Developments within the Armed Forces of the Philippines for the Third Quarter of 2011, Part I: Eight Soldiers Finally Face Justice in the Japalali Murder Case

On September 8th, 2004, at 530AM, in Tagum City's Barangay Bincungan, Oslamic Ladia was standing outside him home in Purol Gumamela's Sitio Talaba, getting ready for another long day as a far labourer when he was shocked to see an entire platoon of soldiers from the 44 DRC (Division Reconnaissance Company) jogging down the dirt road leading off of National Hiway 200 meters away, in full combat array. Quickly running inside his home he grabbed his live in lover Rosalim Padama, then aged 39, out of bed and threw the terrified woman onto the floor before covering her with his body. Moments later their "nipa" (bamboo framed and palm leaf thatched home) and didn't stop for at least 10 minutes. When it did stop they heard their neighbour Carmen "Carmelita" Baluyo Japalali screaming at her front door before a short fussilade of bullets drowned her out.

When the smoke cleared the man and his wife cautiously peered out of their home and saw his landlord, Bacur's eldest brother Talib Japalali, running down the street towards them, the soldiers having receded into the evening, heading back towards National Hiway. Joining Talib the three of them walked into his nextdoor neighbour's home to find Carmen badly wounded, but still alive. In a corner of the room lay Talib's brother, Carmen's husband, 37 year old AbuBacar "Bacar" Japalali on his sleeping mat under the mosquito net, killed as he slept. Grabbing Carmen the three of them helped the woman up and took her to a mission clinic, but as they turned onto National Hiway they too came under fire from the soldiers though by now the soldiers had begun moving up hill into the mountains. Finally, after what must have seen like a lifetime, they arrived at the clinic only to find that Carmen had died just after arrival. 19 year old Carmen had been three months pregnant.

Less than 48 hours later Talib filed two murder cases with the Tagum City Prosecutor's Office charging the entire platoon, in this case thirty-two men, backed by the eye witness testimony of Oslam Ladia and Rosalim Padama. Not suprisingly the Military had announced that a platoon from the 44 DRC had killed "two NPA guerillas" in a 15 minute firefight. On October 4th an NGO filed a petition with the Ombudsman's Office, followed by a petition backed by an affadavit sworn out by Carmen's father, Rodolfo Baluyo, given to the Davao City line office of the Commission on Human Rights, or CHR. On December 17th Tagum City Prosecutor Francisco G. Rivero issued his finding that there was nothing to indicate that the soldiers were doing anything criminal and had acted in good faith.

For its official response the AFP gave up on the ridiculous but often used "NPA" alibi and instead noted that Bacar Japalali was a known member of the BMA, or Bangsamoro Army as the armed wing of the MNLF is known, a fact they were undoubtedly happy to discover although they never bothered explaining what made them first imagine that the sleeping couple had been "NPA guerillas." The Military's story continued that as the platoon was on patrol in response to recent sightings of fourty-odd BMA guerillas, they were minding their own business when Bacar Japalali fired his M16 at the column of soldiers and initiated a fierce firefight that resulted in his own death and that of his pregnant wife. Interestingly, the initial response is that there had been sightings of twenty-five guerillas and that they had been NPA (Maoists). The AFP unequivocally stated that Japalali and his wife were known NPA guerillas.

However, on September 21st, 2005, a prosecutor within the Ombudsman's Office, Beda A.Epres, who had re-opened the case two months before after a review of the case brought up some very troubling points puts the charges back into play. Most curiously, a parrafin assay had been done on both Bacar Japallali's hands after his death (Chemistry Report #C-026-2004DN). The simple procedure is used to determine whether or not a subject has had his bare hands exposed while firing a firearm. The test came up negative which seriously called into question the Tagum City Prosecutor's determination several months before. In fact, the initial police report (Davao del Norte Police Provincial Office Scene of the Crime findings, SOCO Report 002-04) citing Tagum City CPO (City Police Office) in a CPO reported filed on September 13th had Mr.Japalali's body being initially found lying prone on a sleeping mat under a mosquito net inside his home (strange place to initiate a firefight with a moving column of soldiers in the street). In light of this and other re-assesments, Prosecutor Epres re-opened the case and had all thirty-two platoon members charged with two counts of Murder.

On Janurary 24th, 2006 the case finally entered the court system and was docketed as two separare murder cases in Regional Trial Court Branch #31 in Tagum City (Cases # 14958 and 14959). As per Standard Operating Procedure the case was raffled off for assignation before landing in the hands of Judge Justino G.Aventurado who then promptly sat on it though on at least one notable occasion he attempted to broker a considerable bribe between the AFP and both Talib Japalali and Rodolfo Baluyo but neither man went for the cash. Not successful Judge Aventurado then has the case dropped from Murder to Homicide on May 11th of that same year, while dropping twenty-four of the soldiers from the case. This was rationalised by simply stating that he found the platoon team leader, Sergeant Serafin Jerry Napoles Jr. more believable when he finally rendered his long awaited counter-affadavit. The specific sticking point was eyewitness Ladia stating that the soldiers fired on them as they rushed the female victim to the clinic. Sergeant Napoles contended that it was his men who had taken the woman to the clinic upon his orders.

At that point the case narrows down to the following eight soldiers:

1) Sergeant Serafin Jerry Napoles Jr.

2) Private First Class (Pfc.) Rene S.Sumog-oy

3) Pfc. Mark P.Sabellano

4) Pfc. Jupil Perocho Balilihan

5) Pfc. Ramon L.Araneta Jr.

6) Pfc. Eusebio L.Entero II

7) Pfc. Rodel N.Bacangoy

8) Pfc. Gene R.Usgod

and yet still sat on the warrants for those eight men. By the end of August the same NGO that had initially pressed the case into motion, TFDP, or Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, filed a petition charging Judge Aventurado with Grave Abuse of Discretion for his failing to have had even the eight remaining warrants executed as well as the related violation of the Code of Conduct for having had the charges of Murder bumped down to Homicide.

Naturally people ask why the AFP would strive with clear purpose to murder sleeping people. With the "NPA" story having been tossed out first it is clear that the AFP, at least in that sector, had had no idea at all that Bacur was in the MNLF/BMA. A Muslim belonging to the MNLF is basically a non-issue and it was much the same in 2004 when this incident took place. In many barangays every Muslim male from late childhood on was a BMA irregular. Even Regulars spent two weeks home each month to support their families. For what it is worth, as Talib Japalali, Bacar's elder brother and landlord, says it was almost certainly related to a land dispute with a Bisaya clan, bringing the complicating pretext of religion, ethnicity, and tribalism into play as is too often the case here in Mindanao. Talib inherited his farm from his grandfather, one of the very few Muslims living on what us now the Davao del Norte and Compostela Valley (ComVal) provincial border. With the land developed and turning a profit it had been targeted by local Bisaya, enter the AFP.

In the 8 years since the incident happened SOUTHCOM, the Unified Regional Command has been mothballed in favour of two Unified Regional Commands, that particular area now belonging to EASMINCOM (Eastern Mindanao Command). Not long after the 4ID (Infantry Division) was reformatted to make way for a new division, the 10ID. With that change came a major reshuffling. The 404th Brigade became the 1001, and the element responsible for the Japalali Murders was drawn back to 4ID Headquarters in Cagayan del Oro City. Team Leader Sergeant Napoles filed for retirement in 2006, but the Ombudsman rejected his application (since he was under pending charges he needed a waiver from the Ombudsman for the Military). Failing that he got the next best thing, he was given De-tached Status, and so has spent the past 5 years at home.

As for the seven soldiers under him, three of them:

1) Pfc.Sabellano

2) Pfc.Bacangoy

3) Pfc.Balilihan

were grandfathered into the 10ID's recon company, the 101 DRC. One soldier:

1) Pfc.Araneta

ended up leaving recon and is now attached to the 60IB (Infantry Battalion). Another, since promoted in rank:

1) Corporal Sumog-oy

is now attached to 1001st Brigade Headquarters, on a hill overlooking the Japalali Farm. If his seven mates are able to focus on other things one is sure that that night back in 2004 lays heavy on Corporal Sumog-oy's mind each and every day. The last two men:

1) Pfc.Usgod

2) Pfc.Entero

are still with 4ID and still with the 402DRC which these days only deals with NPA, operating almost entirely in Mindanao's Caraga Region. All eight men are out on bail and according to the AFP restricted to base but of course that is nonsense. The trial in Tagum City ended in mid-October but the way the Philippine system of justice worls, a verdict will probanly be pomulgated in late 2012 (seriously).

Abu Sayyaf Armed Contacts for the Fourth Quarter of 2011, Part II: MBLT-10 Attacked by 150 Abu Sayyaf in

With great aplomb the Armed Forces of the Philippines, or AFP, announced that one of its garrison in Sulu Province was attacked by a new Islamo-fascist organisation. Ominously we learned that "several foreigners" had been sighted in amongst the 150 guerillas who swarmed MBLT-10's 30th Company post in the municipality of Talipao's Barangay Kabungkol, on Jolo Island. When the smoke cleared some 4 hours after the shooting began thirteen bodies laid sprawled around the perimeter of the Marine compound. Of seven unidentified bodies there was one who didn't "look Filipino."

The new group we are told is "Team Awliya," or simply, "Awliya." In reality it was merely the usual ASG, or Abu Sayyaf Group combined with the usual gaggle of MNLF-Misuari via Kumander Ustadz Hatib Jakaria, closely allied with MNLF-Misuari Kumander Habier Malik whose main camp in Barangay Bitan-ag sits less than 2 kilometers from the Marine garrison in question. Malik is obsessed with Governmental infrastructual schemes recognising their dual use nature and their backing by the US Government. As the old adage tells us, "Insurgency begins where good roads end."

The attack in question took place on Sunday at 330AM on September 25th, 2011. With the Marines outnumbered nearly three to one the post was extremely vulnerable to being overun and captured. Indeed, the only thing that saved the post and most of its men was a bit of air support courtesy of a pair of MG520 helicopter gunships. Running low off of the ground and seemingly unconcerned about the danger posed by both RPGs (Rocket Propelled Grenades) as well as by 90MM recoiless guns, the gunships pointed their own guns downward and swept the jungle clearing around MBLT-10's post.

When the smoke cleared the Marines had lost two men while the Abu Sayyaf, courtesy of the AFP's gunship, had lost at least 13 guerillas, with two villagers nearby having been killed by errand rounds as well. Usually AFP casualty counts need to be taken with a grain of salt. However, this time there were thirteen bodies laying in their blood and in grotesque countenances.

So what about Team Awliya? As noted, MNLF-Misuari Kumander Hatib Jakariya is attached to Kumander Ustadz Habier Malik who holds a deep loyalty to MNLF co-founder and Chairman Nur Misuari while not accepting the latter's political directives. When Misuari signed the 1996 Jakarta Agreement, a faux FPA or Final Peace Agreement, Malik went feral. Periodically Malik's large force lashes out against any nearby symbol of state authority.

Perhaps his most notable action was the audacious capture of retired Major General Mohammed Ben Dolorfino on February 2nd, 2007 when the latter entered Malik's camp under a flag of truce to hand over compensation for the AFP having "mistakenly" having killed several MNLF-Misuari guerillas. When Dolorfino and his entourage of 18 AFP and one very scared diplomat in way over his head attempted to leave Malik announced that they would be his guest until Nur Misuari, then under detention on Luzon, was allowed to attend an OIC (Organisation of the Islamic Conference, a Saudi-based entity that has served as the MNLF's most steadfast patron) meeting scheduled for April of that year.

In the end Malik was assured that Misuari would be allowed to go and so he released his 20 captives on February 5th. When the Government reneged in April of that year Malik led an assault against a Marine garrison in which two enlisted men were killed by 60MM mortar volleys. The AFP retaliated by deploying two brigades to capture Malik's camp in Barangay Bitan-ag but by the autumn of that year the OIC had twisted Manila's arm and so the AFP not only abandoned Malik's camp but also helped him transport men and equipment into it as he once again set up a state within a state (at least in his own mind). A good second as to Malik's most noteworthy acts would probably his killing of two American Special Forces soldiers in September of 2009, via IED (though it is never mentioned an AFP Marine was also killed when their Hummer was flipped by the blast).

As of late he has been taking potshots at AFP Engineer corpsmen who are working on a nearby bridge but a two story public school building has been eating at him.The objective in this attack is said to be MNLT-10s role as Security Escort to AFP Engineers working on that aforementioned public school. Compounding matters is the fact that America is funding the project. As noted Kumander Malik at least is steadfastly opposed to any and all Government initiatives.

Habier Malik's sub-Kumander, or second in charge, Ustadz Hatib Jakaria has co-opted a bit of Sufi theology in his quest to take a more active role in the island's insurgency. Team Awliya is his ballgame. Under Jakaria are, or rather WERE two sub-Kumanders:

1) Jawalibal Uhod

2) Sarip Jainal Kausi

Kausi however was one of the thirteen confirmed dead so that at least one important cog has been removed in what may have been a nascent faction.


Of the thirteen dead ASG, six have been identified:

1) Akman Badda

2) Bassar Abbur

3) Aksid Bassir

4) Innu Sadjari

5) Crispin Sadadji

6) sub-Kumander Salip Jainal Kausi

Seven others have been buried by Barangay Kabungol officials. The single civilian casualty was buried almost immediately according to Shari'a, or Islamic Law. The Marines, as noted, suffered two KIAs, or Kills in Action/

1) Corporal Rufino "Rufy" Fermin

2) Private First Class Richard Monte

In addition, 10 Marines were also wounded:

1) Second Lieutenant Arnel Arieta

2) Seargant Angelito Nier

3) Seargant Ricardo Necesario

4) Corporal Salvador Bausa

5) Corporal Juan Ibrando

6) Corporal Reysson Boriasa

7) Corporal Adrian Pis-an

8) Private First Class Roldan Bagares

9) Private First Class Eutiquio Nagales

10) Private Erven Dacumos

Kidnap for Ransom for the Fourth Quarter of 2011, Part III: The Release of Evangeline Taverisma

In my entry, "Kidnap for Ransom for the Third Quarter of 2011, Part V" I discussed the case of 55 year old Evangeline Taverisma. The wife of a retired AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines soldier, Ms.Taverisma spent much of her time at the Rural Health Station in Barangay Tagbak, in the municipality of Indanan on Sulu Province's Jolo Island. There Evangeline worked as a midwife much as she had been doing for the better part of the past thirty-five years.

As Ms.Taverisma walked home from her job on the afternoon August 3rd, 2011, she was waylaid by four gun wielding men who, while waving 45 caliber pistols in the air, angrily ordered her to quickly get inside the red six-bench (a shorter version of the "jeepney") Toyota Tamaraw that they had recently commandeered. The men, ASG, or Abu Sayyaf Group guerillas under Kumander Nasir Timbang then spirited Ms.Taverisma into the upland barangay of Kuppung where she then spent the better part of the next two weeks.

Kumander Timbang then sold Ms.Taverisma to a second Abu Sayyaf faction under Kumander Muhmar Jikiri in a deal brokered by Timbang's wingman, known only by his nom de guerre, sub-Kumander Pula and Jikiri Clansmen Sarippuddin "Iddih" Jikiri, the 23 year old Mayor of Indanan and the son of MNLF-EC15 (MNLF-Executive Committee of 15 aka MNLF-Sema) senior officer Yusop Jikiri, former Governor and Congressman to boot. It was Kumander Muhmar Jikiri who then opened ransom negotiations with the ridiculously high sum of P5 Million ($105,000). As a midwife at a Government health clinic and the wife of a retired AFP enlisted man there was no way that Ms.Taverisma's loved ones could even raise P500,000 ($11,000). Luckily for her perhaps, she was able to regain her freedom without a single centavo ever being paid.

On Thursday, October 6th, 2011 the Sulu PPO, or Provincial Police Office, was on reconnaisance patrol in the municipality of Parang. Sometime after crossing into the upland barangay of Lanao Dakula they began taking fire from a thickly wooded area. When the shooting stopped 10 minutes later the police officers carefully made their way into the wooded area and discovered a small ASG encampment. Moreover, huddling inside a blue plastic tarp, shivering in fear, was Ms.Taverisma. The Sulu PPO immediately transported the still shocked woman into Jolo City where she was released to the custody of the Provincial Hospital for the requisite medical exam, with her de-briefing scheduled for later today, Friday, October 7th.

MNLF,First Quarter of 2011:MNLF Peace Process:4th Tripartite Review Held in Jeddah,and a History of the Tripartite Modality

Counter-intutitively the 1996"Jakarta Agreement"(Jakarta Accord) between the MNLF and GPH (Govt.of the Philippines) only unleashed even more confounding problems rather than helping to end the MNLF Insurgency,or-Heaven Forbid-solve its underlying causes.The 1996 Agreement,known as the"FPA,"or Final Peace Agreement,was meant to frame the implementation of a much earlier agreement,"Tripoli 1976,"signed in Tripoli Libya.Tripoli was a Marcos Era shell game that had a lot of bells and whistles but in reality lacked any real substance.According to Tripoli the Philippines would create an autonomous zone in Central Mindanao.In reality it created very little and solved even less.

With Marcos's ouster in 1986 and his successor,Corazon"Cory"Aquino ascending to the Presidency,the GHP-MNLF Peace Process began anew.By 1989 President Aquino had created ARMM,the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao.Still,nothing really changed until she was succeeded by President Fidel Ramos,former AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines) Chief of Staff.Ramos re-initiated the Process which had been left to its own devices and stalled out in 1987.Beginning in late 1993 and concluding in late 1996,after a mere 4 Rounds of Formal Talks,the 2 sides concluded Jakarta 1996.

Jakarta 96,or the FPA,devised an implementational blueprint for Tripoli 1976.It divided the implementation into 2 Phases:

1) Phase I)"Transitional",to take place from 1996 to 1999 though it optioned the built in extension rider so that Phase I officially concluded in 2001).This Phase involved:

A) The creation of the SPCPD,or Southern Philippines Center for Peace and Development.An Executive Branch entity with 81 members,directly answerable to the President.SPCPD would take direct control over other governmental developmental entities operation within the ARMM AOR.

B) Creation of SZOPAD (Special Zone of Peace and Development).This entity was to function as an economically advantageous area and would include 14 provinces:

1) Lanao del Norte

2) Lanao d Sur

3) North Cotabato

4) South Cotabato

5) Davao del Sur

6) Sarangani

7) Zamboanga del Sur

8) Zamboanga del Norte

9) Basilan

10) Sulu

11) Tawi Tawi

12) Maguindanao

13) Sultan Kudarat

14) Palawan

as well as focusing on 9 cities:

1) Cotabato City

2) Dapitan City

3) Dipolog City

4) GenSan (General Santos City)

5) Iligan City

6) Marawi City

7) Pagadian City

8) Zamboanga City

9) Puerto Princessa City


SZOPAD was under control of SPCPD.

C) Creation of the CA,or Consultative Assembly.An 81 member advisory body to the SPCPD without any legislative powers and overwhelmingly composed of MNLF/BMA members.

2) De-mobilisation of BMA,the Bangsamoro Army,the MNLF's military wing.Thousands og guerillas would integrated into the AFP and to a lesser degree,the PNP.

Phase II would involve 1)Ammending RA (Republic Act)# 6734,the"Organic Act of ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao)".This was to take place by 1998.

2) After Ammending,a plebiscite would be held within those 9 cities and 14 provinces.

3) After Ammending the Organic Act,the Transitory Mechanisms would be de-commissoned (SPCPD,SZOPAD and CA).

RA# 6734 ended up Ammended as RA# 9054 in 2001 but in the plebiscite only 1 city,Marawi and 1 province,Basilan opted to join.Basilan's provincial capitol,Isabela City didn't join the rest of its province and so while Basilan Island is now part of ARMM,its capitol is part of Zamboanga del Norte administratively.The MNLF boycotted the plebiscite with Misuari contending that both President Ramos and his successor Joseph"ERAP"Estrada had violated the spirit,if not the letter of Jakarta 96 with GPH having authored,passed and ratified RA# 9054 (Ammended Organic Act) without consulting the MNLF.More to the point,GPH had hobbled Misuari financially,thus stunting crucial infrastructual development.Also an important factor,duly noted by Misuari was that Congress had treated Misuari like Ramos' whipping boy.Ramos,in creating the SPCPD and installing Misuari as the Council's Chairman had managed to infuriate Congress.The House was livid over GPH creating the entity as part and parcel of the Executive branch.In doing this Ramos hoped to avoid unwanted Congressional interference which would delay implemention of modalities and programmes.Likewise this circumvention of the Legislative Branch enabled President Ramos to directly fund certain modalities via certain discretionary funds allocated to the President under generic labels out of the Annual Presidential Budget.There in lies a hugely problematic issue.

Misuari was made Chairman of the SPCPD which acted as the supervisory entity over SZOPAD and all other developmemtal programmes within the SZOPAD AOR (Area of Responsibility).Entities like TF Basilan (not to be confused with the AFP's Task Force of the same name which at that point did not exist),TF Malmar (covering Central Mindanao),Sulu Developmental TF,OMA (Office of Muslim Affairs),OSCC (Office if Southern Cultural Communities),SPDA (Southern Philippines Development Authority) and SDGP (Special Development Planning Group,an ad hoc entity composed of representatives from different national agencies dealing with infrastructural development).Misuari wasn't devoid of organisational skills.He ran a moderately complex organisation that operated on an international basis and had spent 24 years interacting with governmental agencies on one level or another.Still,that is a whole different dynamic than sitting in the cockpit of a bureaucratic behemoth.All the more so when many of these same governmental entities actively work to stifle your efforts.

After the last portion of Phase I was completed,the de-mobilisation of the BMA and mass intefration of demobilised guerillas into both the AFP and the PNP (Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police) attentions turned to Phase II.At this point,in 199,Misuari was under incredible pressure to produce tangible results.He faced opposition from literally every corner.The Catholic Church had mobilised and had taken great issue with the FPA's Article II,Section 5 which mandated the creation of an advisory body to the SPCPD,the"Darul Iftah."Misuari had always maintained that his crusade revolved around ethnicity and culture,not religion.Yet,at MNLF insistence a single advisory body composed entirely of Islamic clergy was created to ensure-as its proponents stated-the enshrinement of Islamic Values.Naturally this rankled the Catholic Church.Understandably it also became a political hot potato with local politicians forming entire platforms around the entity.The fact that this was taking place within SZOPAD was a nightmare for Misuari and his ever dwindling coterie of backers.

The Church also focused on another of the 3 transitory entities created in Phase I,the CA (Consultative Assembly).Like the SPCPD it had Misuari as its Chairman.Tasked with acting as a soundboard to advise Misuari and the rest of the SPCPD.Particularly troubling to the Church,and even to a fair number of Muslims was that the CA had a dedicated slot of 44 seats for MNLF/BMA members.This translated into a majority control and so instead of representing all stakeholders it would be overwhelmingly representing the MNLF programme.The facct that Misuari automaticaly Chaired the entity mandated to advise him also troubled more than a few people.

Yet the real trouble came with the implementation of Phase II.Article III of the FPA/Jarkata 1996 mandated a repeal or Ammending of RA# 6734,the Organic Act of ARMM.Congress then embarked on a quest to do so but without an iota of input from a single member of the MNLF.Seeing as how the purpose of this endeavor was to fashion an entity in accordance with the FPA,it seems almost criminal to have ignored the group at the epicentre of the dynamic.Of course Congress had an axe to grind over President Ramos's delegation of Executive Power to the SPCPD.No matter if such childish tit for tat sinks the nation into another decade of orgiastic violence,just so long as the political dynasties filling Congress get to salve their battered egos.Though Congress was ready to Ammend RA# 6734 by 1999 it took roughly 2 years to pass.It had been introduced in the 2nd Session of the 10th Congress but had taken until the 11th Congress,finally entering into effect on March 31,2001.Opinions seems to be united in viewing Congress as having stalled consideration purposefully.

With passage of the Ammended Organic Act ("Act to Strengthen and Expand the Organic Act" in shorthand) the transitory mechanisms implemented in Phase I of the FPA were to be abolished in favour of more permanent governmental bodies.The SPCPD was to be replaced with a Governor,Vice Governor and an Executive Council.Yet,it was really only a name change since the Governor appointed the 3 Deputies of the Executive Council,or"EC",just as the Chairman of the SPCPD had.Just as in the SPCPD the 3 Deputies were to each represent 1 of the 3 main demographic pools on Mindanao,and so on.CA was to be replaced with the RLA,or Regional Legislative Assembly.Finally,SZOPAD was to be erased,as is.Despite this being explicitly articulated in the FPA,then President Gloria M.Arroyo,"GMA,"saw fit to earn her stripes by issuing an Executive Order that left no room for doubt.EO# 80 countermanded EO# 161 issued by her predecessor,President Joseph"ERAP"Estrada in September of 1999.EO# 161 was merely a 1 year extension of the original Executive Order,EO# 371 issued by ERAP's predecessor,President Fidel Ramos.

Between the passage of RA# 9054 and issuance of EO# 80,which dissolved the SPCPD and CA Misuari was raked over the coals.As if the passage of RA# 9054 wasn't hard enough to deal with,just 29 days later he saw his closest confidantes turn on him.On April 29,2001 his #2,Dr.Parouk Sawadjaan Hussin led the MNLF's 15 member Executive Council in voting Misuari out as Chairman,though they did deign to bestow the meaningless title"Chairman Emeritus"upon him in that same Resolution.The move was especially treacherous given the fact that there was nothing to gain in pushing him out.Then,to do so at that particular juncture?After you have ridden Misuari's acclaim to positions of moderate power?Just reading the Resolution can make one cringe.In it Misuari was scalded as an inept administrator,a terrible leader,egotistical and hellbent on personal enrichment at the expence of the cause he pretended to represent.Misuari was labeled as"incompetent,"and what muat have hurt Misuari the most was that a lot of those callously offered judgments were spot on.

Parouk,with Cotabato City Mayor Muslimin G.Sema as the new #2 proclaimed themselves the new leaders of the MNLF.Immediately afterwards President Arroyo recognised their assumption of control and sponsored Parouk Hussin's campaign to replace a battered Misuari as Governor of ARMM.Predictably,Hussin won (November 26,2001),and Misuari returned to his hometown of Maimbung,Jolo Island,Sulu Province to lick his wounds.He must have healed very quickly because just dats after returning to Jolo he ended up directing the factions still loyal to him on an assault of an AFP position on Jolo that resulted in well over 100 deaths.That debacle led to a paperless escape to Sabah,where he was arrested for Illegal Entry. As the Arroyo Goverment charged him with Rebellion Misuari was returned to Manila after a hellish 45 days in a Malaysian prison.He would spend most of the next 8 years incarcerated though the vast bulk of it was spent in a 2 bedroom cottage on a PNP base.That of course is the Cliffnotes version of the Misuari narrative,as well as the backstory of ARMM,and of course the FPA.Ahhhh,the FPA,even today it is still stirring controversy.

Even as Misuari managed to emerge as the leader of the strongest MNLF faction,and much more importantly the one with which the OIC (Organisation of the Islamic Conference) does business with,the FPA remained an unresolved issue.As stated earlier,it merely functions as the Implementational Blueprint for Tripoli 76.Ergo it isn't a solution in and of itself UNLESS it serves to spur full implementation of Tripoli 76.While the Philippine Government has maintained that it has satisfied its onus under the FPA,the MNLF has held to the diametrically opposite position.As Misuari sat in stir the OIC,which has Facilitated the GPH-MNLF Peace Process since day one recognised that unless the GPH and MNLF viewpoints moved a lot closer to each other there would be no way to end the 30 years of bloodshed.In the Winter of 2006 the OIC deployed Sayeed Kassem el Masry,Speacial Envoy of the OIC Secretary General as the leader of a small OIC delegation (actually,the"delegation"consisted of Masry,his boyfriend who was billed as his"aide" and Libyan Representative Salem M.Adem) which was tasked with conducting a Field Visit to the Philippines so as to take a first hand look at the position(s) of both parties,but with an added secret agenda of trying ti facilitate Misuari's release from detention.

On May 17,2006 Sayed Kassem el Masry led his delegates on a 5 day OIC Field Mission,officially titled,"2006 Field Visit to Mindanao"and immediately paid a requisite courtesy call at the DFA (Dept.of Foreign Affairs) in Manila.From there the delegation wasted no time in directly travelling to Misuari's"cottage"tucked behind 2 fenced in enclosures topped with razor ribbbon at the PNP compound at Fort Santa Rosa,Laguna Province.Misuari conferred with the delegation,reiterating his concerns both about the FPA as well as about his detention which at that point had reached half a decade without resolution.The next morning the delegation,joined by in-country representatives (Ambassadors and Consular Generals from Embassies to the Philippines) from the OIC-PCSP (Peace Committee for the Southern Philippines) which is merely an expanded form of the Group of 8 (8 OIC member states that have taken the GPH-MNLF Peace Process as their pet project) and a delegation from GPH led by Secretary Jesus Dureza of OPAPP (Office of the Presidential Advisor on the Peace Process) left for a 3 day tour of Mindanao with time in Marawi City,Cotabato City and Jolo City.Returning on May 20 they met with GMA,the prancing pony of politeness herself,President Gloria M.Arroyo.Knowing that she couldn't pull the OIC's chain GMA whispered pillow talk and then pushed her own agenda,the desire of the Philippines to gain Observer Status at the OIC.With that unfufilled wish dangling in the air the 2 sides issued a Joint Communique in which they both acknowledged that the FPA's Phase II implementation has been left wanting.

Upon returning to Jeddah(where the OIC is based) el Masry composed his official report quickly and submitted it at the 33rd ICFM,the annual OIC Conference of Foreign Ministers,in Baku,Azeribijan (June 19 to June 21,2006).The jist of the report is that the Philippine Government strongly feels that it has succesfully implemented most if not all of Phase II.The MNLF holds a diametrically opposed viewpoint and there is a dire need with which to bring these 2 viewpoints more in alignment so as to salvage FPA.The OIC promptly passed a Resolution,#2-33-MM,which called for a Tripartite Review Process (GPH,MNLF and the OIC,in Section# 5 of the Resolution).The Tripartite Review was handed a mandate to not only review implementation but to develop modalities designed to foster and facilitate such implementation.

With the Philippine Government forced to agree the OIC tenatively schedualed the 1st Tripartite Review for November of that same year,2006.At the Government's insistence the Review was re-schedualed time and again before finally transpiring in November of 2007 (11/12-11/14).The GPH Delegation was chaired by Nabil Tan,Undersecretary for OPAPP while the MNLF's was led by attorney Randolph"Bong"Parcasio who was Chief Counsel for the MNLF and who had held the post of Executive Secretary under the Misuari Administration at ARMM.Ideally Misuari would have been in the driver's seat but he was still confined at Fort Santa Rosa.However,Misuari had personally picked each MNLF delegate and had Parcasio read a speech in his stead so that the entire affair had Misuari's thumbprint.The Review actually did manage to accomplish something in that both sides articulated a total of 36 Areas of Concern vis a vis Implementation of the FPA.In a quick review of these issues it was discovered that only 21 of them were at all cpntentious.

Having accomplished this the tet a tet could stake a claim to productivity but the meeting's 2nd mandate was to devise a mechanism with which to spur further implementational progress.All 3 delegations agreed to form a Tripartite Joint Secretariat composed of 5 members each from the MNLF and GPH.The Secretariat held its first meeting on December 10,2006 and ensconced itself in the Indonesian Embassy in Makati City in Metro Manila.At the First Review the 3 delegations agreed to form 5 Joint Working Groups to tackle the 21 contentious issues which they then categorised 5 ways:

1) National Defense and Security

2) Education

3) Economic and Finiancial Systems in addition to Natual Resource Exploitation ("exploitation"in the financial sense as in MPSAs,i.e."Mineral Production Sharing Agreements").

4) Administrative System and Right of Representation in addition to Participation in the National Government and All State Agencies.

5) Shar'ia (Islamic Jurisprudence) and the Judiciary


The exact structure of Working Groups,or"JWGs,"and their protocols were to be devised through the Tripartite Joint Secretariat.In addition,the 3 delegations agreed upon the formation of Ad Hoc Working Group,or"AHWG."AHWG was tasked with aiding in the JWG process as well as in assisting the Secretariat.The Secretariat met in January of 2008 and empanelled the 5 JWGs as well as AHWG and so the Tripartite Process began in earnest.

The 2nd Tripartite Review had actually been schedualed to take place concurrently to the Secretariat meeting but had,as was so often the case,been delayed.Again,all 3 Panels were Chaired by the same men that had led them at the 1st Review.Held only a few weeks behind scheduale (2/14-2/16) it was convened at the OIC Cultural Centre (IRCICA,OIC Research Centre) in Besiktas District Istanbul,Turkey.Mostly remembered as the Review where the gloves came off and delegates from the MNLF and GPH very nearly came to blows,in the end they agreed that the 5 JWGs were a decent beginning but that the groups needed fleshing out,more definition.Despite just having been formed the JWGs issued a collective Progress Report.

In March of 2009 the 3rd Tripartite Review took place at the Heritage Hotel in Metro Manila's Pasay City (3/11-3/13).Once again el Masry,Parcasio and Tan Chaired their respective delegations.The JWGs and Secretariat issued Progress Reports but the most notable development was that Misuari was in attendance for the first time having been released from detention on bail in April of 2008.On substantiative issues,the Review Process probably had its most accomplished period with all 3 Panels having agreed upon the formation of a Joint Legal Panel composed of delegates from the MNLF and GHP,to be co-Chaired by Leah Tandora Armamenta and Misuari.Speaking of Misuari,he certainly provided the entertainment by railing on and on about"GPH Massacres."Noone thought to remind him however that he had spent almost the entire decade in stir for getting more than 100 people killed.I reckon 100 violent deaths constitute a"massacre"but then again we ARE taking about Mindanao.The Joint Legal Panel,or JLP,was created to deal with the underlying issue in all of this,from the unresolved points of contention to the continued disparity in viewpoints between the Government and the MNLF.Its primary focus soon became the drafting an Ammendatory Bill for Congress to use in crafting a revision of,or even a full replacement for RA# 9054 (Expanded Organic Act).Hmmmmm...where have we heard THAT before?Ammendment or replacement og the Organic Act?Who would have imagined?


On January 22,2010 the JLP inked a Draft Bill at the Secretariat,housed in the Indonesian Embassy in Makati City.After presentation at the 4th Tripartite Review it would be submitted to Congress.Just a month later came the 4th and most recent Tripartite Review,in Jeddah,Saudi Arabia (2/22-2/23).Unlike the 3rd Review,Misuari Chaired the MNLF Panel while Secretary Teresita Q.Deles Chaired that of the GPH.There were 2 very notable accomplishments at this last meeting,namely the creation of the BDAF,or Bangsamoro Development Assistance Fund to act as the budgetary clearinghouse that had been omitted from the SPCPD and which was the single error most responsible for the failure to satisfactorily implement the FPA.Secondly,On the 3 remaining contentious issues:

1) Economic issues related to the Exploitation of Natural Resources,specifically Revenue Sharing between the Autonomous Region and the Government

2) Monitoring Entity for continued and sustained implementation of Phase II of the FPA

3) Umbrella for budgetary allocations specifically for development

the Panels agreed to form 3 Technical Committees,to be termed"Expert Groups".Now that the BDAF is being created the 3rd issue really will only deal with developing the BDAF's TORs (Terms of Reference,i.e."Protocols") so that it is a done deal really only leaving 2 issues.Of the 2,the Monitoring Body is a no-brainer in that it would simply be an evolution of the Tripartite Review Process.The real issue then will be Revenue Sharing on Natural Resources and since this has been hashed out in the GPH-MILF Peace Process with very favourable terms to the MILF I believe the light at the end of the tunnel is in sight.Of course that only means that Misuari and the MNLF will no longer be able to use the FPA and Tripoli 1976 as a scapegoat.It does NOT mean contention will disappear,nor will the violence still flaring up amongst the 5 extant MNLF Factions suddenly disappear.

Developments Within the Military,Last Quarter 2010,Part II:Carlos Garcia's Woes Continue, Dolorfino Retires and Nonoy does Nam

On December 30, 2010 4ID (Infantry Division) gave the CPP-NPA (Communist Party of the Philippines-New Peoples Army) an anniversary present to commemorate the CPP having turned 42 on December 26. What did the Division offer? The same hokey propaganda that makes most rational people not listen to a word the AFP says. The Armed Forces of the Philippines are its own worst enemy and the best weapon the Maoist Insurgency could hope for. New CO (Commanding Officer), Major General Victor Felix released the year end statistics for his IBs (Infantry Battalions). According to the Major General Felix, his men have killed 22 NPA guerillas this year (almost true), wounded 27 (purely an arbitrary number from supposed "bloodstains" seen in fire zones, 38 captures (absolute lie), 76 surrenderees (another absolute lie, even with the non-NPA members they convince to pose as guerillas). In addition, the esteemed General captured 78 camps (lying through their teeth, ask the CMO,the Civil-Military Officer, how many guerillas were captured or killed in those camps,then ask for their locations and see the huge discrepancies, most camps are non existent since the NPA does not engage in static encampments), and best of all, among the many dozens of weapons vouchsafed during the year the Division claims it captured 16 anti-personnel mines, 15 Claymores and 10 anti-tank mines. I have just one small acronym to lay down: IED. As long as the AFP insists on labeling IEDs, or Improvised Explosive Devices, as a "mine" of any kind noone with even a cursory knowledge of the Philippine Insurgency(ies) us going to 86 even the most basic claims made by the AFP as baseless military propaganda.

The word"Mine"in and of itself really isn't the problem.The crux of the issue is"Detonation," or to be more specific,"Command Detonation."The central thesis of the AFP is that "NPA mines" are an overt contravention of the Ottawa Treaty, ergo a violation of LOAC/IHL (Laws of Armed Conflict/International Humanitarian Law). The central problem is that the Ottawa Treaty is only binding upon those entities that have signed and than ratified the document, all of whom are sovereign nations. The NPA of course is a Non-State Actor. More to the point, the treaty addresses Anti-Personnel Mines, not Anti-Armour Mines,etc.,etc. Finally, the NPA uses Command Controlled Detonation. Its IEDs. Are wired so that a guerilla must actually flip the circuit before the device detonates. Using a detonating cable they are on site, watching and waiting and they therefore control the detonation so that it only assaults security personnel. The NPA utilises its IEDs as the initial primer of a classic 2-Step Ambush. 1 guerilla detonates the IED just as an AFP or PNP vehicle or element passes by and then barrels into a salvo with long arms, strafing survivors. The NPA doesn't bury an IED in the dirt to be tripped by pressure, etc.

Though my preceding paragraph was quite caustic I am by no means an NPA supporter (perish the thought). Indeed they are just as full of shi*. It is simply that the Filipino People do not need more fairytales. The people need truth, which is the main reason why I began this endeavour. However, when the AFP actually releases statisticss showing anti-personnel mines having been captured from the NPA, well that needs to be exposed as the boldfaced lie it is. The NPA has no external conduit for weapons. Ergo. It obtains virtually all its arms from its tactical (and rarely its defencive) operations against the AFP. IF the NPA has mines it would have had to have gotten them from the AFP, PNP or the Philippine Government..

The 4ID is headquartered at Camp Evangelista in Barangay Patag, CDO (Cagayan del Oro City) in Misamis Oriental Province. It is 1 of 4 IDs on Mindanao, the others being the 1st, 6th and the 10th. 4th AOR (Area of Responsibility) covers its home province, Agusan del Norte. Agusan del Sur (most), Surigao del Sur, Surigao del Norte (including Siargo Island which is no longer a province after a recent Supreme Court Ruling), and part of Bukidnon Province. In terms of overall area it covers the largest patch but within this AOR 2 provinces are entirely pacified (Surigao del Norte and Misamis Oriental), at least in official terms. Though the base (Evangelista) abuts the border of the MILF 102 Base Command's AOR, the Division only deals with the NPA (since the other Communist Insurgency,the RPM-M signed its Final Peace Agreement more than 3 years ago). As for the NPA, there are 2 Regional Commands within that AOR, NCMRC (North Central Mindanao Regional Command which is on shaky legs at the moment, barely fielding 2 Fronts (a "Front" is a military detachment, for the sake of all precious brevity I will leave it at that) and NEMRC (Northeast Mindanao Regional Command). NEM holds the largest number of Fronts (NPA detachments) on the island.

In my previous AFP entry I had very briefly mentioned the retirement of Lieutenant General Ben Dolorfino. Benjamin Mohammad Dolorfino is proof positive that despite the AFP being decrepid to the point of being years past euthanasia, it can still produce true military icons (or perhaps the more likely scenario is that DESPITE the AFP these men rise to the top).

On November 10, 2010 Lieutenant Dolorfino retired having reached the AFP's mandatory age of retirement on his 56th birthday. At retirement he concurrently held Command of the Marine Corps as well as being in Command at WESMINCOM, 1 of 2 Mindanao Regional Commands. He had only been at WESMINCOM for a bit more than a year but had still managed to piss the right people off (in Command, if you aren't making enemies you aren't doing your job correctly). His most controversial move came during Eid al Fit'r when Dolorfino, a convert to Islam, ordered a heavy aerial bombing over Jolo Island in Sulu Province. While the OV-10s did strike known ASG (Abu Sayyaf Group) position the MNLF's Kummander Ustadz Habir Malik insists that the bombs were meant for him. Malik after all had taken Dolorfino hostage back in 2007.

Though Asked his plans upon retirement Dolorfino swore that it would not involve actual participation in the political system since he doesn't want his hands "tied by politicians." He is sure that his future lies with an NGO committed to bringing peace to Mindanao though as yet he doesn't have a particular one in mind. Asked what stands out most from his long service with the AFP and he recalls the name of a mate from his Class at PMA (Philippine Military Academy), Class of 76. The classmate, 1st Class Cadet, Jan Efre Muyargas was killed soon after their graduation during their 1st Tour together on Basilan. Dolorfino dedicated his recent book, "Peacemakers, Peacekeepers and Peacebuilders" to Muyargas. Lieutenant Arthur Tabaquero has since been named Dolorfino's successor at WESMINCOM, the OIC (Officer in Charge, aka "Acting Commander") was Major General Romeo Lustestica, CO of 1ID, a choice of utility more than anything else since 1st Division is HQd in that same municipality, Zamboanga City.

That same day, November 10, 2010 it was revealed that President Aquino's recent trip to Vietnam has paid off with a Defence Pact that involves both Expert and Educational Exchanges. Secretary of National Defense Voltaire Gazmin accompanied the President on the 2 day State Visit that took place on October 25 and 26. Gazmin concluded the afore mentioned MoA (Memorandum of Agreement) with his counterpart, Minister of Defence , General Phung Quang. The 2 men also discussed contentions over the Spratly Islands, a group of mostly uninhabited atolls and reefs that are claimed by Brunei, Malaysia, China and Vietnam.

The day before the Agreement was announced, November 09, Gazmin was forced to abort a landing in 1 of the AFP's 3 functioning C130s on one of the Spratlys, Pagasa Isle due to a badly deteriorating airstrip. It was to be Gazmin's 1st trip while serving as Secretary of National Defense. With him was AFP Chief of Staff, General Ricardo David and WESCOM CO, Lieutenant General Juancho Sabban Upon landing at WESCOM headquarters on Palawan he said that he will priortise an upgrade and rehab of facilities in Pagasa so as to consolidate GRP claims on the group of islands. Back at WESCOM Gazmin mentioned that his Department is currently working on a multi-year budget to the tune of 5 Billion Pesos for modernisation of the entire AFP. He also revealed that talks are ongoing with DOE (Department of Energy) as to whether his Department will receive royalties from the MGPP (Malampaya Gas Pipeline Project) on Palawan. Secretary Gazmin hopes to use such royalties to help fund the AFP's push for modernisation.

The MNLF,First through the Third Quarters,2010:Alot of Bloodshed and a Tiny Boost Politically

The MNLF,or Moro National Liberation Front,is the granddaddy of Modern Islamic Insurgency here in the Southern Philippines.Though the organisation is most often linked to former Professor Nur Misuari,a Tausug Tribesman from Jolo Island in Sulu,the actual story is alot more complex.Like all insurgent organisations here it is a story well deserving of its own time and attention.With that in mind I will use this current entry to simply outline goings on within the organisation during 2010,with the hope and intent to focus on that history and backstory in an upcoming entry.

First however,I do need to point out that the organisation is currently made up of 5 factions,3 of which are very distinct:

1) MNLF-Misuari Faction,still loyal to Nur Misuari

2) MNLF-Committee of 15 (MNLF-EC15),sometimes referred to as the MNLF-Sema.This faction is loyal to a former underling of Misuari,Muslimin Sema who is also currently the Vice Mayor of Cotabato City in North Cotabato Province (having moved to that slot from the Mayoral seat after reaching his term limit)

3) MNLF-Mainland Mindanao State Committee (MNLF-MMSC),under Kumander Datu Faizal"Randy"Karon,of whom I have been posting so much about lately due to his ongoing sub-conflict with Kumander Jud Caludtiag of the BIAF (Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces,the military wing of the MILF,or Moro Islamic Liberation Front) 104 Base Command on the borders of Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provinces.MNLF-MMSC is very closely allied with the MNLF-EC15.

The other 2:

1) MNLF-Reformist Group (MNLG-RG)


2) MNLF-Islamic Command (MNLF-IC)


are nearly extinct and no longer even field armed components. I will have to discuss these factionalisations and shifting alliances in that aforementioned"upcoming"entry.I need to add for clarity that there is the MNLF-Habir Malik (MNLF-HM) which can actually be considered a part of the Misuari organisation.

On to the "happenings"...On Janurary 23,2010 in Barangay Bato-Bato, Indanan, Sulu (Jolo Island), a rogue faction of the MNLF-Misuari Faction centered on Jolo Island,the largest island in the Sulu Archipelago,blew up the Talaktak Bridge.The faction,under Kumander Ustadz Habir Malik operates in a close alliance with the largest Abu Sayyaf faction on Jolo Island.

6 MNLF guerillas led by sub-Kumander Tahil Sali were seen approaching the bridge and carefully laying the charges (C4 explosives, A.K.A. "Plastique").After the guerillas withdrew local residents notified the authorities and MBLT-6 (Marine Battalion Landing Team #6) was deployed to the scene.As the detachment was en route the charges detonated , knocking out the bridge.

MBLT-6 was them immediately re-deployed for a Pursuit Operation in hopes of cutting off the MNLF team who in addition to THAT bridge had also attempted to bomb another one on Janurary 21,two days prior.That earlier bridge, Lampaking-Dayuan,also in the municipality of Indanan was only partially damaged but still usable.

Kumander Malik and his faction are in heavy opposition to the Infrastructural Improvement Projects ("Hearts and Minds") spearheaded by US Forces ensconced at the island's Camp Bautista,the Headquarters for AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines) Marines.They were behind the IED (Improvised Explosive Devices,as in"bombs") that killed an AFP Marine and 2 US personnel,incorrectly identified as US SEABEES (Naval Construction personnel),but in reality 2 Special Forces soldiers.That incident took place on an access road near Camp Bautista in September of 2009,an incident I will flesh out in more detail in an upcoming entry (I know,I know,alot of"upcoming entries"but time being what it is...).

On Feburary 27th and 28th,2010 at (MNLF) Camp Datu Lumambas in the town of Kabacan in North Cotabato,the main camp of the MNLF-Committee of 15,a 2 day gathering of roughly 400 MNLF leaders officialised the newest MNLF faction, MNLF-Mainland Mindanao State Committee (MNLF-MMSC) under Kumander Datu Faizal"Randy"Karon" of Sultan Kudarat Province. This newest faction is comprised mostly of Maranowan (Maranaon) Tribesmen (the chief ethnicity in Lanao del Sur Province and around Lake Lanao and Ligusan Marsh) despite Datu Faizal,better known by the moniker"Randy Karon"being a Maguindanowan,whereas the Committee of 15 Faction is dominated by Maguindanowan Tribesmen,the main ethnicity in Maguindano and Cotabato
Provinces.

The new faction coalesced out of Maranaowans who were present at an important MNLF gathering on Janurary 13,2010 where 400 leaders of the organisation had gathered to forge a new direction in light of the then rapidly progressing GHP-MILF Peace Talks (negotiations between the Government and the MILF),and the possible conflict that these talks represented in light of the existing Agreement between the government and the MNLF,the 1996 Agreement,"Jakarta 1996."Chairman Misuari failed to show up for that all important meeting and much worse,didnt even bother calling to tell the organisers of that gathering that he wouldnt be able to make it.

Alot of dissent had been building up until that point because of Misuari's warm welcome for Norberto Manero Jr., icon of the Ilaga Movement.The Ilaga,very briefly because they too are deserving of at least a couple of entries of their own,were an organisation formed in the very early 1970s to counter the Barakuda,an Islamic paramilitary formed by Moro (Muslims) politicians here on Mindanao.The Ilaga very early on were simply concerned with battling Moros though they veered into anti-Communist Operations from the early 1980s onward before finally losing steam in the early 1990s.There was a briefly re-constituted version of the group from 2005 until 2009,concentrating on countering the rogue MILF/BIAF factions terrorising Bisayan and Ilonggo communities in Central and Nortern Mindanao,but they seem to have faded into obscurity after the move by Misuari,towards Manero.

Norberto"Kumander Bucay"Manero Jr.became famous in the Philippines for the killing of a pro-Communist priest in North Cotabato Province,an incident that gained infamy when Manero and others ate the priest's entrails,a claim which Manero himself disputes but for which he was convicted and ended up serving nearly 3 decades in prison. Towards the end of his sentence Misuari made contact with him and to the suprise of many Manero converted to Islam, at which point Misuari welcomed him into the MNLF as a"brother."

This move by Misuari,perhaps astute in that it neutralised Manero at a time when the Ilaga was enjoying a moderate resurgence,alienated the Chairman to a great many Moros,both within and without the MNLF.

Additionaly,voices of dissent within the MNLF noted that while Misuari couldn't find time to even notify organisers that he wouldnt appear at the Feburary meeting,he had been able to campaign vigirously for the Governorship of Sulu Province,1 of 3 non-contigious provinces in Mindanao. To add insult to injury, this was also seen as further proof that Misuari had fully engaged the government at the expence of the MNLF's vital principles.While indpendance had been given up as unobtainable under Libyan pressure,the organisation is still very much committed to a form of autonomy not much removed from the vision of the MILF.That is to say an autonomy that borders on actual independance in all but name.

The February meeting at which this new faction officially took shape also served a dual purpose in that it was an enthronement ceremony for the Sultanate of Buayan,as well as for Kumander Karon who became a full fledged"Datu." Though the term Datu is often used loosely these days it holds considerable meaning and prestige for Moros as well as for some non-Islamicised tribes on Mindanao (i.e. "Lumad").Often mis-understood to mean"Chief,"while all chiefs ARE Datus,not all Datus are chiefs.It is an honourific given to the most esteemed men in the community.Buayan is 1 of 2 Maguindanowan Sultunates,and though Karon leaders a force of mostly Maranowans he himself is Maguindanowan.

Karon took the tile"Datu Wata"(Young Datu),an important step in what may be a telegraphing of Karon's intentions to become more than just a petty warlord.Congressman Datu
Pax Mangadadatu,who is a sub-chief of the Maguindanowan Tribe for most of Sultan Kudarat Province (Karon's home province) was in attendance,as was Cotabato City Mayor (soon to be"Vice Mayor') Muslamin Sema who is Chairman of the MNLF-Committee of 15 faction.Mayor Sema was also enthroned as Crown Prince (Rajamuda) of the Buayan Sultanate. This move also works to solidify the alliance between these 2 factions of the MNLF,against the Misuari faction.

Kumanders under Karon, Datu Dima Ambil and Datu Mentokan Sunsona were also in attendance at that ceremony and organisational meeting as well.

Not to be undone,the Misuari faction moved to solidify its position as the faction with which the government does business.Until about 2007 there was a 4 year period in which the Committee of 15 was the"official"MNLF.This changed as the Government found Misuari much more conducive to doing business after his release from Home Arrest for his rebellion after being unseated as Governor of ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao).Misuari of course being the man whom the OIC (International Islamic umbrealla group which has been very involved in the Mindnowan Peace Process since the mid-1970s) considers to be the true representative of the MNLF.

On April 20,2010,the Misuari Faction was in Tripoli,Libya for the signing of a 2 page MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) with the government.Misuari himself signed on behalf of the MNLF while the Government was represented by attorney Camilo Miguel M.Montessa,a sign of how unimportant the Governor now considers the MNLF in the overall scheme of things for Mindanao.The Government brass was in Kuala Lampur,Malaysia trying to make progress with the MILF. In terms of organisational accumen and recent military movements the MILF certainly takes precedence but by no means should anyone count the MNLF out for the count,especially its newer and more ambitious factions.Representing the OIC (Organisation of Islamic Countries),which has been the long term mediator between the GHP (Government of the Philippines) and the MNLF,H.E.Rezlan I.Jenie,signing on behalf of the OIC-PCSP.

This MoU has 3 main points,which I will paraphrase here in condensed form:

I)Re: 3rd Tripartite Meeting,it will concentrate on the transformation of Common Proposals into Legal Form.Both parties,GHP and the MNLF have reviewed the work of the JLP (Joint Legal Panel,a panel combined of attorneys from both the GRP and MNLF) and have given their assent to the list of Common Proposals to be concentrated on.This list is given as"Annex A."

Any other remaining contentious issues that need to be resolved towards this end,such as additional Common Proposals not represented in"Annex A,"will be listed on"Annex B."

Work is to be done as soon as humanly possible after which it will be transmitted jointly to the President,and there after to Congress as a"Certified Administration Bill."A copy of this Bill will then be forwarded to the OIC-PCSP.

II) Re: Fund Mechanism,Both parties recognise the most pressing need for development of the Southern Philippines and both appreciate the work towards that end undertaken thus far by the OIC which has been working on this since the "1996 Jakarta Agreement."

With the OIC's further support both sides agree to implement a Fund Mechanism to support the afore mentioned development,with exact details to be concluded via discussion with both sides,mediated by the OIC.

III) Re: Tripartite Implementation and Monitoring,the 3 parties agree to implement a monitoring entity to oversee the implementation of the "1996 Jakarta Agreement."

Aside from that important development,on May 10,2010 the Election was held and Chairman Misuari lost his bid to assume Governorship of Sulu Province.Co-incidentally,Mayor Muslamin Sema of Cotabato City in North Cotabato Province and Chairman of the Central Committee of the faction now popularly holding his name but officially known as the MNLF-Executive Committee of 15 (EC15) won election as Vice Mayor of that city after having reached his 9 year term limit as mayor.Meanwhile,his wife Bai Sandra Sema won the 1st District Congressional Seat for North Cotabato Province.

On May 21,2010,Jolo City Court issued Warrant #1119-4 with no provision for bail,against 20 MNLF-Misuari Faction members under Kumander Habir Malik,the kumander mentioned at the begininning of my entry.The warrant relates to the IED that killed 2 US Special Forces soldiers and 1 AFP Marine on September 29,2009 in Barangay Kagay in the town of Indanan on Jolo Island in Sulu Province.20 MNLF guerillas led by sub-Kumander Khaid Ajibon were involved in the setting of an IED on the gravel access road leading to a forward AFP Marine post.An unarmoured US Hummer carrying AFP Marines and 2 US personnel was flipped,killing the 2 US personnel and 1 AFP Marine.

The official release claims that the 2 Americans were Navy SEABEES,construction workers,overseeing the reonvation of school classrooms in Sitio Laum Siang in Barangay Kagay where the bombing took place.In reality though they were Special Forces soldiers training the Marines in COIN (Counterinsurgency Warfare):

1) 1stSgt.Christopher D.Shaw,37,of Markham,Illinois

2) Staff Sgt.Jack Martin III,26,of Bethany, California

were both attached to the 3rd Battalion of the 1st Special Forces Group.Politics being what it is,especially with the latest brouhaha out of Basilan with American forces (I will get to it in a subsequent post),the 2 men deserve to be recognised for the very difficult job that they were sent to do and that job was NOT to renovate school rooms (though in terms of COIN,Counterinsurgency,that IS an important role as well).The MNLF denies any and all involvement in their deaths.

That was the 1st killing of US personnel on the Philippine mission since 2002 when an IED attached to an unoccupied motorcycle detonated outside a videoke bar close to Camp Navarro in Zamboanga City killing a Special Forces soldier deployed on Basilan.That IED was an Abu Sayyaf operation.

2 hours after the IED detonation that killed the 2 soldiers (and 1 AFP Marine) on Jolo Island a 2nd detonated in Barangay Kasanyangan in Jolo City at a PNP RMG (PNP Regional Mobile Group,used to supplement security shortcomings, primarily police,as needed) command post.It is believed to have been set in retaliation for a PNP engagement in which 1 Abu Sayyaf guerilla,Karim Juldani,was killed on Sunday,September 26.That engagement also resulted in the capture of a 2nd Abu Sayyaf member,Albashir Adjili.The incident took place as the 2 guerillas were interdicted at a PNP checkpoint in an outer barangay of Jolo City,as they tried to infiltrate the city.This 2nd IED caused no casualties.

Later in the day in Sitio Dauyan in Barangay Bunot in the town of Indanan a bridge was targetted with yet another IED.

On June 20,2010 the MNLF-Misuari faction signed yet another Unity Agreement with the MILF.This Agreement however was noteworthy due to its broker being the Secretary General of the OIC (Organisation of the Islamic Conference).The signing, by both Misuari and MILF Chairman,al Haj Murad Ebrahim,took place in the OIC Secretary General's office on the sidelines of the OIC Annual Conference in Dashnube,Tajikastan.

June 22,2010 at 10AM in Barangay Mahala in the town of Talipao on Jolo Island in Sulu Province,MNLF-Misuari Kumander Habir Malik was again letting his displeasure over"Hearts and Minds"projects be seen.In this case it was a road connecting an outlying barangay,Tuyang,to Barangay Poblacion so as to speed up transport to market of farm goods. Malik's sub-Kumanders Nidzmi Jabar,Maas Ejan and Jahid Susukan joined with an Abu Sayyaf faction under Kumander Yasser Igasan to attack MBLT-3 (Marine Battalion Landing Team #3).2 Abu Sayyaf guerillas were killed and 4 AFP Marines were wounded.

After the firefight MBLT-3 entered Barangay Tuyan and captured a main MNLF camp belonging to Malik.At the same time, MBLT-1 was able to capture a satellite camp in Barangay Poblacion,also in the municipality of Talipao.

Though he supports Nur Misuari,Malik has been on his own since rejecting the 1996 Jakarta Accord in November,2001. since that time he has been attacking the AFP though his actions ebb and flow.A major player,he commanded an entire front (Sulu has 2 MNLF fronts,East and West),he also operates almost openly in tandem with ASG (Abu Sayyaf Group). He currently has a P1 Million Bounty on his head (20,000 Euros).Some might remember his name from the audacious Operation he pulled off in Feburary,2007.General Ben Dolorfino and then Under Secretary of Defense Ramon Santos along with 12 AFP officers were trying to negotiate with Malik over his actions (he was trying to get Misuari released from House Arrest in Manila at the time).Malik took the party hostage.The goal was to get Misuari released to attend the OIC (Organisation of the Islamic Conference) Conference in Jeddah.Though nominally independent he is counted as part of the Misuari faction due to his diehard support of his old friend and former Commander.

On June 27,2010 officials in and around Valencia City in Bukidnon Province expressed alarm that the MNLF was moving into this partof the island.Bukidnon is not home to many Muslims but the organisation has been actively recruiting in the towns of Pangantucan,Kalilangan and as I mentioned,Valencia City.The recruiters have been promising P15,000 a month (almost US400),practically a fortune in that depressed area,though with a hitch.Applicants need to pay up to P3,000 (US75) for the application,ID card,etc.This same scheme has also been taking place in ComVal Province (Compostela Valley),Davao del Sur and Davao Oriental Provinces which are other non-Muslim provinces and another area where LGUs (Local Government Units,i.e."towns") officials are up in arms and asking the AFP to boost its presence over the course of the last 12 months.

In Valencia City's westside,in Sitio Kibalaog,Barangay Lilingayon the MNLF have established a provincial HQ in a place they are calling Camp Datu Matoos.Actually this development took place almost 2 years ago unbeknownst to most local officials and in fact created quite a stir locally when Chairman Misuari himself arrived in a 7 vehichle convoy,with 18 well armed bodyguards brought with him from ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao).The event was an Induction Ceremony for local recruits,but that took place after they were first converted to Islam.

Misuari has long made a point of trying to include non-Muslims in the MNLF,even going so far as to state that a "Moro"is anyone who lives in Mindanao and accepts the label (I think I'll pass).Earlier this year,2010,he appeared at a Lumad (Hill Tribe) festival in Agusan del Sur Province as a guest of honor.Agusan del Sur is tied with Surigao del Sur as the 2 provinces in Mindanao having the least number of Muslim residents,both barely registering more than 1,000 each.

The 2008 ceremony in Bukidnon,which took place on December 1st,was organised in conjunction with Barangay Councilwoman Julie Zulita,a non-Muslim.


On July 2nd,2010 in the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat in Maguindano Province the MNLF-MMSC faction,under its leader Datu Faizal"Randy"Karon and the BIAF 104 Base Command under Kumander Jud Caludtiag once again locked horns over that piece of contentious provincial borderland.On June 13th the AFP's 6IB (Infantry Battalion) managed to pull both sides apart and occupy the border,creating a mini-DMZ (Demiliatarised Zone) of sorts.It was able to get warring parties out of Barangay Meti in Datu Blah Sinsuat as well as out of Barangays Tran and Kalamonogg in the adjoining town of Lebak in Sultan Kudarat Province.

The BIAF withdrew and re-positioned in upper sectors of Barangay Laguitan in the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat but over the last week of June there were sporadic clashes.On June 30th the AFP which here-to-fore had claimed it had no manpower to re-deploy from adjoining barangays lest more flare-ups occur there suddenly re-positioned forces in Barangay Sinepak whic adjoins Barangay Laguitan.On the morning of July 2nd,2010 the MNLF-MMSC attacked the BIAF's positions in Barangays Dunpilas and Tran over the border in Lebak,Sultan Kudarat Province.

July 3rd,at 7PM in Barangay Sinepak in the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat,the AFP launched five 105MM rounds from a gunboat situated off the coast of Laguitan as ground forces launched a fussilade of 81MM mortar shells into BIAF held sectors.

The next morning,July 4th,at 7AM,ground forces attacked the BIAF in Barangay Meti.Of course the MILF/BIAF brass, while denying any culpability at all for the actions undertaken by Kumander Caludtiag have cried foul and accused the AFP of supporting the MNLF.

On July 16 the MNLF-MMSC blew a small boat out of the water as it ferried IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,i.e. "Refugees"),as the BIAF was landing in similar boats down the beach,using the IDP exodus as cover for troop re-positioning.Roughly 50 BIAF guerillas landed and an intense firefight broke out as IDPs fled in all directions.


That same day Datu Blah Sinsuat's ex-mayor Datu Ibrahim Manot"Manaut"Sinsuat who also serves in the MNLF-MMSC was en route to a mosque in another border town of Maguindano Province,the municipality of Buluan,when he was waylaid in Barangay Poblacion in the town of President Roxas in Sultan Kudarat Province.Trucks boxed in his minivan as gunmen on foot strafed the vehicle badly with M16s.Shaken but alive the MNLF Kumander was able to escape with everything intact.

Datu Sinsuat,while still mayor (he was voted out this past election,May 10th,2010) is believed to have had his nephew Errol Sinsuat murdered.Errol was a Barangay Captain/Chairman in the town and had just passed a Resolution condemning the Mayor for maintaining a paramilitary (actually it was his MNLF element),a hot political issue since the"Maguindanao Massacre."The Resolution however stemmed from Errol's support of a 2nd uncle,Vice Mayor Marcial Sinsuat in his bid to unseat the Mayor.The murder took place on Cotabato City's Don Ramon Rebago Street in Barangay Mother in the city's fashionable Rosary Heights section on Wednesday,February 17th,2010.

As the 2 murderers were riding tandem on a single motorcycle while leaving the scene they had the very bad luck to run across a rookie PNP officer.Unlike a more seasoned officer who tries to avoid life threatening,or even physically challenging situations whenever possible this young man took it upon himself to actually try and catch the shooters and a short but violent firefight ensued.When the noise stopped one of the men on the motorcycle was wounded and though he still managed to escape the firefight caused him to leave his backpack on scene.

The backpack,military issue,had the owner's name stenciled on it,PFC.(Private First Class) Norodin Sinsuat (another nephew of the former Mayor) deployed with the 10ID (Infantry Division).The operator of the motorcycle,PFC.Esmael Mama,deployed with the 6ID was charged along with Norodin,who is the alleged shooter.

On July 18th the fighting between the BIAF and MNLF-MMSC continued heavily,unabated from the 16th but with it having expanded into the town of Datu Blah Sinsuat's Barangay Sadam as well,and back over the border into Barangay Tran in the town of Lebak in Sultan Kudarat Province.As the 6IB struggled to stay out of the way some 40 civilians were killed along with an unknown number of guerillas on both sides.

On July 29th,2010 in Cotabato City in North Cotabato Province,MNLF member Jonel Pandalat was caught fleeing the scene of a murder.PNP says he had just killed 50 year old Roger Aragon after buying charcoal from the man.He refused to answer anything under interrogation but is being looked at for involvement in earlier murders in the city and outlying areas.

That same week the long simmering conflict between Kumander Datu Faisal"Randy"Karon,the paramount leader of the MNLF's newest faction,the MNLF-MMSC (Mainland Mindanao State Committee) and the BIAF 104 Base Command's Kumander Jud Caludtiag saw the MILF/BIAF hierarchy trying to float a peace plan of sorts.The conflict between these 2 men, because it is not an organisational conflict,but rather a personal feud (as opposed to "Rido," or "Clan Feud"),has been flaring up as I explained in my aforementioned entry for about 4 years now.Sadly,the civilians on the border of Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provinces are the ones who suffer the most,this time is no exception.

The MILF/BIAF"Plan"has received approval from Kumander Jud Caludtiag,commanding the BIAFF 104 Base Command,as well as the MNLF-Misuari and MNLF-Sema (Executive Committee of 15) factions.Though Kumander Karon's faction, Mainland Mindanao State Committee is allied with Sema,ithasn't agreed to abide by the"plan,"and of course THAT is the MNLF faction doing the actual fighting...He has been very receptive,but has always found a major issue to contest and so the fighting continues.

Basically there are 3 components of this"Plan":

I) Deploy uninvolved elements of both the MILF/BIAF and the MNLF to the provincial border where the fighting is taking place.

II) Let IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,i.e."Refugees") return to their villages and both sides will then work towards rehabilitation and development of the area so as to benefit those IDPs.

III) After the 1st two components have been implemented talks will begin between the 2 sides so as to reach an acceptable and permanent accord.

It seems simple enough,and yet it hasn't been accepted although Kumander Karon has agreed to allow non-local PNP (Philippine National Police) officers to be deployed to the area so as to bring at least the semblance of law and order (looting and other lawlessness is always an issue in these types of sub-conflicts).It is a start anyway.

Interestingly the 2 men have along history together and it wasn't always acrimonius.Both started off as combatants in the MNLF (when there was only one MNLF,under Misuari),based in Barangay Tran in the town of Lebak in Sultan Kudarat,1 of the 2 communities currently embroiled in this violence.A specific battle there was christened"Battle of Hell's Little Acre"by the AFP who had an incredibly difficult time against this particular MNLF element who amazingly were able to hold the barangay for 6 months as the AFP threw its best men and equipment at them (the AFP has a penchant for using American military terminology,in this case the battle's name).If only the same elan and finesse had been present at Camp Abubakar in the"2000 War"perhaps Mindanao would be a much different place right now.

The battle took place from Feburary 23rd,1973 until mid-August of that year and claimed the lives of Karon's 3 elder brothers as well as serious wounding Kumander Karon himself.Also worth noting,Senator Gregorio"Gringo"Honasan, leader of a famous coup attempt while still in the AFP,was also wounded in that famous battle.Kumander Jud Caludtiag wasn't wounded but did fight well by all accounts and so both men have positive common ground on which to build a lasting agreement should they ever truly be serious about it.

As of August 2nd,2010,there are a total of 17,000 IDPs suffering during the height of Monsoon.That should be the most pressing issue.17,000 men,women and children...So what is causing this latest round of violence?The MILF/BIAF says Karon kidnapped a woman from the BIAF 104 Base Command AOR (Area of Responsibility"i.e."Turf") in 2009.More neutral voices say it is over control of a patch of beach straddling both towns (Lebak,Sultan Kudarat and Datu Blah Sinsuat,Maguindanao) directly on the border that holds immense strategical value,as well as possibly commercial value should the conflict ever end and development ever truly come to the region.Karon,for his own 2 cents says it is because of an MILF/BIAF attack after the failure of the MoA-AD (Memorandum of Understanding on Ancestral Domain) in August of 2008.

Most will remember that when the Supreme Court issued a Restraining Order against the signing of this Memorandum by the GPH (Government) and the MILF/BIAF,that 3 BIAF Base Commands went off the reservation.It began with Kumander Kato and his 105 Base Command occupying PALMA,a strategic patch of land holding 5 municipalities in North Cotabato Province close to the Maguindano Province Border.These villages and towns were almost entirely Bisaya and Ilonggo (i.e. "Christian") and so what has been called a"Police Action"against 3"Lost Commands" (term first used by Philippine Constalbury Col.Carlos"Charlie" Palabrica Lademora,later known as"Kumander Brown,"borrowed from American lingo used in the Vietnam War),but without a doubt was actually a war.

Many Crimes Against Humanity,atrocities took place during this war but Kumander Karon is angered over a particular act.What act you ask?The 104 Base Command under Kumander Caludtiag attacked a power generator located on a barge off of the town of Kalamansig in Sultan Kudarat Province.The barge provided power to the area and left residents without power for several weeks.As the barge was being attacked an element also attacked the town of Lebak as a diversionary move.That diversionary move is the jist of it,though in honesty Karon seems to have a case of selective memory since that attack took place 2 years AFTER his problems with the 104 Base Command began.

Portrait of a Warlord: The Akbar Dynasty of Basilan

Basilan is a relatively small island, 800 square kilometers and sitting almost directly off of Zamboanga City. Many people, Filipinos included, are unware that Mindanao also governs 3 provinces consisting of smaller islands, Tawi Tawi, Sulu (including Jolo) and of course Basilan. While the population is 71% Muslim, Christian ethnicities were settled here during the American colonial era, mostly to work the huge rubber and lumber concerns that American investors created in the island's lush volcanic soil. Today they and their descendants make up a full 75% of the land holders. Tsinoy, or "Chinoy" as some call them are Filipino-Chinese, some with ancestors going back well over 400 years. On Basilan more than 75% of all businesses are directly owned by Tsinoy, who for a variety of reasons also dominate most of the nation in this manner.

Politically, it is a mixed bag. For along time Christians dominated, then Tuasug, a Muslim tribe indigenous to Sulu Province who over the centuries created many coastal communities ringing Basilan and nearby islands. Today the indigenous Yakan tribe has come into its own with the dyansty de jour being the Akbar clan.

Founded by the late Ustadz Wahab Akbar, the family is unique among Filipino political dynasties in that he is the first patriarch to have installed multiple wives in leadership roles, with his first 2 wives, now widows currently the Governor (Jum Akbar) and the mayor of the capitol, Isabela City (Cherrilyn Akbar). Some point to his personal history, as an ex-guerilla but in the Philippines that is truly par for the course, albeit in his case it is highly unusual.

Born in 1960 to a bandit clan, on an island famed for its bandits, he joined his father in the mountains in 1971 while only 11 years old. This gave him a first hand opportunity to observe how politics, and life in general is played here in the Southern Philippines, His father, Mutamad Salijin, like the smarter among his ilk, surrendered to the Marcos Government and was promptly rewarded with a mayorship, controlling one of the island's largest population centres, Lantawan in 1974.

This move, while Akmad was nearing 15 enabled him to gain a top rate education in Manila. Education is not generally valued by most Moro (Filipino Muslim) ethnicities above and beyond a very basic Islamic education. Then, having missed a considerable number of school years while encamped with his father deep in the bush, it says alot in defence of Akmad's character that he was able to not only resume his education but to do so with elan and to then promptly enter a top university.

Unfortunately it all came to an end abruptly when Akmad involved himself with the MNLF's political apparattus and was arrested by the Marcos regime in 1979. After being released from a short stint in prison on Luzon he made his way to Malaysia's Sabah State on Borneo, then the Capitol-in-Exile of the MNLF. In 1982 it was the MNLF that sponsored his advanced religious education in Damascus where he was able to earn the honourific "Ustadz" (Teacher of Religion).

In 1987 his MNLF handlers deployed him to Libya to undertake advanced military training at 1 of 2 MNLF administered camps existing there at the time. It was in Tripoli that he first crossed paths with fellow Yakan and Basileno, Abdurajak Abubakr Janjalani, the main founder of Abu Sayyaf. Janjalani was in Tripoli courtesy of the organisation Tabligh Islamiyya (usually known as Tabligh Islam) and their interaction was limited , though apparently fruitful.

Six months later, as Janjalani headed to Pakistan to join his university professor in a paramilitary allied with the nascent Osama Bin Laden organisation near Mazar-e-Sharif, inside Afghanistan, Akbar was returning to Basilan where he was given a junior command role within the Basilan BIAF (Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Front), the military arm of the MNLF.

In 1990 Janjalani returned to Basilan where he found work as an Ustadz ofr younger boys. It was in that unused classroom 1 evening in 1991 that Janjanlani sold Akbar on his vision of a pan-Asian state based on shari'a, or Islamic Law. The entity was to serve as a springboard with which to propgate his particular islamic beliefs. Though Abu Sayyaf, usually known as "ASG" (Abu Sayyaf Group) later devolved into the avaristic gang of kidnappers it remains today, Janjalani aimed for something much higher.

I wont devolve into a piece about the nascent ASG, only to say that in the beginning at least, the organisation actually did adhere to a very political agenda. Akbar, though relatively new within the BIAF, had already become a minor factional leader. He found himself frustrated with the hedging and hawing of the MNLF's leader, Nur Misuari. He also felt, as did Moro ethnicities on mainland Mindanao that the MNLF was a Tuasug-centric organisation, concentrating much too much on Sulu and the needs of the Tuasug tribe, a tribe that had related to Yakans historically as inferiors.

Thus it did not take too much cajoling to get Akbar to join with Janjalani and become a co-founder of ASG, something he tried to seriously downplay in later life.

In 1998, for a variety of reasons, Akbar chose to distance himself from ASG and declare his candidacy for Governor of Basilan. Against tough odds he won that election and for 3 consecutive terms he held court as the island's top leader. In 2007, with his term limit upon him he traded that role for the island's Congressional seat, and slid his 1st (as in "primary") wife Jum Akbar into the governor's seat, a position she just had reaffirmed in this last election, May, 2010.

As stated earlier in this entry, he also installed his 2nd wife Cherrilyn as mayor of the island's capitol, Isabela City along with 8 other lesser relatives in a variety of leadership positions though it is worth noting that his 3rd wife lost her election for a large town that same year.

Akbar took well to his new role as Congressman and seemed to enjoy being back in Manila and is probablly best remembered by other Filipinos for his Speech of Privelege, shortly after that first election in 2007. directing his comments to the Speaker of the House as protocol demanded, he addressed the "allegations" that he had beein "involved" in the founding of Abu Sayyaf, and I quote:

"Dear Mr.Speaker, when I joined politics, there were accusations that I was the founder of the BULLSHI* Abu Sayyaf..." Definitely a personality in a nation of such personalities.

Sadly for Ustadz Wahad Akbar, he never got to finish his 1st and only term as Basilan's Congressman. On the evening of Novemeber 13th, 2007, just 5 months after gaining that position, he was blown to bits as he exited Batasan Pambansa , the Congressional Forum in Manila. As he exited shourtly before Session adjourned, a motorcycle parked next to his SUV detonated, seriously wounding 8 people including Akbar and a 2nd Congressman (Henry Teves of Negros Oriental).

Both men were taken to separate hospitals but Akbar succumbed just 2 hours later. The bombing remains unclaimed and unsolved until the present, 3 years later.

Today Basilan remains controlled by the Akbar clan, but violence didnt stop with their ascencion and neither has it diminished since. In my next entry i will outline the most recent Election related developments on the island.