an important step in what may be a telegraphing of Karon's intentions to become more than just a petty warlord.Congressman Datu
Pax Mangadadatu,who is a sub-chief of the Maguindanowan Tribe for most of Sultan Kudarat Province (Karon's home province) was in attendance,as was Cotabato City Mayor (soon to be"Vice Mayor') Muslamin Sema who is Chairman of the MNLF-Committee of 15 faction.Mayor Sema was also enthroned as Crown Prince (Rajamuda) of the Buayan Sultanate. This move also works to solidify the alliance between these 2 factions of the MNLF,against the Misuari faction.
Kumanders under Karon, Datu Dima Ambil and Datu Mentokan Sunsona were also in attendance at that ceremony and organisational meeting as well.
Not to be undone,the Misuari faction moved to solidify its position as the faction with which the government does business.Until about 2007 there was a 4 year period in which the Committee of 15 was the"official"MNLF.This changed as the Government found Misuari much more conducive to doing business after his release from Home Arrest for his rebellion after being unseated as Governor of ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao).Misuari of course being the man whom the OIC (International Islamic umbrealla group which has been very involved in the Mindnowan Peace Process since the mid-1970s) considers to be the true representative of the MNLF.
On April 20,2010,the Misuari Faction was in Tripoli,Libya for the signing of a 2 page MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) with the government.Misuari himself signed on behalf of the MNLF while the Government was represented by attorney Camilo Miguel M.Montessa,a sign of how unimportant the Governor now considers the MNLF in the overall scheme of things for Mindanao.The Government brass was in Kuala Lampur,Malaysia trying to make progress with the MILF. In terms of organisational accumen and recent military movements the MILF certainly takes precedence but by no means should anyone count the MNLF out for the count,especially its newer and more ambitious factions.Representing the OIC (Organisation of Islamic Countries),which has been the long term mediator between the GHP (Government of the Philippines) and the MNLF,H.E.Rezlan I.Jenie,signing on behalf of the OIC-PCSP.
This MoU has 3 main points,which I will paraphrase here in condensed form:
I)Re: 3rd Tripartite Meeting,it will concentrate on the transformation of Common Proposals into Legal Form.Both parties,GHP and the MNLF have reviewed the work of the JLP (Joint Legal Panel,a panel combined of attorneys from both the GRP and MNLF) and have given their assent to the list of Common Proposals to be concentrated on.This list is given as"Annex A."
Any other remaining contentious issues that need to be resolved towards this end,such as additional Common Proposals not represented in"Annex A,"will be listed on"Annex B."
Work is to be done as soon as humanly possible after which it will be transmitted jointly to the President,and there after to Congress as a"Certified Administration Bill."A copy of this Bill will then be forwarded to the OIC-PCSP.
II) Re: Fund Mechanism,Both parties recognise the most pressing need for development of the Southern Philippines and both appreciate the work towards that end undertaken thus far by the OIC which has been working on this since the "1996 Jakarta Agreement."
With the OIC's further support both sides agree to implement a Fund Mechanism to support the afore mentioned development,with exact details to be concluded via discussion with both sides,mediated by the OIC.
III) Re: Tripartite Implementation and Monitoring,the 3 parties agree to implement a monitoring entity to oversee the implementation of the "1996 Jakarta Agreement."
Aside from that important development,on May 10,2010 the Election was held and Chairman Misuari lost his bid to assume Governorship of Sulu Province.Co-incidentally,Mayor Muslamin Sema of Cotabato City in North Cotabato Province and Chairman of the Central Committee of the faction now popularly holding his name but officially known as the MNLF-Executive Committee of 15 (EC15) won election as Vice Mayor of that city after having reached his 9 year term limit as mayor.Meanwhile,his wife Bai Sandra Sema won the 1st District Congressional Seat for North Cotabato Province.
On May 21,2010,Jolo City Court issued Warrant #1119-4 with no provision for bail,against 20 MNLF-Misuari Faction members under Kumander Habir Malik,the kumander mentioned at the begininning of my entry.The warrant relates to the IED that killed 2 US Special Forces soldiers and 1 AFP Marine on September 29,2009 in Barangay Kagay in the town of Indanan on Jolo Island in Sulu Province.20 MNLF guerillas led by sub-Kumander Khaid Ajibon were involved in the setting of an IED on the gravel access road leading to a forward AFP Marine post.An unarmoured US Hummer carrying AFP Marines and 2 US personnel was flipped,killing the 2 US personnel and 1 AFP Marine.
The official release claims that the 2 Americans were Navy SEABEES,construction workers,overseeing the reonvation of school classrooms in Sitio Laum Siang in Barangay Kagay where the bombing took place.In reality though they were Special Forces soldiers training the Marines in COIN (Counterinsurgency Warfare):
1) 1stSgt.Christopher D.Shaw,37,of Markham,Illinois
2) Staff Sgt.Jack Martin III,26,of Bethany, California
were both attached to the 3rd Battalion of the 1st Special Forces Group.Politics being what it is,especially with the latest brouhaha out of Basilan with American forces (I will get to it in a subsequent post),the 2 men deserve to be recognised for the very difficult job that they were sent to do and that job was NOT to renovate school rooms (though in terms of COIN,Counterinsurgency,that IS an important role as well).The MNLF denies any and all involvement in their deaths.
That was the 1st killing of US personnel on the Philippine mission since 2002 when an IED attached to an unoccupied motorcycle detonated outside a videoke bar close to Camp Navarro in Zamboanga City killing a Special Forces soldier deployed on Basilan.That IED was an Abu Sayyaf operation.
2 hours after the IED detonation that killed the 2 soldiers (and 1 AFP Marine) on Jolo Island a 2nd detonated in Barangay Kasanyangan in Jolo City at a PNP RMG (PNP Regional Mobile Group,used to supplement security shortcomings, primarily police,as needed) command post.It is believed to have been set in retaliation for a PNP engagement in which 1 Abu Sayyaf guerilla,Karim Juldani,was killed on Sunday,September 26.That engagement also resulted in the capture of a 2nd Abu Sayyaf member,Albashir Adjili.The incident took place as the 2 guerillas were interdicted at a PNP checkpoint in an outer barangay of Jolo City,as they tried to infiltrate the city.This 2nd IED caused no casualties.
Later in the day in Sitio Dauyan in Barangay Bunot in the town of Indanan a bridge was targetted with yet another IED.
On June 20,2010 the MNLF-Misuari faction signed yet another Unity Agreement with the MILF.This Agreement however was noteworthy due to its broker being the Secretary General of the OIC (Organisation of the Islamic Conference).The signing, by both Misuari and MILF Chairman,al Haj Murad Ebrahim,took place in the OIC Secretary General's office on the sidelines of the OIC Annual Conference in Dashnube,Tajikastan.
June 22,2010 at 10AM in Barangay Mahala in the town of Talipao on Jolo Island in Sulu Province,MNLF-Misuari Kumander Habir Malik was again letting his displeasure over"Hearts and Minds"projects be seen.In this case it was a road connecting an outlying barangay,Tuyang,to Barangay Poblacion so as to speed up transport to market of farm goods. Malik's sub-Kumanders Nidzmi Jabar,Maas Ejan and Jahid Susukan joined with an Abu Sayyaf faction under Kumander Yasser Igasan to attack MBLT-3 (Marine Battalion Landing Team #3).2 Abu Sayyaf guerillas were killed and 4 AFP Marines were wounded.
After the firefight MBLT-3 entered Barangay Tuyan and captured a main MNLF camp belonging to Malik.At the same time, MBLT-1 was able to capture a satellite camp in Barangay Poblacion,also in the municipality of Talipao.
Though he supports Nur Misuari,Malik has been on his own since rejecting the 1996 Jakarta Accord in November,2001. since that time he has been attacking the AFP though his actions ebb and flow.A major player,he commanded an entire front (Sulu has 2 MNLF fronts,East and West),he also operates almost openly in tandem with ASG (Abu Sayyaf Group). He currently has a P1 Million Bounty on his head (20,000 Euros).Some might remember his name from the audacious Operation he pulled off in Feburary,2007.General Ben Dolorfino and then Under Secretary of Defense Ramon Santos along with 12 AFP officers were trying to negotiate with Malik over his actions (he was trying to get Misuari released from House Arrest in Manila at the time).Malik took the party hostage.The goal was to get Misuari released to attend the OIC (Organisation of the Islamic Conference) Conference in Jeddah.Though nominally independent he is counted as part of the Misuari faction due to his diehard support of his old friend and former Commander.
On June 27,2010 officials in and around Valencia City in Bukidnon Province expressed alarm that the MNLF was moving into this partof the island.Bukidnon is not home to many Muslims but the organisation has been actively recruiting in the towns of Pangantucan,Kalilangan and as I mentioned,Valencia City.The recruiters have been promising P15,000 a month (almost US400),practically a fortune in that depressed area,though with a hitch.Applicants need to pay up to P3,000 (US75) for the application,ID card,etc.This same scheme has also been taking place in ComVal Province (Compostela Valley),Davao del Sur and Davao Oriental Provinces which are other non-Muslim provinces and another area where LGUs (Local Government Units,i.e."towns") officials are up in arms and asking the AFP to boost its presence over the course of the last 12 months.
In Valencia City's westside,in Sitio Kibalaog,Barangay Lilingayon the MNLF have established a provincial HQ in a place they are calling Camp Datu Matoos.Actually this development took place almost 2 years ago unbeknownst to most local officials and in fact created quite a stir locally when Chairman Misuari himself arrived in a 7 vehichle convoy,with 18 well armed bodyguards brought with him from ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao).The event was an Induction Ceremony for local recruits,but that took place after they were first converted to Islam.
Misuari has long made a point of trying to include non-Muslims in the MNLF,even going so far as to state that a "Moro"is anyone who lives in Mindanao and accepts the label (I think I'll pass).Earlier this year,2010,he appeared at a Lumad (Hill Tribe) festival in Agusan del Sur Province as a guest of honor.Agusan del Sur is tied with Surigao del Sur as the 2 provinces in Mindanao having the least number of Muslim residents,both barely registering more than 1,000 each.
The 2008 ceremony in Bukidnon,which took place on December 1st,was organised in conjunction with Barangay Councilwoman Julie Zulita,a non-Muslim.
On July 2nd,2010 in the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat in Maguindano Province the MNLF-MMSC faction,under its leader Datu Faizal"Randy"Karon and the BIAF 104 Base Command under Kumander Jud Caludtiag once again locked horns over that piece of contentious provincial borderland.On June 13th the AFP's 6IB (Infantry Battalion) managed to pull both sides apart and occupy the border,creating a mini-DMZ (Demiliatarised Zone) of sorts.It was able to get warring parties out of Barangay Meti in Datu Blah Sinsuat as well as out of Barangays Tran and Kalamonogg in the adjoining town of Lebak in Sultan Kudarat Province.
The BIAF withdrew and re-positioned in upper sectors of Barangay Laguitan in the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat but over the last week of June there were sporadic clashes.On June 30th the AFP which here-to-fore had claimed it had no manpower to re-deploy from adjoining barangays lest more flare-ups occur there suddenly re-positioned forces in Barangay Sinepak whic adjoins Barangay Laguitan.On the morning of July 2nd,2010 the MNLF-MMSC attacked the BIAF's positions in Barangays Dunpilas and Tran over the border in Lebak,Sultan Kudarat Province.
July 3rd,at 7PM in Barangay Sinepak in the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat,the AFP launched five 105MM rounds from a gunboat situated off the coast of Laguitan as ground forces launched a fussilade of 81MM mortar shells into BIAF held sectors.
The next morning,July 4th,at 7AM,ground forces attacked the BIAF in Barangay Meti.Of course the MILF/BIAF brass, while denying any culpability at all for the actions undertaken by Kumander Caludtiag have cried foul and accused the AFP of supporting the MNLF.
On July 16 the MNLF-MMSC blew a small boat out of the water as it ferried IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,i.e. "Refugees"),as the BIAF was landing in similar boats down the beach,using the IDP exodus as cover for troop re-positioning.Roughly 50 BIAF guerillas landed and an intense firefight broke out as IDPs fled in all directions.
That same day Datu Blah Sinsuat's ex-mayor Datu Ibrahim Manot"Manaut"Sinsuat who also serves in the MNLF-MMSC was en route to a mosque in another border town of Maguindano Province,the municipality of Buluan,when he was waylaid in Barangay Poblacion in the town of President Roxas in Sultan Kudarat Province.Trucks boxed in his minivan as gunmen on foot strafed the vehicle badly with M16s.Shaken but alive the MNLF Kumander was able to escape with everything intact.
Datu Sinsuat,while still mayor (he was voted out this past election,May 10th,2010) is believed to have had his nephew Errol Sinsuat murdered.Errol was a Barangay Captain/Chairman in the town and had just passed a Resolution condemning the Mayor for maintaining a paramilitary (actually it was his MNLF element),a hot political issue since the"Maguindanao Massacre."The Resolution however stemmed from Errol's support of a 2nd uncle,Vice Mayor Marcial Sinsuat in his bid to unseat the Mayor.The murder took place on Cotabato City's Don Ramon Rebago Street in Barangay Mother in the city's fashionable Rosary Heights section on Wednesday,February 17th,2010.
As the 2 murderers were riding tandem on a single motorcycle while leaving the scene they had the very bad luck to run across a rookie PNP officer.Unlike a more seasoned officer who tries to avoid life threatening,or even physically challenging situations whenever possible this young man took it upon himself to actually try and catch the shooters and a short but violent firefight ensued.When the noise stopped one of the men on the motorcycle was wounded and though he still managed to escape the firefight caused him to leave his backpack on scene.
The backpack,military issue,had the owner's name stenciled on it,PFC.(Private First Class) Norodin Sinsuat (another nephew of the former Mayor) deployed with the 10ID (Infantry Division).The operator of the motorcycle,PFC.Esmael Mama,deployed with the 6ID was charged along with Norodin,who is the alleged shooter.
On July 18th the fighting between the BIAF and MNLF-MMSC continued heavily,unabated from the 16th but with it having expanded into the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat's Barangay Sadam as well,and back over the border into Barangay Tran in the town of Lebak in Sultan Kudarat Province.As the 6IB struggled to stay out of the way some 40 civilians were killed along with an unknown number of guerillas on both sides.
On July 29th,2010 in Cotabato City in North Cotabato Province,MNLF member Jonel Pandalat was caught fleeing the scene of a murder.PNP says he had just killed 50 year old Roger Aragon after buying charcoal from the man.He refused to answer anything under interrogation but is being looked at for involvement in earlier murders in the city and outlying areas.
That same week the long simmering conflict between Kumander Datu Faisal"Randy"Karon,the paramount leader of the MNLF's newest faction,the MNLF-MMSC (Mainland Mindanao State Committee) and the BIAF 104 Base Command's Kumander Jud Caludtiag saw the MILF/BIAF hierarchy trying to float a peace plan of sorts.The conflict between these 2 men, because it is not an organisational conflict,but rather a personal feud (as opposed to "Rido," or "Clan Feud"),has been flaring up as I explained in my aforementioned entry for about 4 years now.Sadly,the civilians on the border of Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provinces are the ones who suffer the most,this time is no exception.
The MILF/BIAF"Plan"has received approval from Kumander Jud Caludtiag,commanding the BIAFF 104 Base Command,as well as the MNLF-Misuari and MNLF-Sema (Executive Committee of 15) factions.Though Kumander Karon's faction, Mainland Mindanao State Committee is allied with Sema,ithasn't agreed to abide by the"plan,"and of course THAT is the MNLF faction doing the actual fighting...He has been very receptive,but has always found a major issue to contest and so the fighting continues.
Basically there are 3 components of this"Plan":
I) Deploy uninvolved elements of both the MILF/BIAF and the MNLF to the provincial border where the fighting is taking place.
II) Let IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,i.e."Refugees") return to their villages and both sides will then work towards rehabilitation and development of the area so as to benefit those IDPs.
III) After the 1st two components have been implemented talks will begin between the 2 sides so as to reach an acceptable and permanent accord.
It seems simple enough,and yet it hasn't been accepted although Kumander Karon has agreed to allow non-local PNP (Philippine National Police) officers to be deployed to the area so as to bring at least the semblance of law and order (looting and other lawlessness is always an issue in these types of sub-conflicts).It is a start anyway.
Interestingly the 2 men have along history together and it wasn't always acrimonius.Both started off as combatants in the MNLF (when there was only one MNLF,under Misuari),based in Barangay Tran in the town of Lebak in Sultan Kudarat,1 of the 2 communities currently embroiled in this violence.A specific battle there was christened"Battle of Hell's Little Acre"by the AFP who had an incredibly difficult time against this particular MNLF element who amazingly were able to hold the barangay for 6 months as the AFP threw its best men and equipment at them (the AFP has a penchant for using American military terminology,in this case the battle's name).If only the same elan and finesse had been present at Camp Abubakar in the"2000 War"perhaps Mindanao would be a much different place right now.
The battle took place from Feburary 23rd,1973 until mid-August of that year and claimed the lives of Karon's 3 elder brothers as well as serious wounding Kumander Karon himself.Also worth noting,Senator Gregorio"Gringo"Honasan, leader of a famous coup attempt while still in the AFP,was also wounded in that famous battle.Kumander Jud Caludtiag wasn't wounded but did fight well by all accounts and so both men have positive common ground on which to build a lasting agreement should they ever truly be serious about it.
As of August 2nd,2010,there are a total of 17,000 IDPs suffering during the height of Monsoon.That should be the most pressing issue.17,000 men,women and children...So what is causing this latest round of violence?The MILF/BIAF says Karon kidnapped a woman from the BIAF 104 Base Command AOR (Area of Responsibility"i.e."Turf") in 2009.More neutral voices say it is over control of a patch of beach straddling both towns (Lebak,Sultan Kudarat and Datu Blah Sinsuat,Maguindanao) directly on the border that holds immense strategical value,as well as possibly commercial value should the conflict ever end and development ever truly come to the region.Karon,for his own 2 cents says it is because of an MILF/BIAF attack after the failure of the MoA-AD (Memorandum of Understanding on Ancestral Domain) in August of 2008.
Most will remember that when the Supreme Court issued a Restraining Order against the signing of this Memorandum by the GPH (Government) and the MILF/BIAF,that 3 BIAF Base Commands went off the reservation.It began with Kumander Kato and his 105 Base Command occupying PALMA,a strategic patch of land holding 5 municipalities in North Cotabato Province close to the Maguindano Province Border.These villages and towns were almost entirely Bisaya and Ilonggo (i.e. "Christian") and so what has been called a"Police Action"against 3"Lost Commands" (term first used by Philippine Constalbury Col.Carlos"Charlie" Palabrica Lademora,later known as"Kumander Brown,"borrowed from American lingo used in the Vietnam War),but without a doubt was actually a war.
Many Crimes Against Humanity,atrocities took place during this war but Kumander Karon is angered over a particular act.What act you ask?The 104 Base Command under Kumander Caludtiag attacked a power generator located on a barge off of the town of Kalamansig in Sultan Kudarat Province.The barge provided power to the area and left residents without power for several weeks.As the barge was being attacked an element also attacked the town of Lebak as a diversionary move.That diversionary move is the jist of it,though in honesty Karon seems to have a case of selective memory since that attack took place 2 years AFTER his problems with the 104 Base Command began.
Thursday, June 17, 2010
GPH-MILF Peace Process,Second Quarter of 2010,Part II:A Bumpy Ride Out the Door for Soon to be EX-President Arroyo
What should be an easy winding down to a tumultuous decade in office took another turn for the worse as the government was lambasted over the"Declaration of Continuity"discussed in my previous entry,"GPH-MILF Peace Process,Second Quarter of 2010,Part I:A Rough Week."The 2 page document resulting from a 2 day meeting in Kuala Lumpur,Malaysia was,as I said in the aforementioned entry,a"no brainer."The MILF though never misses an opportunity to miss an opportunity as they say,and took a here to fore unheard of stance in demanding that the government show its good intentions by publishing a synopsis of the agreement in a leading Manila daily.
The following Sunday,June 6th,2010,the ad appeared in the"Philippine Star."Copacetic you say?The MILF immediately cried foul and accused the government of not keeping its word.It turns out that the ad only contained 5 of the 6 points contained there in.Interestingly,the point omitted was Point #2,the one which expresses that both parties will act in "good will."
The MILF of course was having a grand old time as it sent out a press release stressing that contrary to the document's wording,the government had"failed to act in good will,"drum roll,exit stage left.
To its credit the government admitted the error and patiently explained,sans the usual bombastic language that it was entirely due to"human error"and not a deliberate act as claimed by the MILF.It then promised to immediately resubmit for publication a copy with all points included.
The following Sunday,June 13th,the government kept its word and went one better,running a rather expensive ad in not one but two leading Manila dailies,the "Star"as well as the"Philippine Daily Inquirer."To put this in some perspective,each of the 3 ads cost in the area of P1 Million (roughly 20,000 Euros at the current exchange rate).
On May 27th and 28th President Arroyo was the guest of honor at a forum sponsored by the "Centre for Humanitarian dialogue,"held at Makati's New World Hotel.Definitely among her element she was surrounded by a host of C-List Peace Advocates.Among others,she was able to hobknob with Sinn Fein (as in the Irish Republican Army) peace negotiator Gerry Kelly,Palestinian attorney Omar Dajani,Free Aceh leader Irwandi Yusuf and former Indonesian Vice President Jusuf Kalla (I would have loved to have heard the conversation between the last 2,if indeed any took place).
In her closing remarks President Arroyo vowed to continue her crusade to bring peace to Mindanao.She promised the enthralled crowd that one of her first acts as a Congresswoman representing Pampanga's 2nd District will be to sponsor a Bill granting ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao) even more autonomy (I wonder if anyone took the time to remind her that this was exactly what caused her to almost plunge the nation into total civil war in 2008). As she told the crowd,"Mindanao stands poised for peace."While she may have got high marks for alliteration,her comments did NOT play well on the island which has been hearing those exact words for nearly 6 centuries now.
MILF Peace Panel Chairman Mohagher Iqbal wrly noted that since she was unable to bring peace to Mindanao during her decade in office AS PRESIDENT,what in the world would possess her now to imagine that she could so as a Kapampangan Congresswoman?As MILF Secretariat Chairman Muhammad Ameen offered, "(Ms. Arroyo) Its not your time anymore."
As if to pound that nail home,on 6/10/2010 an ongoing sub-conflict flared up on the borders of Sultan Kudarat and Maguindanao Provinces when the BIAF (Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces,the military wing of the MILF) and BMA (Bangsamoro Army,the armed wing of the MNLF) did battle for the 5th time in 15 months.The latest flare up took place exactly on the provincial border,between the towns of Lebak (S.Kudarat) and Datu Blah Sinsuat (Maguindanao).The BIAF's 104 Base Command has been going toe to toe with the BMA's Kumander Randy Karon who is aligned with the MNLF-EC15 (Executive Council of 15) faction against the Misuari Faction.
I will explore this sub-conflict in an upcoming post.
The following Sunday,June 6th,2010,the ad appeared in the"Philippine Star."Copacetic you say?The MILF immediately cried foul and accused the government of not keeping its word.It turns out that the ad only contained 5 of the 6 points contained there in.Interestingly,the point omitted was Point #2,the one which expresses that both parties will act in "good will."
The MILF of course was having a grand old time as it sent out a press release stressing that contrary to the document's wording,the government had"failed to act in good will,"drum roll,exit stage left.
To its credit the government admitted the error and patiently explained,sans the usual bombastic language that it was entirely due to"human error"and not a deliberate act as claimed by the MILF.It then promised to immediately resubmit for publication a copy with all points included.
The following Sunday,June 13th,the government kept its word and went one better,running a rather expensive ad in not one but two leading Manila dailies,the "Star"as well as the"Philippine Daily Inquirer."To put this in some perspective,each of the 3 ads cost in the area of P1 Million (roughly 20,000 Euros at the current exchange rate).
On May 27th and 28th President Arroyo was the guest of honor at a forum sponsored by the "Centre for Humanitarian dialogue,"held at Makati's New World Hotel.Definitely among her element she was surrounded by a host of C-List Peace Advocates.Among others,she was able to hobknob with Sinn Fein (as in the Irish Republican Army) peace negotiator Gerry Kelly,Palestinian attorney Omar Dajani,Free Aceh leader Irwandi Yusuf and former Indonesian Vice President Jusuf Kalla (I would have loved to have heard the conversation between the last 2,if indeed any took place).
In her closing remarks President Arroyo vowed to continue her crusade to bring peace to Mindanao.She promised the enthralled crowd that one of her first acts as a Congresswoman representing Pampanga's 2nd District will be to sponsor a Bill granting ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao) even more autonomy (I wonder if anyone took the time to remind her that this was exactly what caused her to almost plunge the nation into total civil war in 2008). As she told the crowd,"Mindanao stands poised for peace."While she may have got high marks for alliteration,her comments did NOT play well on the island which has been hearing those exact words for nearly 6 centuries now.
MILF Peace Panel Chairman Mohagher Iqbal wrly noted that since she was unable to bring peace to Mindanao during her decade in office AS PRESIDENT,what in the world would possess her now to imagine that she could so as a Kapampangan Congresswoman?As MILF Secretariat Chairman Muhammad Ameen offered, "(Ms. Arroyo) Its not your time anymore."
As if to pound that nail home,on 6/10/2010 an ongoing sub-conflict flared up on the borders of Sultan Kudarat and Maguindanao Provinces when the BIAF (Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces,the military wing of the MILF) and BMA (Bangsamoro Army,the armed wing of the MNLF) did battle for the 5th time in 15 months.The latest flare up took place exactly on the provincial border,between the towns of Lebak (S.Kudarat) and Datu Blah Sinsuat (Maguindanao).The BIAF's 104 Base Command has been going toe to toe with the BMA's Kumander Randy Karon who is aligned with the MNLF-EC15 (Executive Council of 15) faction against the Misuari Faction.
I will explore this sub-conflict in an upcoming post.
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