GPH-MILF Peace Process for the First Quarter of 2012, Part II: Round 25

Having agreed at January's Formal Exploratory Round #24 to initiate a push for momentum within the Peace Process by holding one Round per month, both the MILF and GPH (aka "Government of the Philippines") Peace Panels once again ensconced themselves within Kuala Lumpur's Royale Chulan Hotel. Opening the three day Round on Monday, February 13th, 2012, both sides acknowledged that the fact that they were meeting at all was the best development anyone might expect seeing as how the Peace Process was in one of its periodic lulls.

Just before the two sides checked into the Royale Chulan the Philippine Media had discovered that the Chairman of tge MILF Peace Panel, Mohagher Iqbal, had claimed that President Aquino had already vowed to support the MILF's "Assymetrical State: Substate" territorial entity. The comment had been quietly published by the Oman Tribune ("No less than His Excellency President Benigno Aquino 3rd [sic] agreed to the MILF proposal" although some media hacks , amazingly, claimed to have read that blurb in Mohagher Iqbal's Opening Statement in Kuala Lumpur) Suprisingly, when word of Iqbal's comments made their way into the Philippine media, noone cared. The Philippine public are not exactly a sophisticated lot when it comes to their news intake; Al Jacinto, a Manila-based columnist with the "Manila Times," was the first to break what should have been an absolute bombshell. Instead, nobody took notice (excepting boring souls such as yours truly) and the same tired players shuffled into the Royale Chulan's Executive Boardroom on February 13th, as Round 25 began.

When the fog had cleared three days later (in this case "fog" is ALOT better than "smoke"), nothing important had transpired. Of the few things attempted:


1) AHJAG, or, Ad Hoc Joint Action Group, received another 12 month mandate, to expire in February of 2013. Some might recall that AHJAG is the bilateral entity that arose from the ashes of the 2003 Buliok Complex War. That to-do began with a policing action against the Pentagon Group. Pentagon, under its (then) leader, Kumander Tahir "Tigre" Alonto, was among the biggest players in the Central Mindanao KFR (Kidnap for Ransom) Industry. Having become a real thorn in the side of the Government-where many "civil servants" entered into various business arrangements with him-he was marked for neutralisation just after New Year 2002.

Unfortunately, alrhough a Maranaw (Maranao) Tribesman, he was related to MILF founder and (then) Chairman Hashim Salamat (a Maguindanowan Tribesman). The two had both been born and raised in the municipality of Pangalungan's Barangay Cudal, in Maguindanao Province, and so it was no suprise then that when badly in need of a safehaven, je availed himself to a generous offer of hospitality from Chairman Salamat.

The 2000 War had destroyed the MILF Headquarters, along with fifty-two other MILF-BIAF camps. Needing a safe haven of their own, the MILF decentralised BIAF operations (as in the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, the armed component of the MILF), and split up its headquarters apparatus between three seperate camp complexes. Buliok Complex consisted of two seperate, inter-connected camps directly on the border of Pikit, a town in North Cotabato Province, and the aforementioned municipality in Maguindanao Province, the town of Pangalungan. Chairman Salamat moved into a palatial home that served as both his personal home AND the MILF Administrative Headquarters.

In and around Buliok Complex, the BIAF had three Field Divisions, the 1st, 2nd, and the National Guard, with a standing force of 1,500 well trained guerillas. Given this armed defense, and the fact that Bukiok sat well within the almost impenetrable terrain of the Liguasan Marsh, the site provided any interested parties with about as safe a haven as one could find anywhere in the Philippines. In late 2002 the Pentagon Group was sorely in need of such a plave.

Founded by the leaders of four inter-related KFR organisations in 2001, the last of those four leaders, MNLF-Misuari officer, Kumander Faisal "Mubarak II" Marohombsar, was killed by rogue elements within the PNP, or Philippine National Police, on Luzon in August of 2002. After Marohombsar was removed from the top of the pyramid, another.MNLF-Misuari officer, Kumander Tahir "Tigre" Alonto rose in power, albeit within a rapidly disintegrating organisation. With assistance from MILF Chairman Salamat Alonto ensconced himself within that main MILF Headquarters camp.

Ostensibly an operation against the Pentagon Group, President Gloria M.Arroyo gave the greenlight on February 9th, 2003. Just after midnite on February 11th, the AFP (Armed Forcesof the Philippines) pointed air and artillery at Buliok Complex and began "softening up" the terrain. The official narrative is that what was to be a precision strike against a single compound within the camp-that of Tahir Alonto- went wrong after an errant shell came too close to tge Salamat compound, prompting the MILF-BIAF to respond in kind. Of course this is not true but it doesnt negate tge premise behind the creation of AHJAG, a bilateral entity created as an interface between the Government (via the AFP) and the MILF (via the BIAF) to co-ordinate Government policing operations against criminal elements. Supposedly, such an entity would have gone a long way towards preventing a widening of that 2003 policing operation against Tahir Alonto and the Pentagon Group.

AHJAG had receded in importance until, in late 2010, it had stopped convening its bilateral meetings. Then came October of 2011 and the Al Barka incident on Basilan. An AFP Special Forces policing operation against the second highest ranking officer in the BIAF 114 Base Command resulted in two of the 114 Base Command's battalions ambushing the AFP. This in turn led to a cacophany of voices within the Government demanding that AHJAG re-convene.

2) The two Peace Panels examined the final reports of IMT-6. The sixth deployment of the IMT, or International Monitoring Team, ended a week after Round 25 ended. The IMT is an international force led by the Malaysian Military, is part of the three tiered Ceasefire Mechanism that also includes the LMT (Local Monitoring Team, made up of stKeholders who are to act as an early warning system about possible weak points in the ceasefire. The LMT has not convened in more than three years (despite weak murmurs in late 2010). The third tier is the CCCH, or Coordinating Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities (actually the word "Joint" is included officially, as in "Joint Coordinating," but it is always omitted). The CCCH is a bilateral entity composed of AFP and BIAF officers who are to liason on AFP troop movements, to avoid an inadvertant engagement.

3) The Peace Panels agreed to hold Round 26 in March.

GPH MILF Peace Process for the First Quarter of 2012, Part I: Round 24

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GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Fourth Quarter of 2011, Part III: The 23rd Exploratory Round, a Big Nothing, Part 2

Having given a lengthly synopsis of the GPH-MILF Peace Process for all of 2011 up until this, the 23rd Exploratory Round, I will dive right into the Round itself.

Opening on Monday, December 5th, 2011, in Kuala Lampur Malaysia, the Opening Session began at 945AM at the Royale Chulan Hotel's Executive Boardroom, in Closed Door Session. Aside from each Peace Panel, there was a single Consultant included in the proceedings, an aspect I will return to a bit further on. Likewise, the ICG, or, International Contact Group was present, but this has been a regular occurrence over the course of the last four Rounds. Owing to the entity's role in salvaging the entire Peace Process at the end of the 22nd Round, it was allowed to monitor even Closed Door Sessions this time around. Aside from the usual rigimorole, Formal Opening Statements from both Panels' Chairmen and the same from the Malaysian Facilitator, Tengku Dato Ab' Gafaar Tengku, nothing else was accomplished, nor was it expected to be.

At 120PM the Opening Session ended and the individual Panels made their way into the hotel's Sri Bendahara II Function Room for a communal lunch. Ending their meal at 245PM, the two sides took a brief rejoinder before re-entering the Executive Boardroom at 315PM for the Afternoon Day I Session. There were Seven Points to cover but only two worth noting (the rest being recycled filler to shape out the two days of actual talking):

I) IMT-6, or, Sixth Deployment of the International Monitoring Team is set to expire in May of 2012. The Malaysian-led entity is the leading strand in a four tiered Ceasefire Mechanism umbrella. Composed of four individual components:

A) Security

B) Development

C) Civilian Protection

D) Humanitarian and Rehabilitation

It's primary raison d'etre is its Security Component in which it investigates all Ceasefire-related violations and tries to alleviate situations before they develop into wider conflicts that could lead to out and out war.

Both sides wanted to nail either an extension, or better yet, another deployment, i.e. IMT-7. The latter was realised, though it still entirely dependent upon the participating nations, Malaysia, Japan, Brunei, Norway, and the EU, with Libya's participation now in question with that country's regime change (the Libyan Contingent, military personnel attached to the Security Component, raised the Libyan Rebel Flag in September but their status remains a cypha).

II) TORs, or, Terms of Reference for the HRDC, or Humanitarian, Rehabilitation and Development Component of the aforementioned IMT-6. Though the component was created three years ago, it is only now that the Peace Panels saw fit to hash out the components TORs. Terms of Reference spell out specific mandates and responsibilities and provide an organisational code of etiquette. Both this point and the preceding were accomplished, as well as the five less important points I alluded to.

At 6PM, Day One ended and both Panels consulted with their superiors back in the Philippines. At 730PM it was time for a communal dinner hosted by the Malaysian Facilitator.

Day Two, Tuesday, December 6th began at 930AM with a modified Executive Session which included the Panel Chairman, two Panelists, and the Chairman of the Peace Panel Secretariat for each side, for a grand total of four members from each side meeting alone with the Facilitator. GPH Peace Panel Chairman Mario Victor "Marvic" Leonen would later comment that it had been a "Three Plus One Executive Session," an obvious reference to the contentious Draft Comprehensive Compact handed over by Leonen, to his MILF counterpart, Mohagher Iqbal, in late August at the 22nd Exploratory Round. Since I delved into that comment in "Part I" I will move past it here.

The modified Executive Session ended at 1155AM and both Peace Panels partook once again, in a communal lunch. After lunch it was the usual consultations amongst themselves, each Peace Panel separately re-evaluating the progress thus far. At 245PM the Afternoon Session for Day Two began, only to go into recess at 330PM.

The GPH Peace Panel left the Executive Boardroom and sat together outside the hotel's Tai Ping Resturant, while the MILF Peace Panel did so at the hotel coffee shoppe. Consulting with each other the recess ended at 4PM, at which point the re-convened inside the Executive Boardroom. At 520PM Day Two ended as did the substantiative portion of the Round, all seven points on the Agenda having been tackled.

Day Three, Wednesday, December 7th, began at 945AM in a Closed Door Session in the Executive Boardroom. Walking out at 1155AM, the customary Joint Statement having been quickly composed, all the participants smilingly posed for the media and patted each other on the back. The Joint Statement is the first since Round 21, but was- like this Round- a big nothing. A single paged document with six paragraphs, it merely vowed to continue moving forward with the Peace Process, though apparently, moving laterally is both Panels' idea of moving "forward." One supposes that at this point, what matters most is that there is SOME movement.

The biggest thing worth noting- and itsnt much at all- was the addition of two Consultants (as noted in the beginning of this entry). The GPH Peace Panel had announced three weeks ago that it had taken on a new consultant, a female- and a Muslim to boot. This set the MILF on edge because for some reason, it has an insatiable need to play tit for tat.


Not to be outdone, the MILF Central Committee vowed to bring one of its two female Consultants to Kuala Lampur as well. The only problem the Central Committee noted, was that whomever the lucky lady was, a close male relative would have to accompany her since Islam isn't too keen on women travelling with unrelated men. Ironically, one of the two women, Bai Cabaybay Abubakar, the President of Shariff Kabansuan College, is an expert on womens' rights within Islam, having even written a book, the creatively named, "The Rights of Women in Islam." According to Ms.Abubakar, Islam offers women the most rights of any organised religion, just not the right to travel I guess. Of course her contention is ridiculous given the fact that Sura IV of the Qur'an commands a husband to beat his disagreeable wife. Likewise, Ms.Abubakar has made the ridiculous claim that Islam enshrines the right of women to choose their spouse. While technically true, Muhammad, in his mid-50s, married a 6 year old girl. Surely a 6 year old girl is in no position to make life changing decisions. Yet this is a woman who is advising the MILF Peace Panel. No wonder the MILF gets nowhere and is on the verge of imploding.

In the end it was the second female Consultant, attorney Raissa Jajurie, a Tausug Tribeswomen, who got to enjoy herself for a fun filled two and a half days as a token participant. The MILF only wanted a female participant present to offset the exposure given to the GPH Peace Panel's token Muslim female, Bai Yasmin Bursan Lao. Ms.Lao herself is also a person dedicated towards Womens' Issues within Islam. She is the founder and current Chairperson of the NGO, "Nisa ul Haq fi Bangsamoro," which she has translated as, "Women for Justice in the Bangsamoro." Unfortunately, that is a mistranslation but that was her choice. Actually, the name is Arabic and translates as, "Bangsamoro Women for Justoce," or, alternatively, "Justice for Bangsamoro Women," with the latter seeming to fit her intentions much better. Speaking of womens' rights within Islam, Ms. Lao's NGO undertook a study in 2009 in which it examined the prevalence of Child Marriage among female Filipino Muslims. 83% of women had married between ages 15 to 17 and 17% had done so between ages 9 to 14. The irony is that for Chritian Filipinas, marriage under 18 is illegal and until age 25 it requires her parents' permission. For males, Ms.Lao found they were aged 11 to 59. Perhaps she should send a copy of that study to her counterpart, Ms.Abubakar.

GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Fourth Quarter of 2011, Part III: The 23rd Exploratory Round in Kuala Lampur, a Big Nothing, Part 1

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GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Fourth Quarter of 2011, Part II: An Informal Meeting in Kuala Lampur Attempts a Three Pointer

Counter-intuitively, the favourite sport of the Philippines is...basketball. In any corner of this country, a nation with 7,107 islands and well over 120 ethnicities, one can rest assured that they will see a paved basketball court in or around the municipal compound. Indeed, most barangays have one as well. Filipinos love basketball. Therefore, a metaphor that should be recognisable to most Filipinos. "Three Pointers," for those readers who are unaware, involves a basket shot from a long distance. In other words, a player, against all the odds, shoots- most often hurls- the ball down court in a desperate attempt to save the game...

On Thursday, November, 3rd 2011, the Chairmen of both the Government (GPH), Mario Victor "Marvic" Leonen, and the MILF Peace Panel Chairman, Mohagher Iqbal, sat across from each other on sofas in a carefully orchestrated, casual environment. Joining each man were two members of their respective Peace Panels, for the GPH:

1) Professor Miriam Coronel Ferrer

2) Senen Bacani


and for the MILF:

1) Datu Michael Mastura

2) Maulana "Bobby" Alonto

Additionally the MILF brought along a third Peace Panrlist, Professor Abhoud Syed Lingga but Mr.Lingga, like the nerd in gym class played the bench warmer (this I'd truly turning into a sports themed post). In any event, Professor Lyngga wasn't lonely as there were more than the usual gaggle of hangers on. Worth noting is that two men who wouldn't have usually even been in Kuala Lampur not only got a free but very short trip, but also got one of the highly coveted seats on those big comfy' couches;

1) Brigadier General Ariel Bernardo, Chairman of the GPH CCCH contingent. The CCCH, or Coordinating Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities is the leading entity in a four-faceted Ceasefire Support Mechanism. The other three being:

A) IMT, or, International Monitoring Team, a consortium of foreign governmental and NGO (Non-Governmental Organizational) delegates who investigate any breeches that may lead to conflict and or any actual violations. Led by Malaysia, it has four facets itself:

a) Military

b) Rehabilitation

c) Socio-Economic

d) Civilian Protection


B) AHJAG, the Ad Hoc Joint Action Group, composed of representatives from the MILF/BIAF and the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines. This entity was created specifically to allow the AFP to effectively deal with the large number of criminals who hide in and operate from MILF/BIAF controlled areas. An Anti-KFR (Kidnap for Ransom) operation in 2003 inadvertantly caused the Buliok Complex War when the AFP's aerial assault of the Pentagon Group (KFR organisation) came too close to the Buliok Complex, a MILF/BIAF camp that then served as the organizational headquarters and home of founder and then-Chairman, Hashim Salamat. All AHJAG really does is serve as early warning device, benefiting the MILF/BIAF, alerting it to AFP and/or PNP (Philippine National Prison) operations, a number of which aim to neutralise certain MILF/BIAF members.


C) LMT, the Local Monitoring Team, composed of five members from the following demographics:

a) MILF/BIAF (the BIAF being the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, the military wing of the MILF), although the Terms of Reference (TOR) mandate that the representative be a member of a provincial political committee of the MILF. In practice this has rarely been the case.

b) LGU, or Local Government Unit (munucipal or provincial government) representative

c) Representative from an NGO nominated by the MILF

d) Representative of an NGO nominated by the GPH, or Government of the Philippines

e) Religious sector


Designed to allow the CCCH and IMT to keep one foot in the thick of it. A good illustration of this entity's utility was the July of 2007 Al Barka incident on Basilan. As the composite detachment led by Marines were pinned down by two BIAF, brigades the LMT was able to implement a Local Ceasefire through the effort of a LMT member who happened to be a high ranking BIAF "officer." The LMT has been un-officially mothballed since the beginning of 2008, though the MILF Central Committee recently issued a Resolution seeking to revive the group (in late September of 2011, ironically, two and a half weeks before the latest Al Barka Incident).

As for the CCCH, the aforementioned Coordinating Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities... The CCCH is composed of two teams, one from the AFP, the other from the MILF, and is used as an interface between the AFP and MILF/BIAF in that it serves as a notification conduit, much like the AHJAG though the latter is more specialised in only co-ordinating the Government's anti-crime maneuvers. If an AFP detachment is scheduled to conduct a maneuver of any type in the vicinity of a BIAF camp the CCCH is used to notify the MILF/BIAF so that the group doesn't mis-construe the AFP action as aggressive, thereby sparking an armed conflict.

Also on hand at the Kuala Lampur meeting:

2) Major Carlos Sol, Chairman of the GPH CCCH Secretariat, which handles the administrative end of the CPH CCCH contingent.

3) Brigadier General Alan Luga, Chairman of the GPH contingent of AHJAG.

The purpose all three were serving of course was to convey the seriousnes of the October 18th, 2011 Al Barka incident. The three were there for show since anything worth knowing from a less than 6 hour meeting could have easily been conveyed through the de riguer post-meeting briefing back in Manila.

Also joining the GPH contingent was:

4) Chairman of its Peace Panel Secretariat, Iona Jalijali, the Secretariat being the entity responsible for administrative and other important but less noticeable activities.

Along with Ms.Jalijali:

5) Secretariat member, Johaira Wahab


Joining Professor Abhoud Syed Lingga in the waiting room:

6) Jun Mantawil, Chairman of the MILF Peace Panel Secretariat

7) MILF Peace Panel Secretariat Member, attorney Mike Pasigan

8) MILF Peace Panel Secretariat Member, Mohajirin Alim.

Also present in the waiting room was an unusually large ICG contingent. The ICG, or International Contact Group, consists of foreign Governmental representatives and Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs). It may be recalled that 72 days prior, at the 22nd Formal Exploratory Round, it was the ICG that prevented the entire Peace Process from going up in flames and that is certainly apt imagery given the guaranteed consequences of the Process ending abruptly. On the second of that planned three day 22nd Round, the MILF Peace Panel ended up screaming at their GHP counterparts after digesting the Government's long awaited Draft Comprehensive Agreement, a long awaited Interim Agreement meant to rapidly pave the way for an FPA, or Final Peace Agreement.

The GPH Chairman, Marvic Leonen, handed his MILF counterpart Mohagher Iqbal a watery mush that Leonen ridiculously describes as a "Three-in -One Agreement." The problem however, as the MILF correctly noted, was that the the "Three" major points- all of which I discussed at length on my Third Quarter entry analysing both the Round and the Draft so that for the sake pf brevity I will continue without touching upon both- is that nothing offered was new, and nothing offered even required negotiation. Three weeks before that Round both Chairmen had met at what was initially a secret meeting in a Tokyo suburb as President Aquino held his (initially) sectet tet a tet with MILF Chairman al Haj Murad Ebrahim. That meeting- again, analysed in depth in another one of my Third Quarter entries- was a bait and switch scam to alleviate some of the pressure coming to bear on the Aquino Administration after it had repeatedly failed to provide that Draft in repeatedly re-scheduled meetings since its actual due date in April of 2011. The date was pushed back to August 22nd when both sides were to convene for that repeatedly mentioned 22nd Formal Exploratory Round.

Then, after handing over the Draft, the Round imploded. Amid screaming GPH Chairman Leonen and his Panelists stormed out of that very same Boardroom where the couches had replaced the boardtable. Upon leaving the Talks the GPH Peace Panel pointedly sat down to a huge spread in the hotel's Chinese Resturant, on the same floor. Seeing as how it was Ramadan, the Islamic holiday in which adults forgo all food during daylight hours, Leonen's choice of meeting place seemed to many- myself included- to be a direct statement aimed at Iqbal, his Panel, and the MILF/BIAF on general.

It was then that the ICG represenatives on hand saved the day, quickly walking between the Boardroom and the resturant, ferrying messages and replies between the two Chairmen. In the end it produced tangible results with the GPH Panel returning to the Boardroom in the late afternoon, just enough time to agree to disagree but with civility and an eye on future Rounds.

Therefore, the ICG's cache has gone up considerably. At this "Informal Meeting," the ICG was represented by Political Officers from the Turkish, British, and the Japanese Embassies to Malaysia. On the NGO end, David Gorman from the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, Dr.Markus Sudibyo from the Indonesian-based Islamic-centered NGO "Muhammidiyah Foundation," Emma Leslie of Conciliation Resources and lastly, Dr.Stephen Rood of the Asia Foundation. I find the Asia Foundation's inclusion highly questionable in that it is a CIA front although it supposedly went independent back in the late 1960s, nearly two decades after it first began meddling in Mindanao from its Cotabato City offices. I could go off on a riff about the MILF hypocritically portraying itself as "Anti Colonialist" and "Anti Imperialist" and yet it pays fawning obesiance to both the American Embassy to the Philippines as well as to the Asia Foundation but alas, this is neither the time nor place for such observations. Don't despair fair reader because I do intend to out both sides in due time ("due time" being whenever I finally catch up in more pressing entries).

Regressing to attendees, one must not neglect to mention the Malaysian Facilitator, Dato Abdul Ghafaar Tengku Mohammed, who himself continued the ICG's Shuttle Diplomacy by spending the better part of the two and a half intervening months between the 22nd Exploratory Round and this latest meeting by flitting to and from in the Philippines. To his credit he even made what must have been excruciatingly maddening trips to the current MILF Headquarters, Camp Darapanan in the municipality of Sultan Kudarat (not the province of the same name) in Mindanao's Maguindanao Province. It was mostly due these exertions that this latest meeting was at all possible.

There was no Joint Statement at the end of the 6 hour meeting though it is clear that both unilateral Statements had been co-ordinated with each other, being nearly identical. I will not waste time analysing them because they offered absolutely nothing. Both sides agreed to meet again, sooner rather than later. Both sides agreed to allow the investigation being performed by the Ceasefire Mechanism entities- CCCH, IMT, and AHJAG- to serve as the Official Investigation of the October 18th, 2011 Al Barka incident, as opposed to the individual, parallel investigations performed by the MILF Central Committee and the AFP, the latter having been completed even before this November 3rd meeting transpired. Finally, the MILF agreed to co-operate with the AFP on operations in and around MILF/BIAF camps so long as the AFP abides by the protocols bi-laterally
implemented via the aforementioned four Ceasefire Mechanism entities: CCCH, IMT, AHJAG, and LMT. In other words, it is merely re-iterating its agreement from 2004 when it agreed to create and implement AHJAG.

GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Fourth Quarter of 2011, Part I: Kumander Kato Takes a Hike

Probably the most newsworthy of stories coming out of the GPH-MILF Peace Process in all of 2011 has been the Kumander Kato story. As many readers already know, Kumander Ustadz Ameril Ombra Kato was the one person most responsible for the 2008 War. Commanding the 105 Base Command, the largest and most powerful of all the BIAF (Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces as the military wing of the MILF is known) Base Commands, Kato led his men in the attack on and susbsequent occupation of the PALMMA Complex in North Cotabato Province just after the failed signing of the GPH-MILF Interim Agreement popularly known as the MoA-AD, or Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain, on August 4th, 2008. Operating in tandem with Kato was the 102 and 103 Base Commands in the Lanao Region and between these three Base Commands, collectively (and incorrectly) labeled as "Lawless Elements" (meaning that they were operating outside of the MILF/BIAF Chain of Command which of course was utter nonsense), they terrorised 70% of Mindanao for the better part of a year and a half.

When, in July of 2009, both the Philippine military and the MILF re-established their spotty Ceasefire Kato was left out of the loop. Orders were being transmitted from the BIAF General Staff directly to Kato's subordinates but much more importantly Kato hadn't been consulted when the MILF/BIAF leadership had been negotiating the terms that led to each side uni-laterally declaring their respective SOMO/SOMAs (Stop of Military Operation/Stop of Military Actions). Kato felt that he was being made a scapegoat for the 2008 War and sacrificed by his organisation. Kato also felt that the MILF leadership had forgotten the teachings and principles of its late founder and Chairman, Hashim Salamat.

In a bit of childish egotism Kato decided to "test" the MILF leadership by tendering his resignation from the BIAF, the military wing, citing his age and increasing physical infirmities. He then had his core following and the civilians within his AOR, or Area of Responsibility (as in "Area of Operations") submit emotionally laden petitions in which they demanded that the MILF Central Committee reject Kato's Letter of Resignation. Kato admits that even he was suprised when the Central Committee accepted his resignation without a murmur, let alone even a mentioning of the petitions that had been submitted. In Kato's own words it was then that he resolved to leave the organisation.

Having accepted Kato's resignation the BIAF promoted a more moderate sub-Kumander named Zacarias Goma to replace Kato as overall commander, or "Kumander," of the 105 Base Command. Leaving the BIAF is not synonymous with leaving the MILF and so the Central Committee put Kato out to pasture as an "Advisor" to the MILF Shari'a Court (Islamic Court) with concurrent- but non-existent- responsibilities with the MILF Da'wa Committee (Islamic Outreach). Kato ignored the snub and declared the founding of BIFF, or the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters. BIFF, as Kato described it at the time, was not an independent organisation but rather a new faction WITHIN the MILF/BIAF that aimed to remain true to the teachings of MILF founder Hashim Salamat. Ensconcing himself in the 105 Base Command's main base, Camp Omar ibn Khattab in Maguindanao Province, Kato continued his schizophrenic double talk of "not MILF/BIAF but still MILF/BIAF" and went about luring guerillas and sub-Kumanders from other Base Commands.

Kato's rationale in not burning his bridges with the MILF/BIAF was simple prudence. While still clinging to the organisation he and BIFF were all but immune from arrest, capture, and/or blatant attack from the AFP/PNP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines/Philippine National Police. The 2008 War had earned Kato a P10 Million ($215,000) bounty and at least 82 criminal charges most of which were Murder and Multiple Murder. Because of the GPH-MILF Peace Process the Government was and remains today very careful about going after any member of the MILF/BIAF. The few that have been apprehended were nabbed well outside of MILF/BIAF AOR. For example, MILF Central Committee member Abraham Yap Alonto who is much better known by the alias Eduardo Guerra (even the MILF has a sense of humor, "Guerra" being Spanish for "War"); Alonto/Guerra was only captured when he stupidly left the safety of the MILF/BIAF AOR and entered Davao City which for better or worse is deemed neutral territory. Still, authorities were so cautious that they waited until their target had physically boarded an airplane that then left the terminal and hovered on the tarmac.

Kato remained both associated with the MILF/BIAF AND well inside one of the BIAF camps formally recognised by the Government during the GPH-MILF Peace Process. Meanwhile, the GPH Peace Panel manipulated this internal MILF/BIAF issue for all it is worth. The focus of the GPH-MILF Peace Process, for all of 2011 thus far, should have been the Comprehensive Compact. The Comprehensive Compact is the blueprint for the envisioned Interim Agreement that will allow both sides to coast almost effortlessly to the FPA, or the Final Peace Agreement. In the Philippine approach Interim Agreements are the actual "peace treaties" while FPAs are merely a legal afterthought and truth be told we might as well omit the "legal" aspect because, as we see with the MNLF, CPLA, RPM-M, and RPM-P FPAs, the Government never worries itself with the upholding of its end of FPAs. Interim Agreements bring the "reward," and act as the "end game." Instead, the GPH Peace Panel focused on Kato.

The MILF Peace Panel turned over their revised draft of its Comprehensive Compact in February. The GPH Peace Panel was to reciprocate the following month, March. From March until August 22nd the Government has played footsy with the MILF and tried its best to deflect attention away from that crucial issue by focusing upon the rift within the ranks of the MILF/BIAF. Don't get me wrong, Kato and his BIFF is indeed a serious matter that definitely is deserving of the GPH Peace Panel's time and energy. IF the Interim Agreement is ever inked, how will BIFF and its position outside of the MILF/BIAF Chain of Command affect the Interim Agreement? If BIFF attacks a municipality and the AFP responds, would neighbouring BIAF Base Commands involve themselves on the side of BIFF? If the PNP attempts to serve an arrest warrant on a BIFF member within the MILF/BIAF AOR would the BIAF use it as a pretext to engage Government forces? Still, it is nowhere near an important an issue as the Comprehensive Compact. Put technically, Kato is a Side Table issue, the meat and potatoes is the Comprehensive Compact.

To offer a prime example of how the GPH Peace Panel has manipulated the Kato imbroglio, in that aforementioned August 22nd, 2011, 22nd Exploratory Round, which took place in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia, the GPH Peace Panel was once agaim scheduled to turn over its long awaited Comprehensive Compact. As the Round opened GPH Peace Panel Chairperson Mario Victor "Marvic" Leonen asked for an hour delay in officialy opening the plenary session so as to converse with his MILF counterpart, Mohagher Iqbal, in a side conference in an adjoining anteroom. Peeved but with little choice in the matter Iqbal, along with Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Abdullah Ghafar Tengku Mohammed proceeded into the anteroom where Leonen once again attempted to steer procedings towards yet another discussion of the BIFF issue. After nearly an hour that had both Chairpeople screaming at the top of their lungs Chairperson Leonen was forced to comply with the scheduled itinerary. Since I have discussed that very contentious Round and the MILF's disgust with the GPH Comprehensive Compact in two other "GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Third Quarter of 2011" entries I will segue directly back into my current topic, Kato, BIFF and Kato's manipulation of the BIFF issue vis a vis his refusal to claim outright secession from the MILF/BIAF organisation.

It took the MILF Central Committee a full year to grow a spine and take action on the matter. In the interim two other BIAF Base Commands almost collapsed as their core followings jumped ship to BIFF, resulting in the creation of a new Base Command, the 118, to try and act as a magnet for any disaffected guerillas within those two other Base Commands, the 104 and the 106. The MILF Central Committee was terrified of acting decisively against Kato and BIFF because it would be perceived by many BIAF guerillas as if the MILF leadership was in collusion with Manila, if not simply doing its bidding. While most of the BIAF wasn't about to join BIFF many, if not most within the military wing, viewed Kato as an icon of the Islamic Insurgency no matter what label he applied to himself. So, in between sending emissaries to Camp Omar ibn al Khattab the MILF Central Committee had its Ulama Council act in its stead.

To most lay people the "Bangsamoro Supreme Ulama Council," or BSUC, is an independent body of Islamic clerics but the fact of the matter is that it is an MILF entity just as the Bangsamoro Consultative Assembly, the Institute for Bangsamoro Studies, and the BDA, or Bangsamoro Development Agency are as well. Led by Sheikh Jamil Datu Haron Yahya, a Maranaw (Maranao) Tribesman from Marawi City in Lanao del Sur Province, the BSUC is a handy standby when the MILF seeks to show the outside world how it speaks for the Philippine Muslims of Mainland Mindanao.

Sheikh Yahya is a 66 year old graduate of the Medina Islamic University of Saudi Arabia. Usually seen in a purple silk caftan that would make Liberace faint from jealousy and topped with a purple turban that wonderfuly frames his Old Testament-like flowing white beard Yahya leads 125 clerics who issue rubber stamp approvals for the MILF Central Committee. When the MILF, who prides itself on absolute non-involvement in Philippine politics, had the BSCU issue its infamous Fatwa against former President Joseph "Erap" Estrada (along with Senator Franlin Drilon and Manuel "Mar" Roxas III) in the 2010 Presidential Campaign, the MILF flaunted the pronouncement while abdicating all responsibility for it, since it came from an "independent" entity. When the MILF needs some distance from anything that may be construed negatively by the Philippines' non-Muslim majority it unleashes its sock puppet Yahya to do its bidding.

While the aforementioned Fatwa is a good example it pales against the MILF's reaction to the death of Osama Bin Laden. After an MILF Central Committee member was caught supporting the terrorist icon the organisation as a whole backpedaled furiously in a mad race to distance itself from that clusterfuc* of a geopolitical nightmare while still saving face amongst Philippine Muslims who by and large supported Bin Laden and continue to view him favourably many months after his demise. Enter Sheikh Yahya, stage right. Back in October of 2001, just one month after 9/11, Yahya signed up at least 6,000 Filipino Muslims in the Lanao region to go to Afghanistan to fight in support of al Qadah and the Taliban. Most assuredly never left Mindanao but only because Yahya was unable to obtain the P40,000 ($800) per man needed to smuggle them to Afghanistan via a very circuitous route starting in Jolo, in Sulu Province. Much more recently, on May 6th, 2011, Yahya led a "Memorial Service" for Bin Laden at the Quiapo Golden Masjid in Metro Manila. He then accompanied marchers as they left the masjid (synonymous with "mosque") on Globo de Oro Street and threaded their way towards Roxas Boulevard and what they hoped was a march on the US Embassy. Interestingly, but NOT suprisingly, people close to Yahya tried to engage in damage control BEFORE the protest by claiming that the sheikh had only thought he was involved in a demonstration in support of former Libyan Dictator Khadaffi (not much damage control one reckons). However, the comments made both within the masjid whose 5,000 person capacity was far exceeded and in the march that followed dispell the claims that Sheikh Yahya wasn't acting in concert with the demonstrators.

Then, when just two weeks later the USS Carl Vinson, the American Aircraft Carrier that dumped Bin Laden's maggot laden corpse (pun perhaps intended) docked at Manila for a port call it was Yahya once again who lionised Bin Laden and demonised Americans whom he ridiculously claimed were "the world's number one terrorist." Co-incidentally the Khadaffi issue was another "MILF but not MILF" public relations nightmare. Libya has long been the patron saint of Mindanao's Islamic Insurgency. He has lent support to all three of its major organisations:

1) MNLF

2) MILF

3) Abu Sayyaf Group

and was single handedly responsible for bringing the MNLF into the OIC, or, Organisation of Islamic Countries, a move which forced then-Dictator Marcos into the GPH-MNLF Peace Process. It was only when the OIC turned on Khadaffi this past summer when the MILF finally took an official stance that criticised everyone's favourite crossdressing Islamo-fascist. Sheikh Yahya however has continued supporting Khadaffi and thereby representing the MILF's actual sentiments far more accurately than the single news release (all four sentences of it) that "criticised" him.

On June 27th, 2011 the BSCU labeled Kato a "Bughaat," an admonishment in Arabic akin to labeling one a "renegade," and cautioned Kumander Kato to make amends with MILF Chairman al Haj Murad Ebrahim. It reminded Kato that he had comitted himself to unflinching support of the MILF/BIAF via his "Bayat," or "Holy Vow of Obesiance" and that unless al Haj Murad Embrahim sinned unrepentantly, it was forbidden to withdraw support for the leader and his organisation. Theologically speaking the BSCU is basically correct but to Kato's way of thinking the MILF, under Ebrahim, has distanced itself so far from the goals and ideals of Hashim Salamat that the Bayat no longer stands. It is a situation entirely open for interpretation. Kato himself is just as educated as Sheikh Yahya, even attending that same university before graduating from another Saudi institution, and so he feels that he is at least just as qualified to make that judgement call. On July 5th the MILF Central Committee backed a Resolution (#03-06-2011) "accepting" the BSCU's labeling of "Bugha'at" and fowarded it for MILF Chairman al Haj Murad Ebrahim's signature. Ebrahim was of course cautious about signing this Resolution despite it merely being an admonishment with no teeth. Finally, feeling more secure after the August 4th meeting in Japan between himself and President Aquino, Ebrahim signed on the dotted line, on August 18th.

Finally, on September 10th, with Kato ignoring the Central Committee Resolution, the BSCU gave Kato 14 days to "repent" and make amends with the MILF Central Committe lest he be declared persona non grata by the MILF/BIAF (Hey! I thought that the BSCU was "independent" of the MILF!). Kato knew that this juncture would eventually come and so he has prepared accordingly and has even founded a political wing, the BIFM, or Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Movement, albeit one devoid of any real ideology apart from the MILF circa 2002. Forwarded to the MILF Central Committee the warning was finally transmitted to Kato on September 12th so that the deadline ended up becoming September 26th. The deadline came and went and so the MILF Central Committee was able to finally say that the Ulama (Islamic Scolars) gave Kato an ultimatum that he failed to acknowledge and that because of Kato's refusal to do so he left the MILF no choice but to publicly declare him persona non grata. The MILF Central Committee finally produced an official Resolution saying as much, signed by Chairman Ebrahim on September 30th, and even went so far as to commit itself towards jointly hunting down Kato and his men in tandem with the AFP (though later the MILF struggled to clarify that in doing so it would merely commit to serving as a Blocking Force to any AFP assault on Camp Omar ibn al Khattab.

GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Third Quarter of 2011, Part VI: Wikileaks Ruin the MILF's Day

Most people are aware of the website Wikileaks and its stated mission to lift the veil of secrecy that clouds all our lives. Founded by an Australian religious cultist cum computer hacker Julian Assange, the site has made international news headlines dozens of times for its suprising, neigh often startling revelations. The problem of course is that IF the information offered is "secret," there is no way to corroborate it. In fact, several major problems with Wikileaks' trust factor. For starters, his man in Sweden is a rabid Anti-Semite of the Nazi persuasion, "Israel Shamir." Shamir not only is a confirmed bigot but has been caught MANUFACTURING fake cables concerning Belarussia and its right wing dictator whom Shamir counts as a close personal friend. That is all fine and dandy but what in the world does THAT have to do with Southeast Asia, let alone the Philippines, and not even introducing Mindanao into the mix? Funny you should ask...

In short, absolutely nothing EXCEPT that with the veracity and authenticity of every nugget Wikileaks coughs up is in question, UNLESS partcipants themselves somehow corroborate the information therein, there is no way in which to accept these cables as authentic or at all believable. The Manila-based media outlet ABS-CBN has become a bit fixated on cables having to do with the MILF. Reporter Jojo Malig has produced a few srticles since late July dealing with MILF-centric cabels. At first the MILF played dumb, hoping that the hoopla would dissipate but of course we are just about into October and behold, here I am. In mid-September the MILF finally lost its cool. Did they get angry at the US State Department, the entity allegedly behind the cables? Did they get irate with peroxide blonde Julian Assange and his wacky website? Of course not, don't be silly. No, the MILF placed ABS-CBN reporter Jojo Malig on its shi* list and began tossing off higly acidic condemnations.

What was it that FINALLY got the MILF spinning its propellers? Malig slash ABS-CBN dared to publish excerpts from cables in which former Malaysian Facilitator to the Peace Process, Datuk Othman bin Abdul Razak clearly went above his pay grade and conveyed, seemingly unwittingly, that Malaysia had its own beady eye on the economic spoils in Mindanao and resented American influence in what Malaysia consider to be its own sphere of influence. Not only was America in Southeast Asia, it was in Islamic Southeast Asia.

It is ironic given the fact that in more than a dozen cables Othman practically begs the American Ambassador to Malaysia, Christopher J.Lafleur to expand its presence in Central Mindanao. Othman specifically asked America to involve itself in the "bakwit," or Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) dynamic as well as to build an institution to train future Filipino Muslim leaders. The last wish is a fine idea but the cultural parameters of Filipino Muslims are so far removed from the Liberally Democratic parameters of most any Western Culture.

On September 15th, 2011, the MILF Central Committee contacted ABS-CBN and asked the media giant to "discipline" its reporter, Jojo Maliga. Chairman of the Central Committee, Muhammed Ameen, criticised Maliga's September 9th article entitled, "MILF Talks Show Malaysia Eyes Mindanao," in which Maliga posted excerpts from Wikileak Cables in which Othman did exactly as Maliga claimed. Says Ameen, "The newscaster must be reprimanded or axed immediately for violating the ethics of journalism [sic]." Let us hope Ameen wasn't speaking literally when he demanded that Mr.Maliga be axed. After all, the fun loving folks in the MILF Shari'a Supreme Court HAS had men decapitated over less serious crimes.


Jojo Maliga's other articles, and many cables never published, show perfectly the naked, unadulterated pro-MILF bias that caused the Philippine Government to nearly sacrifice the entire Peace Process in order to ensure Othman's permanent removal as Facilitator. I'll spare the petty drama regarding the entire replacement process since I have discussed it in depth in other "GPH-MILF Peace Process" entries.

I will offer some juicy excerpts from the Wikileaks Cables that perfectly frame the GPH campaign to replace Othman and how the Philippine Government really had no choice in the matter.


Cable #08KL94, transmitted in February of 2008 from Ambassador Christopher J.Lafleur at the American Embassy in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia to the U.S. State Department in condensed and paraphrased form is as follows:

In February of 2008 Ambassador Lafleur conferred with Datuk Othman bin Abdul Razak during the latter's visit to the US Embassy to Malaysia, in Kuala Lampur. The major point of discussion was the December 2007 failure of the most recent Formal Round, in what both Panels labeled, "Proximity Talks." Othman 'regretted' that the GHP (then known as the GRP, or Government of the Republic of the Philippines before being changed to Government of the Philippines, GPH) Peace Panel wasn't permitted to discuss Governance since both the MILF AND Othman felt that Governance is the most important aspect on the table. Othman suggested to the author that the then-impasse might be resolved via a "secret codicil," or secret Agreement. Othman said that in the February 8th of 2008 Executive Session between Panel Chairmen and one Peace Panelist from each side, he had tabled the idea about the secret Agreement but that the GPH Panel hadn't discussed it and had begged off saying that it would have to discuss the suggestion with President Arroyo and her Cabinet first. Datuk Othman explained that the aforementioned "Secret Codicil" could be in the form of an Interim Agreement

Othman then began discussing how there had been a marked increase of armed contacts between the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines, and the BIAF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces as the MILF's military wing is known. The inference of course being that was a direct correlation to the MILF's frustration at the floundering Peace Process. He discussed how the increase in armed contacts had begun just after the collapse of the December 2007 Formal Round (Proximity Talks) in Kuala Lampur, and that IF the GPH Peace Panel didn't show some gumption and sincerity in the Peace Process the Malaysian Government would drop out of the IMT, or International Monitoring Team, a Malaysian led Security Force that are mandated to serve as a buffer force between acrimonious positions of AFP and BIAF. In fact, Othman warned that his Government might withdraw its IMT contingent "at any time."

Cable #06KL1812, transmitted on September 27th, 2006, once again, by Ambassador Lafleur from the US Embassy in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia, to the US State Department in Washington D.C.

Regarding a conversation between the US Embassy's Political Counselor (Political Officer) and Facilitator Othman centering upon the GPH-MILF Peace Process. Othman pressured America to lean on then-President Arroyo. "Compared with his views in early August, Othman's outlook on the Peace Process was far more negative and more partisan in favor of the MILF negotiating position." "Othman continues to show strong pro-Moro sympathies in our meetings and does not hide his view that at this juncture at least, compromises should come from Manila, not from the MILF." "While acknowledging that he risked being labeled as partisan at this juncture, he placed the blame for the current 'impasse' on the GRP (the GRP being the old abbreviation for the Government of the Republic of the Philippines. In September of 2010 the Government changed its official designation to GPH, or Government of the Philippines)." "Othman urged the U.S. To exert diplomatic pressure on Manila to offer more compromise on the issiue of Moro-administered territory." "Othman clearly intended his comments to influence US views in support of international pressure on Manila."

I mean, really, it truly does not get any clearer than that. The Facilitator's role is to remain absolutely neutral and above the communal fray. Yet here was Othman trying to cajole the United States into twisting the Philippine Government's arm so as to achieve a more advantageous position for the MILF/BIAF. The GPH insistence on the replacement of Othman before resumption of Talks in 2010 was widely perceived to be a simple delaying tactic. In reality noone can help but see just how foul Othman really is.

More over, Cable #07KL496, also from Ambassador Lafleur to the State Department, had Othman blaming the AFP for all the armed contacts between the AFP and the BIAF. In his eyes the Government could nothing right.

Cable #06KL2235, again, Ambassador Lafleur to the State Department, offers more of the same bias, "The Malaysian Facilitator notably continued to place the onus for compromise on Manila rather than the MILF."

Aside from Othman's bias and the illustration of just why the Government went to such lengths to excise Othman from the Peace Process are well worth the reading. I had included a scant reference to Othman's suggested "Secret Codicil" which of course ended up evolving into the failed 2008 Interim Agreement commonly referred to, the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain, or the MoA-AD. Like so many other subjects THAT is clearly worth at least one entry all its own.

GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Third Quarter of 2011, Part V

It certainly has been a rollercoaster ride these last two months. From the brink of war at the end of July over the Government's interminable delays in turning over its long promised Draft Comprehensive Compact, to near fever pitch excitement (if you root for the MILF) and trepidation (if you hope to see the nation remain intact) just a few days later with the secret meeting in Japan, to the entire Peace Process hitting a brick wall on August 23rd as the GPH Peace Panel stormed out of the conference room in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia over MILF abuse after the latter finally got its paws on the aforementioned GPH Draft Comprehensive Compact the day before. From the ashes of August 23rd glimmers have since appeared and when, on September, 6th, 2011 Chairman of the MILF Peace Panel, Mohagher Iqbal travelled to Davao City for a warm up "Focus Forum," observers began paying careful attention to what Iqbal had to say. The Davao Forum was merely a dry run before travelling north to the Central Philippines in a short but very meaningful round of "Focus Forums" well outside the MILF comfort zone of Central Mindanao. By the time the Visayan sojourn finished, on September 10th, any doubt that the Peace Process was still in existence had dissipated.

The Visayan Round, consisting of a press conference and two forums on three Visayan islands of:

1) Cebu

2) Bohol

3) Negros

was sponsored by the Davao City-based NGO, Initiative for International Dialogue, or IID, in conjunction with various local partners. In the warm up forum in Davao City, Iqbal was joined by Irish Minister of Parliament, Dominick Hannigan. MP Hannigan does double duty as the Chairman of the Committee of Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. Signed in 1998 the document served as an FPA, or Final Peace Agreement between the IRA, or Irish Republican Army, Great Britain, and Britain's allies amongst the Protestant paramilitaries in Northern Ireland. Ireland is a traditionally Catholic nation but under domination from England mostly Scottish Protestants were transported into Ireland to help consolidate the English grip upon the land and its people. Shortly after the turn of the 20th Century the Irish rose up and eventually were able to achieve independence EXCEPT FOR for a northern portion that came to be called, "Northern Ireland."

Northern Ireland remained a British territory despite the vast majority of its inhabitants being indigenous Irish Catholics. The Scots-Irish, Protestants like the English, desired to remain one with England while virtually all Irish Catholics wanted either union with Ireland, or else indepence of its own. Britain doesn't relinquish land easily and so it was with Northern Ireland. Communal warfare ended up killing 3,000 under attacks that included a fair dose of terrorism on the part of the IRA and to a much lesser extent the Protestant paramilitaries. Finally, all three sides were able to reach the Good Friday Agreement satisfying all but a tiny iota of radicals in both the Catholic and the Protestant Communities.

The MILF has often looked towards the Good Friday Agreement as a working template for a Mindanowan peace agreement. To the laymen the conflict in Mindanao between the Government and the MILF certainly appears to be a conflict based upon ethno-religious sectarianism. In reality it is far more complicated. In Northern Ireland one can easily log the trajectory of the conflict from its baseline at the point where merry ole' England set its beady little eyes on poor old Ireland. One can observe all the incremental periods, all the issues neatly layered but what could one do with the MILF conflict in Mindanao? It isn't a case of proverbial "apples and oranges." It is much more like a case of "apples and goldfish."

In any event, MP Hannigan was spending three fun filled weeks in the Philippines fufilling a parliamentarian requirement to volunteer in charitable endeavours overseas. The programme, under the auspices of the NGO, Volunteers Overseas, or VSO, places skilled volunteers in the so called "Developing World." On the day in question, September 6th, MP Hannigan joined Chairman Iqbal, Peace Panelist, Professor Abhoud Syed Lingga, and Chairman of the MILF Peace Panel Secretariat, Jun Mantawil for the Forum in Davao, entitled, "Good Friday Agreement and the GPH Peace Agreement," at Ateneo de Davao University. The three hour programme at the school's Finster Building was moderated by Executive Director, Agusto "Gus" Miclat Jr. of the sponsoring NGO, the aforementioned IIC.

In Chairman Iqbal's speech he offered what he creatively labeled an "Update on the Peace Process," Iqbal gave a very condensed briefing about the "secret meeting" that took place between President Aquino and MILF Chairman al Haj Murad Iqbal on August 4th. Then, segueing into the August 22nd Government handover of its long awaited Draft Comprehensive Compact, where Iqbal spent the most time talking. No real suprises but a couple of interesting anecdotes. As Chairman of the MILF Peace Panel Iqbal met with his GPH counterpart, Mario Victor "Marvic" Leonen during the one hour Executive Session that took place first thing on August 22nd the two had a very heated exchange. According to Iqbal, Leonen tried to discuss the infamous Kumander Kato and his renegade military organisation, BIFF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters. Iqbal refused to discuss it, reminding Leonen that the first course of business was the scheduled submission of the GPH Draft Comprehensive Agreement. Chairperson Leonen wouldn't play ball. Everytime Iqbal reminded Leonen that the GPH Draft was supposed to have been submitted back in March of 2011, Leonen would get angrier and angrier. Finally, with assistance from Malaysian Facilitator Datuk Ab Tengku Ghafar Tengku Mohammed, Iqbal was able to remain focused enough so as to bend Leonen's considerable will and get his way.

With that highly contentious issue settled they immediately opened the door and quickly went into the prefunctory diplomatic niceties before getting to the meat and bones of the meeting, the GPH Draft. Iqbal and the MILF Peace Panel refused to comment and informed Leonen that they would adjourn and study the GPH Draft overnight and offer their take on it as the first order of business the next morning, August 23rd, in plenary session. From there it is just a rehash of the same information I have posted in other "GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Third Quarter of 2011" entries.

On September 8th, Iqbal, Lingga, and Mantawil flew from Davao City to Cebu Island where the group, accompanied by IID Executive Director Agusto "Gus" Miclat Jr. The next morning, September 9th, the group travelled to Cebu City's Barangay Lahug for a press confrence held at Pino Filipino Cuisine on Wilson Street. The conference lasted a bit more than 2 hours and was scantily attended by less than a dozen media outlets. After finishing at 1PM the group travelled to Mactan, a suburb of Cebu City, and boarded a speed boat for the ride to Bohol, the second stop on their Visayan Tour.

Arriving in Bohol's Tagbiliran City, site of the second Forum, entilted, "Civil Society Dialogue with the MILF Peace Panel," at the University of Bohol. After a ahort opening speech by the university's President, Iqbal once again stepped to the podium. The speech, entitled, "Peace is the Concern of All," began with Chairman Iqbal touching upon local history to pique the attention of the nearly 400 attendees. Iqbal mentiomed that Bohol is the site of two blood compacts between local chiefs and allied foreigners. As Iqbal noted, the first compact took place on March 16th, 1565 between Datu Sikatuna of Bo'ol, Datu Sigala of Loboc, and the Spanish Conquistador, Legazpi. The three vowed to regard each other peacefully. The second compact, according to Iqbal, took place between an unknown Boholano datu and Rajah Laut Buisan, the military commander of the Maguindanao Sultanate in what is today Central Mindanao, citing the claim of Cesar Majul.

Iqbal, in a congratulatory tone informed his listeners that Bohol was home to the Daguhoy Revolt, the longest single insurrection in the Philippines. Led by Francisco Daguhoy the rebellion lasted from 1744 to 1829. That is ironic given the Filipino Muslim spiel about how the Filipino Muslims are now engaged in a 500 year rebellion.

Next on the menu was the revolt led by Tamblot in 1621. Tamblot was a babaylan, or shaman, and led his warriors against the Spanish in a noble but failed effort to save his tribe's indigenous faith. Naturally Iqbal was attempting to draw parallels between Tamblon's efforts to save his religion and therefore his way of life and the Filipino Muslim's struggle to do the same. In another ironic twist, in my previous "GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Third Quarter of 2011" entry I discussed the MILF's incredibly silly, "Top 10 List of Spoilers of the Peace Process." On that list the MILF took Manila-based journalist Ramon "Mon" Tulfo to task for daring to maintain that the GPH-MILF conflict is religio-culturally based whereas the MILF is insistent that it is entirely political. The MILF, after 24 years, has still not managed to compose a coherent platform, nor a half-way believable historical narrative.

Finishing in Bohol the group returned to the speed boat and departed for the ride back to Cebu City where they retired for the evening. Very early the next morning, September 10th, the group hopped in the same speed boat for the long ride to Negros Island, the site of their third and last stop. Landing in Bacolod City they quickly met with the co-sponser of the Negros Forum, Director Rhoderick Samonte of the Negros-based NGO, Institute for Negros Development, before heading to Saint Lasalle University for their Forum at 130PM. Entitled, "Dialogue Mindanao," IIC Executive Director Gus Miclat gave a presentation on citizen participation in the Peace Process being absolutely vital to its success. Next up was Iqbal with a speech entitled, "The Collective Security of the Moros is Threatened."

Iqbal began an almost verbatim rendering of the arrogant nuttiness used by Peace Panelist, Datu Michael O.Mastura in just about every one of his speaking engagements. Iqbal stood there telling bold faced lie after bold faced lie. Some gems:

"A century ago Moros controlled 98% of Mindanao." OK, let us imagine that he wasn't referring to 1911 and instead take it back to the height of Islamic influence and/or power on Mindanao. IF so, Muslims controlled less than 15% of the entire island. From Cagayan del Oro City on the north coast, moving east, rounding the island onto its east coast and moving all the way to the southern coast, AND THEN, continuing along the southern coast as far as Sarangani Bay, ALL THAT was controlled by indigenous Bisaya. The Butuanons, the Suriganon, the Karaga, these were ALL Bisaya Tribes. Butuan was trading with China nearly 1,000 years before the Maguindanao Tribe entered existence, let alone formed the Maguindanao Sultanate.

"Today only 12% of Mindanao is controlled by Muslims." Yes indeed and that is all they have ever controlled. Seems quite fare to me.

"From 1903 to 1915, Moro Province with its five districts:

1) Cotabato (including North Cotabato, South Cotabato, Sarangani, Maguindanao, and Sultan Kudarat Provinces)

2) Lanao (including both Lanao del Norte and Lanao del Sur Provinces)

3) Zamboanga (including Zamboanga del Norte, Zamboanga del Sur, and Zamboanga Sibugay Provinces)

4) Davao (Davao del Sur, Davao del Norte, Davao Oriental, and Compostela Valley Provinces)

5) Sulu (Sulu, Basilan, and part of Tawi Tawi Province)

was 90% Moro and indigenous people." OK, even if we ignore how Iqbal slid "indigenous people" in as an afterthought, he still was 100% wrong. The Spanish never took a census outside of a couple of small settlements on the coast. Neither did the Americans, except for Christians and not including "los Conquistas," the Spanish term applied to first or second generation converts to Christianity. Examining the (US) Congressional Record, Edition #4791, "Report of the (Philippine) Commission," pp5 and 6, we find America extrapolating other data to come to a reasonable estimate of population in Moro Province, and demographically breaking it down. I will quote from pp5, verbatim, "There has never been an accurate census taken of the non-Christian population."

Within Moro Province there were, in 1904, 66,000 Christian Filipinos. The Americans state that the overall population of Moro Province was 500,000. It then says of the 444,0000 people tallied as "non-Christian," 290,000 were what we now call "Lumad," and what Iqbal creatively labeled "indigenous people." So, 290,000 Lumad, 66,000 Christian, and the remainder tallied as Muslims, less than 150,000. Of that less than 150,000 Muslims, they include the population of Sulu, Basilan, and Tawi Tawi. If we are discussing Mainland Mindanao there were just as many Christians as there were Muslims and Moro Province is but one of three provinces on Mindanao! Factor in Surigao and Misamis Provinces, both having zero Muslims at that time (even today Caraga Region, most of what was contained within Surigao Province, has less than 1,400 Muslims!). Iqbal, like the entire Bangsamoro narrative is a fraud.

Next Chairman Iqbal launched into an angry screed about Land Laws from the American Era; the Public Land Act #2874, of 1919 allowed land purchases up to a maximum of 24 hectares UNLESS one was Muslim in which case the maximum was 10 hectares. Sounds very unfair BUT one needs to be aware of the proper context before considering its fairness. Every Islamicised tribe in that era was ruled by potentates, whether a Datu, Rajah, OR Sultan who held each subject's life entirely in his hands. There was absolutely no private land ownership. The Datu, Rajah, OR Sultan owned 100% of the land in a given area. Slavery still existed but even so called "freemen" were bound to their ruler and had no choice in any matter, large OR small.

Since wresting the Southern Philippines from Spain in 1899 the Americans had been doing their best to subvert the power of the Datus, Rajahs, and the Sultans. The Americans correctly believed that if and when implementing private land ownership schemes, the Muslim Rulers would subvert the 24 hectare maximum limit simply by buying vast tracts of land in the names of their subjects. It wasn't that the Americans were trying to prejudice the system against Muslims but more like they were trying to offer an affirmative action type boost to disadvantaged non-Muslims.

Other than the Mastura-like diatribe I just related, both the Negros AND the Bohol speeches focused on two underlying themes:

1) The Peace Process began in 1997 and therefore has gone on far too long. Filipino-Muslims cannot negotiate forever.

2) The MILF has rejected four GPH entreaties to involve itself in the ARMM, or the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. It sees the ARMM as a failure and view it as being incompatible with the MILF vision and platform.

At least the MILF is still involving itself in the Peace Process. A lying and scheming MILF involved in Talks is still a whole lot better than an earnest and honest MILF rejecting the Peace Process as a waste of time.

GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Third Quarter of 2011, Part IV: MILF's Top 10 List and August Re-cap

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