Showing posts with label BIFF. Show all posts
Showing posts with label BIFF. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 5, 2011

GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Fourth Quarter of 2011, Part I: Kumander Kato Takes a Hike

Probably the most newsworthy of stories coming out of the GPH-MILF Peace Process in all of 2011 has been the Kumander Kato story. As many readers already know, Kumander Ustadz Ameril Ombra Kato was the one person most responsible for the 2008 War. Commanding the 105 Base Command, the largest and most powerful of all the BIAF (Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces as the military wing of the MILF is known) Base Commands, Kato led his men in the attack on and susbsequent occupation of the PALMMA Complex in North Cotabato Province just after the failed signing of the GPH-MILF Interim Agreement popularly known as the MoA-AD, or Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain, on August 4th, 2008. Operating in tandem with Kato was the 102 and 103 Base Commands in the Lanao Region and between these three Base Commands, collectively (and incorrectly) labeled as "Lawless Elements" (meaning that they were operating outside of the MILF/BIAF Chain of Command which of course was utter nonsense), they terrorised 70% of Mindanao for the better part of a year and a half.

When, in July of 2009, both the Philippine military and the MILF re-established their spotty Ceasefire Kato was left out of the loop. Orders were being transmitted from the BIAF General Staff directly to Kato's subordinates but much more importantly Kato hadn't been consulted when the MILF/BIAF leadership had been negotiating the terms that led to each side uni-laterally declaring their respective SOMO/SOMAs (Stop of Military Operation/Stop of Military Actions). Kato felt that he was being made a scapegoat for the 2008 War and sacrificed by his organisation. Kato also felt that the MILF leadership had forgotten the teachings and principles of its late founder and Chairman, Hashim Salamat.

In a bit of childish egotism Kato decided to "test" the MILF leadership by tendering his resignation from the BIAF, the military wing, citing his age and increasing physical infirmities. He then had his core following and the civilians within his AOR, or Area of Responsibility (as in "Area of Operations") submit emotionally laden petitions in which they demanded that the MILF Central Committee reject Kato's Letter of Resignation. Kato admits that even he was suprised when the Central Committee accepted his resignation without a murmur, let alone even a mentioning of the petitions that had been submitted. In Kato's own words it was then that he resolved to leave the organisation.

Having accepted Kato's resignation the BIAF promoted a more moderate sub-Kumander named Zacarias Goma to replace Kato as overall commander, or "Kumander," of the 105 Base Command. Leaving the BIAF is not synonymous with leaving the MILF and so the Central Committee put Kato out to pasture as an "Advisor" to the MILF Shari'a Court (Islamic Court) with concurrent- but non-existent- responsibilities with the MILF Da'wa Committee (Islamic Outreach). Kato ignored the snub and declared the founding of BIFF, or the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters. BIFF, as Kato described it at the time, was not an independent organisation but rather a new faction WITHIN the MILF/BIAF that aimed to remain true to the teachings of MILF founder Hashim Salamat. Ensconcing himself in the 105 Base Command's main base, Camp Omar ibn Khattab in Maguindanao Province, Kato continued his schizophrenic double talk of "not MILF/BIAF but still MILF/BIAF" and went about luring guerillas and sub-Kumanders from other Base Commands.

Kato's rationale in not burning his bridges with the MILF/BIAF was simple prudence. While still clinging to the organisation he and BIFF were all but immune from arrest, capture, and/or blatant attack from the AFP/PNP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines/Philippine National Police. The 2008 War had earned Kato a P10 Million ($215,000) bounty and at least 82 criminal charges most of which were Murder and Multiple Murder. Because of the GPH-MILF Peace Process the Government was and remains today very careful about going after any member of the MILF/BIAF. The few that have been apprehended were nabbed well outside of MILF/BIAF AOR. For example, MILF Central Committee member Abraham Yap Alonto who is much better known by the alias Eduardo Guerra (even the MILF has a sense of humor, "Guerra" being Spanish for "War"); Alonto/Guerra was only captured when he stupidly left the safety of the MILF/BIAF AOR and entered Davao City which for better or worse is deemed neutral territory. Still, authorities were so cautious that they waited until their target had physically boarded an airplane that then left the terminal and hovered on the tarmac.

Kato remained both associated with the MILF/BIAF AND well inside one of the BIAF camps formally recognised by the Government during the GPH-MILF Peace Process. Meanwhile, the GPH Peace Panel manipulated this internal MILF/BIAF issue for all it is worth. The focus of the GPH-MILF Peace Process, for all of 2011 thus far, should have been the Comprehensive Compact. The Comprehensive Compact is the blueprint for the envisioned Interim Agreement that will allow both sides to coast almost effortlessly to the FPA, or the Final Peace Agreement. In the Philippine approach Interim Agreements are the actual "peace treaties" while FPAs are merely a legal afterthought and truth be told we might as well omit the "legal" aspect because, as we see with the MNLF, CPLA, RPM-M, and RPM-P FPAs, the Government never worries itself with the upholding of its end of FPAs. Interim Agreements bring the "reward," and act as the "end game." Instead, the GPH Peace Panel focused on Kato.

The MILF Peace Panel turned over their revised draft of its Comprehensive Compact in February. The GPH Peace Panel was to reciprocate the following month, March. From March until August 22nd the Government has played footsy with the MILF and tried its best to deflect attention away from that crucial issue by focusing upon the rift within the ranks of the MILF/BIAF. Don't get me wrong, Kato and his BIFF is indeed a serious matter that definitely is deserving of the GPH Peace Panel's time and energy. IF the Interim Agreement is ever inked, how will BIFF and its position outside of the MILF/BIAF Chain of Command affect the Interim Agreement? If BIFF attacks a municipality and the AFP responds, would neighbouring BIAF Base Commands involve themselves on the side of BIFF? If the PNP attempts to serve an arrest warrant on a BIFF member within the MILF/BIAF AOR would the BIAF use it as a pretext to engage Government forces? Still, it is nowhere near an important an issue as the Comprehensive Compact. Put technically, Kato is a Side Table issue, the meat and potatoes is the Comprehensive Compact.

To offer a prime example of how the GPH Peace Panel has manipulated the Kato imbroglio, in that aforementioned August 22nd, 2011, 22nd Exploratory Round, which took place in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia, the GPH Peace Panel was once agaim scheduled to turn over its long awaited Comprehensive Compact. As the Round opened GPH Peace Panel Chairperson Mario Victor "Marvic" Leonen asked for an hour delay in officialy opening the plenary session so as to converse with his MILF counterpart, Mohagher Iqbal, in a side conference in an adjoining anteroom. Peeved but with little choice in the matter Iqbal, along with Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Abdullah Ghafar Tengku Mohammed proceeded into the anteroom where Leonen once again attempted to steer procedings towards yet another discussion of the BIFF issue. After nearly an hour that had both Chairpeople screaming at the top of their lungs Chairperson Leonen was forced to comply with the scheduled itinerary. Since I have discussed that very contentious Round and the MILF's disgust with the GPH Comprehensive Compact in two other "GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Third Quarter of 2011" entries I will segue directly back into my current topic, Kato, BIFF and Kato's manipulation of the BIFF issue vis a vis his refusal to claim outright secession from the MILF/BIAF organisation.

It took the MILF Central Committee a full year to grow a spine and take action on the matter. In the interim two other BIAF Base Commands almost collapsed as their core followings jumped ship to BIFF, resulting in the creation of a new Base Command, the 118, to try and act as a magnet for any disaffected guerillas within those two other Base Commands, the 104 and the 106. The MILF Central Committee was terrified of acting decisively against Kato and BIFF because it would be perceived by many BIAF guerillas as if the MILF leadership was in collusion with Manila, if not simply doing its bidding. While most of the BIAF wasn't about to join BIFF many, if not most within the military wing, viewed Kato as an icon of the Islamic Insurgency no matter what label he applied to himself. So, in between sending emissaries to Camp Omar ibn al Khattab the MILF Central Committee had its Ulama Council act in its stead.

To most lay people the "Bangsamoro Supreme Ulama Council," or BSUC, is an independent body of Islamic clerics but the fact of the matter is that it is an MILF entity just as the Bangsamoro Consultative Assembly, the Institute for Bangsamoro Studies, and the BDA, or Bangsamoro Development Agency are as well. Led by Sheikh Jamil Datu Haron Yahya, a Maranaw (Maranao) Tribesman from Marawi City in Lanao del Sur Province, the BSUC is a handy standby when the MILF seeks to show the outside world how it speaks for the Philippine Muslims of Mainland Mindanao.

Sheikh Yahya is a 66 year old graduate of the Medina Islamic University of Saudi Arabia. Usually seen in a purple silk caftan that would make Liberace faint from jealousy and topped with a purple turban that wonderfuly frames his Old Testament-like flowing white beard Yahya leads 125 clerics who issue rubber stamp approvals for the MILF Central Committee. When the MILF, who prides itself on absolute non-involvement in Philippine politics, had the BSCU issue its infamous Fatwa against former President Joseph "Erap" Estrada (along with Senator Franlin Drilon and Manuel "Mar" Roxas III) in the 2010 Presidential Campaign, the MILF flaunted the pronouncement while abdicating all responsibility for it, since it came from an "independent" entity. When the MILF needs some distance from anything that may be construed negatively by the Philippines' non-Muslim majority it unleashes its sock puppet Yahya to do its bidding.

While the aforementioned Fatwa is a good example it pales against the MILF's reaction to the death of Osama Bin Laden. After an MILF Central Committee member was caught supporting the terrorist icon the organisation as a whole backpedaled furiously in a mad race to distance itself from that clusterfuc* of a geopolitical nightmare while still saving face amongst Philippine Muslims who by and large supported Bin Laden and continue to view him favourably many months after his demise. Enter Sheikh Yahya, stage right. Back in October of 2001, just one month after 9/11, Yahya signed up at least 6,000 Filipino Muslims in the Lanao region to go to Afghanistan to fight in support of al Qadah and the Taliban. Most assuredly never left Mindanao but only because Yahya was unable to obtain the P40,000 ($800) per man needed to smuggle them to Afghanistan via a very circuitous route starting in Jolo, in Sulu Province. Much more recently, on May 6th, 2011, Yahya led a "Memorial Service" for Bin Laden at the Quiapo Golden Masjid in Metro Manila. He then accompanied marchers as they left the masjid (synonymous with "mosque") on Globo de Oro Street and threaded their way towards Roxas Boulevard and what they hoped was a march on the US Embassy. Interestingly, but NOT suprisingly, people close to Yahya tried to engage in damage control BEFORE the protest by claiming that the sheikh had only thought he was involved in a demonstration in support of former Libyan Dictator Khadaffi (not much damage control one reckons). However, the comments made both within the masjid whose 5,000 person capacity was far exceeded and in the march that followed dispell the claims that Sheikh Yahya wasn't acting in concert with the demonstrators.

Then, when just two weeks later the USS Carl Vinson, the American Aircraft Carrier that dumped Bin Laden's maggot laden corpse (pun perhaps intended) docked at Manila for a port call it was Yahya once again who lionised Bin Laden and demonised Americans whom he ridiculously claimed were "the world's number one terrorist." Co-incidentally the Khadaffi issue was another "MILF but not MILF" public relations nightmare. Libya has long been the patron saint of Mindanao's Islamic Insurgency. He has lent support to all three of its major organisations:

1) MNLF

2) MILF

3) Abu Sayyaf Group

and was single handedly responsible for bringing the MNLF into the OIC, or, Organisation of Islamic Countries, a move which forced then-Dictator Marcos into the GPH-MNLF Peace Process. It was only when the OIC turned on Khadaffi this past summer when the MILF finally took an official stance that criticised everyone's favourite crossdressing Islamo-fascist. Sheikh Yahya however has continued supporting Khadaffi and thereby representing the MILF's actual sentiments far more accurately than the single news release (all four sentences of it) that "criticised" him.

On June 27th, 2011 the BSCU labeled Kato a "Bughaat," an admonishment in Arabic akin to labeling one a "renegade," and cautioned Kumander Kato to make amends with MILF Chairman al Haj Murad Ebrahim. It reminded Kato that he had comitted himself to unflinching support of the MILF/BIAF via his "Bayat," or "Holy Vow of Obesiance" and that unless al Haj Murad Embrahim sinned unrepentantly, it was forbidden to withdraw support for the leader and his organisation. Theologically speaking the BSCU is basically correct but to Kato's way of thinking the MILF, under Ebrahim, has distanced itself so far from the goals and ideals of Hashim Salamat that the Bayat no longer stands. It is a situation entirely open for interpretation. Kato himself is just as educated as Sheikh Yahya, even attending that same university before graduating from another Saudi institution, and so he feels that he is at least just as qualified to make that judgement call. On July 5th the MILF Central Committee backed a Resolution (#03-06-2011) "accepting" the BSCU's labeling of "Bugha'at" and fowarded it for MILF Chairman al Haj Murad Ebrahim's signature. Ebrahim was of course cautious about signing this Resolution despite it merely being an admonishment with no teeth. Finally, feeling more secure after the August 4th meeting in Japan between himself and President Aquino, Ebrahim signed on the dotted line, on August 18th.

Finally, on September 10th, with Kato ignoring the Central Committee Resolution, the BSCU gave Kato 14 days to "repent" and make amends with the MILF Central Committe lest he be declared persona non grata by the MILF/BIAF (Hey! I thought that the BSCU was "independent" of the MILF!). Kato knew that this juncture would eventually come and so he has prepared accordingly and has even founded a political wing, the BIFM, or Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Movement, albeit one devoid of any real ideology apart from the MILF circa 2002. Forwarded to the MILF Central Committee the warning was finally transmitted to Kato on September 12th so that the deadline ended up becoming September 26th. The deadline came and went and so the MILF Central Committee was able to finally say that the Ulama (Islamic Scolars) gave Kato an ultimatum that he failed to acknowledge and that because of Kato's refusal to do so he left the MILF no choice but to publicly declare him persona non grata. The MILF Central Committee finally produced an official Resolution saying as much, signed by Chairman Ebrahim on September 30th, and even went so far as to commit itself towards jointly hunting down Kato and his men in tandem with the AFP (though later the MILF struggled to clarify that in doing so it would merely commit to serving as a Blocking Force to any AFP assault on Camp Omar ibn al Khattab.

Thursday, September 1, 2011

MILF Armed Contacts for the Third Quarter of 2011, Part II: Bombs Away Part 3

In my first two "Bombs Away" entries, both being "MILF Armed Contacts for the Second Quarter of 2011" I discussed how the MILF's military wing, the BIAF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, must find novel ways in which to raise funds. In the early years of the MILF Insurgency, from 1977 to about 1984 the organisation was much more cohesive. Founder, and then Chairman Hashim Salamat had served in the MNLF as its Chairman of Foreign Affairs (in addition to a concurrent role as Chairman of the Kutawato Revolutionary Committee, the MNLF political entity responsible for most of Central Mindanao(. In his role with the Foreign Affairs Committee Salamat liasoned with both political representatives AND intelligence agencies from several Muslim nations. Some, particularly the petrol-rich Gulf States were more then generous with providing support to the MNLF.

In 1976 MNLF Chairman Nur Misuari rode roughshod over both the MNLF Central Committee AS WELL AS its Executive Committee in trying to reach a consensus on the FPA, or Final Peace Agreement brokered by Libya. Known as "Tripoli 76" the FPA became a massive bone of contention and very quickly the MNLF imploded into several factions, one of which became, in 1981, the MILF/BIAF. Though support was nothing like the sort enjoyed by the MNLF it was still sufficient enough for the nascent organisation whose now infamous exponential growth only began in 1986 as the MNLF and GPH, or Government of the Philippines (then still known as the "GRP," or "Government of the Republic of the Philippines) began yet another interminable slow dance around a true lasting and just settlement.

Before too long however the MILF/BIAF's growth outpaced its resources and so the MILF Central Committee drew back on expidentures. Field Divisions (Base Commands only entered existence after the Buliok Complex War in 2003) were told to begin working towards self sufficiency. More than a few Field Divisions instructed their constituent brigades to do the same and by the end of the 1980s the Kidnap For Ransom Industry had become firmly entrenched throughout the MILF/BIAF AOR, or Area of Responsibility (as in "Area of Operation"). Though lucrative KFR wasn't going to support more than a few brigades. A more widely applicable endeavour presented itself in the form of Extortion and Protection Rackets. In this way groups were able to cast a much wider net, targeting municipal governments and corporations that would be invulnerable to KFR.

Today it is a very simple proposition. A letter is sent, a demand is made. If the target(s) balk, or do the insane thing and refuse, then the gloves quickly come off. The usual device is a 60MM or 81MM mortar shell, 9Volt battery charge, and Nokia cellphone trigger. The bomber simply dials a phone number and BOOM. The sickening aspect to all this is that if they chose, the Extortionists chose, they could very easily avoid human casualties. Targeting valuable business equipment would be very effective. Instead the bombers go after packed busses, or stores during the mid-day rush.

As I noted in my last "Bombs Away" entry, number two, the municipality of Kidapawan City in North Cotabato Province is once again under attack by the al Khobar Group. al Khobar is composed of BIAF guerillas though by all accounts there is no discussion, let alone approval of these Extortion activities by the BIAF General Staff OR MILF Central Committee. The worst that the MILF/BIAF hierachy can be accused of is willfull ignorance. Playing the devil's advocate however, there is no tight chain of command within the organisation. Take for example, the incident I covered in my recent entry, "MILF Armed Contacts for the Third Quarter of 2011, Part I" where I discussed the sub-conflict in the municipality of Datu Piang in Maguindanao Province. There, the BIAF's 106 Base Command under sub-Kumander Adzie has been going mano a mano with sub-Kumander Abu Nuwas of BIFF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters, the newest Islamo-fascist organisation on Mindanao. Though the fighting stopped on August 24th they had been warring since August 6th in what merely represents the latest round in a feud spanning half a decade.

The fighting began just prior to the latest formal Round in the GPH-MILF Peace Peocess, an absolutely crucial meeting for a number of reasons (please refer to my "GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Third Quarter of 2011"). Ergo the MILF Central Committee was absolutely desperate to squelch the fighting in Datu Piang. The Central Committee directly ordered sub-Kumander Adzie to cease and desist, to pull back into his camp and relegate his men to defencive posture. Adzie simply ignored the order. The Central Committee then deployed a team of Islamic clerics to reign their man in. Again, with no success. With the Peso spigot closed tightly there isn't much incentive for a BIAF line officer to kpwtow to a non-combatant sitting on the Central Committee.

al Khobar today is centered in the BIAF's 105 Base Command, under sub-Kumander Zabide "Bedz" Abdul, in his camp located in the municipality of Guindulungan's Barangay Pawas, in Maguindanao Province. Obstensibly operating without a direct mandate from the MILF/BIAF.

Due to the rash of bombings lately PRO-12, or Police Regional Office for Region 12, held a seminar on bomb awareness in the North Cotabato Provincial Capital Complex in Barangay Amas. That very night another bombing took place, just a street away. At 10PM that evening Mamapan Dimalen arrived in Kidapawan City by bus from the municipality of Guindulungan in Maguindanao Province. Meeting him at the bus terminal was Kalim Indigay, a resident of Sitio Pagagao in Kidapawan City's Barangay Patadon. Indigay was to guide Dimalan who had never been to the city.


As the pair made their way to Barangay Amas Dimalan revealed that their target was to be a National Irrigation Authority branch office. Taking a triksiad (most basic form of public transport, an offroad motorcycle with a fabricated aluminum shell with two bench seats for fares and an extra wheel like a sidecar) to the general vicinity before deciding to walk the last couple of blocks. As they approached the target though the IED, or Improvised Explosive Device (as in "bomb") prematurely detonated. Mamapan Dimalen died instantly, his head and extremities strewn across a bloody trail nearly a block long. Because he was nearly three meters away from the detonation Kalim Indigay survived, albeit with extremely critical wounds.

Rushed to the hospital Indigay remained lucid and was immediately subjected to interrogation despite his grave condition. Identifying himself as a guerilla in the BMA, or Bangsamoro Army, the armed wing of the MNLF-Misuari Faction, serving under Kumander Usman Kautin. He said that both he and Dimalen regularly set IEDs and that they were both earning handsome fees for doing so. Then, 3 hours after the detonation Kalim Indigay bled out and died.

In the blast the home of Nonong Labog was riddled with shrapnel as well though none of his sleeping family were injured.

The next morning, Saturday, August 13th, 2011, two IEDs fashioned out of 81MM mortar shells were found primed and attacked to a NAPORCOR, or National Power Corporation pylon in the town of Guindulungan in Maguindanao Province. After an AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines) discovered the bombs. 6ID (Infantry Division) EOD, or Explosives and Ordnance Detachment safely removed the devices.

At noon that day, in Jolo City, on Sulu Province's Jolo Island, triksiad driver Hajulil Ayub was loading a package into his vehicle as it idled outside his home in the city's Barangay Kasultan when an alert passerby saw what he thought to be an IED. Notifying a nearby police officer who in turn approached the 28 year old triksiad driver to have a look see. Examining the package for himself the officer confirmed that the man had indeed been loading a powerful bomb into his vehicle. Arrested, Ayub is now within the confines of the Sulu Provincial Jail. Though there is a BIAF Base Command in the southernmost provinces of Mindanao, the 117, it is merely on one outlying island in Tawi Tawi Province. In Sulu there is a very small political bureau but it is inconsequential. The KFR Extortion Industries in Sulu Province are firmly under the control of ASG, or the Abu Sayyaf Group so that this IED at least is not related to MILF/BIAF activities.

Not long after, in Tacurong City in Sultan Kudarat Province, an alert vendor at the city bus terminal oversered a jeepney emptying its customers with a yellow sack remaining on the floor in the rear. Concerned, he alerted a police officer who discovered an IED fashioned from an 81MM mortar shell.

Saturday, August 20, 2011

MILF Armed Contacts for the Third Quarter of 2011, Part I: The 106 Base Command Battles BIFF in Datu Piang

Datu Piang was a half Chinese, half Maguindanowan Tribesman who lived at the tail end of the 19th Century. Piang was more or less a self made man. Son of a Maguindanowan concubine to the Rajah of Buayan and a favoured Chinese merchant she was gifted to he gambled his future on an alliance with the Americans. As Datu Ali inherited what was left of Buayan Datu Piang moved down river into the Cotabato Basin, to a lowland site in what is today Maguindanao Province. Eventually becoming the richest man in the Southern Philippines his climb to riches and fame was made over the broken backs of countless enemies and more than a few innocent bystanders. Like its namesake, the municipality of Datu Piang, in Maguindanao Province has never enjoyed more than a few peaceful days. Datu Piang is perhaps the most violent town in an extremely violent province which itself exists on the Philippine's most violent island.

In early August of 2010 a clash took place in Datu Piang between sub-Kumander Ustadz Akas "Adzmie" Kasim of the BIAF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (the military wing of the MILF) and sub-Kumander Ustadz Abu Nuwas "Bayawak" Ibad Maniog of the BIAF's 104 Base Command (see my entry entilted "MILF Armed Contacts for the Second and Third Quarters of 2010"). Both men are natives of Datu Piang's Barangay Alonganen and in fact are related to one another as indeed are most villagers living in that barangay. At stake was a 6 hectare tract of arable land immediately adjacent to the Pulangi River (Rio Grande del Mindanao), situated directly on the border of Datu Piang's Barangays Alonganen and Liong and a stone's throw from the infamous Liguasan Marsh. The conflicting claims on the untitled tract first turned violent in 2009 but was largely ignored by the Philippine Government and world at large. After all, any armed conflict in Central Mindanao must automatically be connected to War of 2008, a larger conflict that continued unabated until July of 2009, or so goes the popular assumption.

The firefights lasted only as long as the rice harvest since most of that 6 hectare tract had been cultivated with rice. As soon as the paddy was plowed under life returned to normal, at least as "normal" as it ever gets in Mindanao. Just before New Year 2011 sub-Kumander Bayawak (Abu Nawas) tendered his formal resignation to the MILF Central Committe and almost immediately afterward joined Kumander Ustadz Ameril Ombra Kato's Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters, or BIFF. Fast forward to July 20th, 2011. BIFF's Chief of Staff, sub-Kumander Karialan Indong personaly led an attack on BIAF 106 Base Command positions in Barangay Balanaken's Sitio Nimao after BIAF guerillas had been sighted on a security permiter established around that 6 hectare collection of rice paddies in Barangay Alonganen. As the BIAF responded by launching retaliattory strikes the wife of sub-Kumander Bayawak (Abu Nuwas) was critically wounded during a mortar volley.

After that initial attack in July both sides took a step back from that bloody abyss and orally agreed to resolve their differences in a non-violent manner, despite the wounds inflicted on sub-Kumander Adzmie. That agreement held fast for a little more than two weeks. On August 6th Abu Nuwas led his men on an attack against Adzmie's men in their camp in Barangay Alonganen. Even before the shooting began that morning hundreds of families had began fleeing. Quickly joining them were families from the adjacent barangays Liong and Balanaken. The town's Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School has long served as the municipality's IDP, or Internally Displaced Persons centre. By night fall on August 6th the official IDP tally stood at 482 families, of which 190 came from Balakaken, 180 from Liong, and 112 from Alonganen. In the Philippines a "family" is assumed to include five people but that figure borders on useless since demographers make no allowances for cultural, religious or even regional differences. A "family in Luzon will on average contain much less people than a socio-economically disadvantaged Tribal family whose head of household practices polygamy and whose religion commands a high reproductive rate. Moreover, the figures offered only take into account the number of heads of household that have managed to undergo the official registration process. Most IDPs take succor in other households and a fair number, distrustful of the Government or fearing disease and other negative aspects found in the state IDP centres make the best of it alongside hiways and in isolated jungle clearings. The displaced people themselves, known as "Bakwit" in the local dialect have had their daily lives disrupted every couple of months since 1972 and yet we have politicians in Manila asking why Maguindanao is the poorest province in the nation. Go figure

The day, August 7th, intermittent firefights took place in Barangays Alonganen, Liong, Balanaken with IDPs fleeing from the adjacent municipality of Guindulungan, home to the BIFF's main camp, the former-BIAF camp Omar ibn Khattab on Perez Hill. The resident of Barangay Muslim had received word that the BIAF was considering a direct attack on the camp and the news caused widespread apprehension that very quickly devolved into sheer panic. The day's fighting ended at nightfall with a finall tally (including the initial clash the day before) of five BIAF KIAs, or Killed in Actions with one known wounded. BIFF made out slightly better with three KIAs.

On August 8th BIFF launched the first attack with a moderate salvo of mortar shells against BIAF positions in Barangays Alonganen, now devoid of all civilians with the entire population having fled and Barangay Balanaken, itself nearly a carbon copy with the rest of its residents fleeing during a lull between salvos.

August 9th saw the heaviest fighting yet since this latest round commenced on August 6th. Fighting began at 630AM with the BIAF initiating a firefight and continued unabated until 330PM. At 700PM fighting began once again and only ended right before 11PM. During the morning exchanges fighting did finally spread to Guindulungan's Barangay Muslim although not related to any BIAF tactical strike against the main BIFF camp on Perez Hill. Most of Barangay Muslim's population had already fled in the preceding days but the remaining residents fled as the combatants entered the barangay with BIFF guerillas attempting to implement a Blocking Force there to deal more than 100 re-inforcements from the BIAF's 105 Base Command, co-incidentally the old command of BIFF leader Kumander Ustadz Kato. The IDPs from Barangay Muslim made their way into the ajoining municipality of Talayan's Barangays Binangga North, Tambunan, and Katibpuan. Gunidulungan's Barangay Damablak then fled en masse, totally emptying the barangay with most villagers taking shelter in Talayan's Barangay Katibpuan as well, along with the IDPs from Barangay Muslim.

August 10th FINALLY saw the Government respond. In cases of intercine conflict within the BIAF, or in this case between the BIAF and its recent offshoot BIFF, the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines almost always takes a hands off approach. This isn't an absolute rule as in last year's BIAF 104 Base Command throwdown with the MNLF/BMA's newest faction, MMSC, or Mainland Mindanao State Committee on the Sultan Kudarat and Maguindanao Provincial borders. In that imbroglio the AFP entered the fray AGAINST the BIAF, but then BIAF on BMA (Bangsamoro Army, armed wing of the MNLF) isn't exactly an intercine affair. The AFP's 40IB (Infantry Battalion) implemented Blocking Force positions along the riverfront of Midsayap, in North Cotabato Province.

Midsayap sits directly parallel to Datu Piang, across the Pulangi River. It is also home to a camp of the BIAF's 105 Base Command, the Base Command most likely to re-inforce the 106th despite a bit of anomosity between the two Base Commands (after all, this anomosity led to the recent creation of the 118 Base Command, an episode I covered in a "MILF Armed Contacts for the Second Quarter of 2011" entry). In addition PNP, or Philippine National Police's PRO-12, or Police Regional Office for Region 12 deployed its PSCs, or Public Saety Companies (aaaah, the Filipino penchant for acronyms, gotta' love it) in key entrances to all North Cotabato municipalities fronting the Pulangi River. Until August 10th the only AFP element involved was the 1st Mechanised Brigade (M 1st Bde), attached to 6ID (Infantry Division) from 1ID, tasked with aiding IDPs and providing security at the IDP centre at Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School.

The next day, August 11th, fighting finally spread across the river into North Cotabato Province's municipality of Midsayap when the predicted re-inforcement from the 105 Base Command began and their guerillas happened upon BIFF re-inforcements making their way into Maguindanao Province. Resident's of Midsayap's Barangay Damatulan fled as they witnessed BIAF guerillas from the 105 Base Command moving through their barangay en route. As night fell and fighting continued most residents living across the river in Puroks #4 and 5 in Guindulungan's Barangay Binangga North fled en masse with most IDPs ending up in that barangay's Purok #1.

On August 12th the AFP actually deployed non-lethal munitions as it dropped smoke in Datu Piang in an effort to separate both sides. On Mindanao smoke is used as a warning that should belligerents not heed the warning and cease and desist, the next munition will not be innocuous. The smoke did manage to soften the exhanges from incessant to sporadic but did not come close to shutting down the firefights raging in barangays Alonganen, Liong and Balanaken and just then spreading into Barangay Masigay. As fighting began in Barangay Masigay 170 of its families fled to Datu Gumbay Piang Elementary School.

On the following day, August 13th fighting petered out shortly after re-commencing just after daybreak. Sub-Kumander Adzmie, leader of the BIAF forces in this nightmare finally paid heed to the MILF's Central Command directive issued on August 10th in which he was ordered to stand down "unless attacked." As for sub-Kumander Bayawak (Abu Nuwas), he was under no such orders with Kumander Kato brusquely telling the media that IF the BIAF doesn't want trouble IT should NOT attack BIFF guerillas. Aaah, can't you just feel the love?

Saturday, July 2, 2011

MILF Armed Contacts,Second Quarter of 2011,Part I:Bloodshed in Palimbang

On June 3rd,2011 LGU (Local Government Unit,as in municipal or provincial government) executives were put on edge over a flurry of sightings concerning columns or armed men moving through the jungle on both sides of the South Cotabato and Sultan Kudarat Provincial border.Unlike the NPA,which also operates in that sector (Front 72 and the recently re-activated Front 73),these guerillas were wearing the distinctive tiger pattern camoflauge fatigues that serve as a uniform of sorts for the BIAF,or Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces,the military wing of the MILF.

The BIAF Base Command within that AOR (Area of Responsibility,as in Area of Operation) is the 107th but since the beginning of 2010 that element has come close to de-activation with its leadership falling in joint actions by the PNP (Philippine National Police) and the AFP's (Armed Forces of the Philippines) 73IB (Infantry Battalion) with the latter having been intially deployed to the area in August of 2008 to neutralise the Base Command for having gone off the reservation with 3 other Base Commands in the 2008 War.The 107th,then under Kumander Abdulrahman"Aguilar"Malayo,who is usally referred to by his alias Jayson Saliganan had very stupidly pissed where it slept as the saying goes.The 107 Base Command's main camp,ibn Walid,is in Barangay Daliao's Sitio Maca Uno in the mountains of Maasim,Sarangani Province.In May of 2008 the 105 Base Command under the infamous BIAF Kumander,Ustadz Ameril Ombra Kato and his strongest sub-Kumander,Alo Binago,attempted to relocate their AOR to Sarangani Province.

Arriving at the main 107 Base Command camp Kato et al began discussions about the envisioned re-location.Finding the 107 less than receptive the 105 prepared to de-camp to the Binago Clan stronghold in Barangay Kidayan in the municipality of Palimbang,in the adjacent province of Sultan Kudarat.As the 105 moved towards the border it crossed an MNLF camp perimeter in the municipality of Maitum,the last town on the Sarangani side of the border.A large firefight brokeout with the 105 Base Command overunning the small MNLF camp and occupying most of two barangays as well as positions in Palimbang,on the other side of the provincial line.Trying to dislodge the 105 Base Command Sarangani's Governor,then AND now,Miguel"Migs"Dominguez personally conferred with Kumander Kato and was able to have the 105 withdraw from Sarangani Province completely.

Fast forward to the August 4th,2008 TRO,or Temporary Restraining Order,issued by the Supreme Court against the Government which was preparing to sign the MoA-AD,or Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain,with the MILF/BIAF the next day (August 5th) in Kuala Lampur,Malaysia.In response to that TRO,the very same Kumander Kato,by now back at his designated AOR on the Maguindanao and North Cotabao Provincial border,launched a full scale assault on the PALMA Complex.The Complex,consisting of 5 North Cotabato municipalities with Ilonggo (non-Muslim ethnicity from the Western Visayan Islands in the Central Philippines) majorities,burning,pillaging and of course killing Ilonggo,Bisaya and Lumad (the Bisaya are a Christian ethnicity from Eastern Mindanao and the Eastern Visayan Islands,the Lumad are a collection of Animist Hilltribes) in an orgiastic expression of violence that sought out any non-Muslim.

Kato's raid was then followed by the Kumanders of two other Base Commands,Kumander Abdullah"Bravo"Macapaar of the 102 Base Command with an AOR covering most of the two Lanao Provinces (del Norte and del Sur),and Kumander Ustadz Aleem"Mars"Sulaiman Pangalian of the 103 Base Command whose AOR was supposed to cover a portion of Lanao del Sur Province into the Lanao side of the Liguasan Marsh.Looking for new Christians to terrorise,Kumander Kato deployed sub-Kumander Alo Binago back down south to Sarangani Province.

Just after sundown on August 17th,2008 as the AFP was intently focusing on the 102,103,and 105 Base Command AORs Binago led nearly 50 guerillas from the 105 on four motor-bancas (motorised skiffs) out of the Pulangi River (Rio de Cotabato) and south along the coast,finally pulling up on the shores of Maitum just before midnite,August 18th.Rendevouzing with less than two dozen guerillas from the 107 Base Command under sub-Kumander Datu Mama Abpa the combined forces of nearly 80 guerillas moved towards Barangay Poblacion,arriving at 130AM.Storming a pawn shop and pharmacy they looted both,then shot 3 civilians in cold blood,killing two of them:

1) Joleto Ulmas,age 34

2) James Raymund Ruiz,age 21

The third civilian,a 20 year old man was crippled for life.Moving towards the LGU compound housing both the town hall and the PNP MPO,or Municipal Police Office,they launched a poorly co-ordinated full scale assault.Without success,the force withdrew after running out of RPG (Rocket Propelled Grenade) rounds.Last seen moving through outlying barangays in the direction of the mountains and Camp ibn Walid,the alert went out.

The AFP immediately deployed additional troops to supplement the 27IB which was spread far too thin.Not taking any chances the powers that be shifted an entire IB,the 73rd and had them ensconce themselves directly in Maitum itself with the primary objective being to capture Camp ibn Walid and effectively neutralise the 107 Base Command.It took the 73IB all of 6 days to do just that.It was,hands down,the best performance of any single IB during the 2008 War.

Fast forward to June 3rd,2011 and reports of guerillas roaming the hinterlands where Sultan Kudarat,Sarangani,and South Cotabato Provinces converge.Because of the GPH-MILF Peace Process the GPH,or Government of the Philippines,is walking on egg shells,terrified of accusing the MILF outright.Needing a whipping boy and at the same time appreciating any possible leverage against the MILF,he accusations were made against the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters,or BIFF.BIFF is the new insurgency group created by the aforementioned Kumander Kato,formerly of the 105 Base Command.I will save the long winded back story of how Kato evolved from BIAF Posterboy to BIFF madman for an entry I am simultaneously working on,entirely devoted to Kato and BIFF (sounds like a Jap-pop band).Sufficient to say,it wasn't BIFF walking those trails.The idea is ridiculous to anyone at all knowledgeable about the insurgencies on Mindanao in that BIFF is confined to a very small area in the Liguasan Mash and the mountains above it in Maguindanao Province.It is more than a long walk from Maguindanao Province to the bottom of South Cotabato Province.That he could deploy columns traversing 3 full provinces on foot and in full battle array is just too ridiculous to even comment on (wait,I already did).

In fact,those guerillas happen to be from the nearly defunct 105 Base Command,Kato's Command while still in the BIAF.Where were they going?To Palimbang in Sultan Kudarat Province to reinforce the Binago Clan in two separate disputes.While BIFF would be noticed hiking through three provinces the BIAF would not because there are contigious MILF/BIAF AORs all the way down the trail from point A to point B.As long as BIAF guerillas remain within acknowledged perimeters they are ho hum.However,upon reaching the Surallah Valley in South Cotabato Province there are no more MILF/BIAF baliwicks and so...the columns did not escape notice.

The 73IB,still deployed in and around Maasim though since the end of the 2008 War in July of 2009,has been concentrating on going mano to mano with the NPA's Far South Mindanao Regional Committee,or FSMRC.Granted,it has had its hands full with the ressurection of a long dead guerilla unit,Front 73,but still,the top-notch IB from the 2008 War was caught unawares when on June 20th those BIAF columns from the 105 Base Command turned on their game face.

On the day in question,just before daybreak,four motor bancas carrying a total of 60 guerillas from the 104 Base Command under sub-Kumander Usop"Paradise"Pababangan,also known as Tato Musa,landed on the shores of Palimbang's Barangay Kidayan with lesser sub-Kumanders Dods"Ulo"Siman and Mama"Double M"Pangabangan at his side.Immediately upon wading through the surf onto the beach at Sitio Dongon the group found a gaggle of guerillas from the 105 Base Command and a firefight ensued.Yep,this one is BIAF on BIAF,the 104 versus the 105.I'm sure that the 73IB isn't too broken up about failing to read the situation correctly back on June 3rd.

The 104 Base Command,under Kumander Jud Caludtiag,is ensconced in Barangay Meti in the municipality of Datu Blah Sinsuat on the Maguindanao side of the Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat Provincial border.His name may be familiar to readers of this Blog (all 3.5 of you,hi mom!).Back in the Summer of 2010 his 104 Base Command went to war with the MNLF's newest faction,the MNLF-MMSC,or MNLF-Mainland Mindanao State Committee under Datu Faizal"Randy"Karon whose camp is just across the border in Sultan Kudarat Province,in the municipality of Lebak.Not content with having blown up most of his own hometown Kumander Jud saw fit to go to war against the 105 Base Command for two extremely important reasons:

1) Money

2) Money

Aaaaahhhhh,the root of all evil.It will do it everytime.Just as in that 2010 fracas Kumander Jud has his one good eye on a piece of prime real estate,guess he has a thing for beachfront lots in the middle of economically deprived warzones.More over,there is a bundle of extortion money up for grabs and THAT was what finally motivated Kumander Jud to send down the guerillas.

The Vicente T.Lao Construction Company,based in the Panacan District of Davao City is one of the nation's biggest players in large scale construction projects.One minor project it is handling at the moment is the re-paving of the Kalamansig-Palimbang-Sarangani National Hiway.Aside from nearly 100 kilometers of re-paving it is also going to rebuild four old bridges on the northern side of Palimbang.Great,but not really.Knowing that they were going to be awarded the hiway bid on June 20th (bribes are funny that way) they taken a proactive stance and already doled out a very healthy sum to Kumander Jud in the guise of"Revolutionary Taxes."Though the stretch of hiway begins near the 104 Base Command AOR the bulk of the work,vis a vis those four bridges,will be taking place in Palimbang,controlled by the Binago Clan...whose family are heavily involved in the 105 Base Command (as well as the 106 and 109).The Binagos began shaking their fists at the 104 back in late May when they began squeezing the Lao Construction representatives and daring the 104 to stop them.Knowing what this might initiate they had the 105 Base Command,or what remains of it anyway,start sending reinforcements to Palimbang at the beginning of June.It took until June 20th for the 104 to react.

To date,today being July 3rd,there have been slightly more than 50 deaths,12 of them being innocent civilians.There are,according to official numbers now,nearly 10,000 IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons,as in"refugees") and official numbers are usually lowballed by at least 35% meaning that there are at least 13,500 people who are now homeless all because the MILF/BIAF is unable to control its deploding organisation.The IDPs are from six barangays that were eventually engulfed in the widening conflict by June 24th:

1) Kidayan,the original barangay

2) Namat

3) Kisek

4) Masla

5) Batang-Baglas

6) Kiponget

Originally Maganao Elementary School,in the barangay of the same name,served as the town's only IDP centre but by June 25th fighting engulfed Barangay Mangao as well,marking the seventh barangay to fall prey to this senseless violence.

Kumander Jud didn't have to look far for a more than willing sub-Kumander.Tato Musa had a bone to pick with the Binago faction of the 105 Base Command.Back on August 18th,2010,two years to the day since the raid on Maasim,Tato Musa had joined the 105 Base Commands sub-Kumander Alo Binago,the 107 Base Commands sub-Kumander Jafa'ar Maguid under the command of the 105 Base Command's sub-Kumander Scorpion,better known as Kumander 511 for a raid on a pawnshop.The proceeds were to go to a joint weapons purchase but Kumander 511,with Binago's support,had refused to give a portion of the weapons purchase to Tato Musa.He had been waiting for payback,in both senses of the word.

What has been the MILF's reaction to this mayhem?On June 24th the MILF's Central Committee sent a single emissary to try and resolve this widening sub-conflict.Of course he was unable to even meet with a single sub-Kumander because of heavy firefights in what was then six barangays.With the AFP pressuring the MILF for results the Central Committee decided to deploy a team of senior emmisaries with 2 detachments of BIAF guerillas from the recently re-constituted National Guard Base Command which in terms of the BIAF is a Special Forces detachment though no conventional military would even let them peel potatoes in the mess hall.Trying to observe agreed upon protocols the MILF,via its CCCH,or Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities notified both IMT-6,the Malaysian-led International Monitoring Team,6th Deployment,and the GPH CCCH contingent that it was doing so.Immediately word came back forbidding the deployment of the National Guard Base Command guerillas.The AFP believes that there would be a significant chance that some or all of the National Guard gunmen would join the fray on one side or another.Judging by past performances it is an absolutely valid concern and so no further emissaries made their way to Palimbang.

What has been the GPH reaction?Intially responding to reports of a gunfight on the beach the Palimbang MPO responded on site and then ran for their lives when both Base Commands concentrated their fire on the PNP personnel and vehicles though the PNP was able to verify that they killed a single guerilla,Base Command unknown,without suffering casualties themselves.The next day,June 21st,while on patrol across the provincial border in South Cotabato Province's Barangay Ned in the municipality of T'boli,the 73IB ran across a thick column of 105 Base Command guerillas moving south to bolster their fellow fighters in Palimbang.A fierce engagement broke out before the BIAF withdrew into the jungle.Still,the AFP refuses to even condemn the MILF/BIAF for fear of upsetting the teetering Peace Process.

Wednesday, June 29, 2011

GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Second Quarter of 2011, Part I: Much Ado About Nothing

By now President Aquino had planned to be on top of his game. Scheduled to hand over the GPH (Government of the Philippines) Draft Comprehensive Compact, or "Com-Com" as it is called in shorthand, on the MILF's so called "Assymetrical State: Sub-state Solution." As I noted in my First Quarter entry on the GPH-MILF Peace Process, the MILF has climbed aboard the Autonomy train and has chosen to instead frame its wish list as a somewhat more palatable Federal-style relationship with the Central Government. The term "Assymetrical" refers to a comparison of the proposed GPH-MILF relationship and the relationship between other Regions and the Central Government. Since the MILF aims for a unique form of relationship, when held up against all other Regions, it is clearly "Assymetrical."

The phrase "State" simply refers to the Central Government, or GPH.The phrase "Sub-state" is referring to the envisioned autonomous region to be controlled by the MILF during a loosely defined transitional phase. In their last Round in Kuala Lampur, in February of 2011, the MILF Peace Panel handed over a revised version of its wish list, the aforementioned "Comprehensive Compact." When they parted, the GPH Peace Panel had committed itself towards handing over its own Draft Comprehensive Compact, using the MILF draft as a sounding board.

The problem though is that President Aquino has been planning to offer the GPH's Draft within the larger dynamic taking place with regard to the ARMM, or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. Beginning in the Autumn of 2010. Mr.Aquino began agitating for a delay in the ARMM Election scheduled for August 8th, 2011. The President obviously envisioned getting this delay long before the present Round in the GPH-MILF Peace Process.

The idea is to kill two birds with one stone. On one hand the parallel GPH-MNLF Peace Process hinges entirely on an amendment of Republic Act #9054 (RA #9054), the so called, "Revised Organic Act." RA #9054 itself was an amendment of an earlier act that actually created ARMM. The GPH endgame in the current phase of the Peace Process involves greatly expanded autonomy within the framework of the ARMM. To do this,the President,as I just noted,needs to amend RA #9054.At the same time it wishes to offer the MNLF a share in running the ARMM (I know,I know,it didn't fare too well the last time the Government tried it but bear with me here). Also at the same time it wants to frame the MILF's latest obssesion, the "Assymetrical State:Sub-state Solution" within the extant frame work of the ARMM, albeit in the amended ARMM with greater autonomy, which is pretty much what the MILF's wish list is at the end of the day. Of course the MILF is swearing up a storm, raising its collectively clenched fist as it vows to Allah that it will never accept a role in the ARMM...

But just why is the ARMM Election so crucial to the President's agenda? If the election were to proceed in August of 2011,as scheduled, and the amendment to follow anytime AFTER that election, there would be a coterie of elected officials screaming bloody murder. There would be a whole range of issues, the most pressing of them being the un-Constitutionality of the Central Government proscribing new duties and responsibilities for extant elective positions. In simpler terms, if the Governor of the ARMM is suddenly delegated new responsibilities, or alternatively has existing responsibilities negated by virtue of an amendment to RA #9054 it would contravene the Local Government Code of 1991, an act that itself hinges upon the 1987 Constitution. Fifty duly elected officials could clog up the courts for literally decades as they challenged Governmental excess...I mean "reforms."

Another very pressing issue would be 50 odd slots,all elected positions, that the Central Government would love to stack with MNLF and MILF members. The only way in which to do this in a productive fashion is to appoint people directly to the position(s) in question outside of an electoral process. That seems like a no-brainer but one must remember that in 1996 the Goverment pulled out its black bag of dirty tricks to get the MNLF's Chairman Nur Misuari into that very same Governor's chair. It then simply tossed the election out the window at what was supposed to be the end of his term, knowing Misuari could never hope to win re-Election EVEN WITH the "Hello Garci" type shenanigans Manila is famous for ("Hello Garci" being a catch phrase relating to former President Arroyo's manipulation of the 2004 Presidential Election in order to retain power). At the same time, in appointing these people,it only makes sense if the appointment is given for a long enough period of time. Appointing officials to serve for 18 months (or any other arbitrary number below 24 months) is simply shuffling the deck without a sense of purpose. On a more serious note the MILF and MNLF would square off against Manila maintaining that they had been sabotaged from the start, as indeed Misuari did in 2001 when faced with his failure to improve the lives of his ARMM consistuents. It is crucial that appointees, or Officers in Charge (OICs) as they would officially be known (OICs),be given sufficient time.

In any event, with the Senate finally passing the President's electoral delay it becomes a moot issue. President Aquino is preparing to sign it into law on June 30th and so he can now appoint his 50 people. As it currently stands President Aquino will apoint his ARMM OICs to a term beginning September 30th, 2011 and ending June 30th, 2013. The point to that last date is that the ARMM Election will be held on May 13th, 2011 having been synchronised with the National Mid-Term Elections.

Speaking of the MILF taking on a role in a "reformed" ARMM...On Thursday evening, June 12th, MILF/BIAF mouthpiece Eid Kabalu sent an SMS (text message) to former North Cotabato strongman, warlord Emmanuel "Manny" Pinol and asked to see him face to face, promising him it would be well worth his time. Less than 10 minutes later Pinol called Kabalu and they arranged to meet the next evening, Friday, June 13th.

Showing up at 830PM in the lobby of Davao City's Marco Polo Hotel Kabalu was suprised to see that city's Vice Mayor Rodrigo "Roddy" Duterte along with his son Paolo in attendance. Pinol had intelligently asked Duterte to show up, knowing how messy things can be with people denying having said this or that. Pinol wanted a witness. Sitting at a lobby table, enjoying soft drinks, Kabalu got right to the point. Laying all his cards on the table he told Pinol and Duterte that placing an MILF member in the ARMM Governor's chair just might be the magic bullet to end the 30 year MILF/BIAF Insurgency. Pinol asked Kabalu if he was speaking on authority from the MILF Central Committee to which Kabalu responded he was. Pinol then asked Kabalu if the MILF had any particular person in mind for the position, knowing of course that Kabalu had himself in mind. Before Kabalu could respond Vice Mayor Duterte interjected and said that it was far too early to begin discussing specific people. Instead Duterte offered, compose an actual wish list, write down everything the MILF would like to happen vis a vis the ARMM and he promised he would pass it on to Manuel "Mars" Roxas III, President Aquino's former running mate and still his confidante. Kabalu suprised them all by promptly downloading the information off of his laptop and offering Duterte a four paged printout that did just that, in great detail.

With the meeting ending in high spirits Kabalu must have felt that he was on top of the world. That wave of good feeling would only last until daybreak when a Manila tabloid reported a tiny item about the Davao City meeting. The MILF's Ghazali Jafaar, Vice Chairman of Political Affairs, who with Chairman al Haj Murad Ebrahim being just about out of the picture, serves as the de facto leader of the MILF, was obviously out of the loop on the meeting. Jafaar went beyond his usual self restraint and full force into obnoxious by calling Pinol a compulsive liar. He challenged Pinol to prove that he had met with what the tabloid was saying was an,"unnamed member of the MILF Central Committee." Jafaar said that the MILF would NEVER have sought the assistance of a lowlife of Pinol's ilk. Just hours later Kabalu spoke on the record about the meeting and indeed corroborated every single claim made by Pinol. I wonder if Jafaar was more livid at not having been consulted OR about Kabulu proudly stating that he was a "good personal friend" of Pinol's.

The Pinol Clan are Illongos from North Cotabato Province whose vehement opposition to Filipino Muslim aspirations os legendary. Back in 2008 it was Manny Pinol himself who sank the MoA-AD (Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Demand) single handedly when, after then GPH Peace Panel chairman, retired AFP General Hermogenes "Gene" Esperon surretipiously faxed him a copy of it right before its under the table signing, ran to the Supreme Court screaming foul. His petition for a TRO, or Temporary Restraining Order was quickly followed by a host of traditionaly anti-Muslim politicians from the island filing their own silver bullets. Having gotten his desired Temporary Restraining Order just 16 hours before the signing on August 4th, Pinol's opposition to the document ended up sparking the 2008 War when three BIAF (Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces as the military wing of the MILF is known) went off the reservation and began slaughtering non-Muslims ad naseum. In fact, the first BIAF Base Command to do so, the 105 under Kumander Ustadz Ameril Ombra Kato ("Kumander Kato") launched the opening salvo by occupying the PALMMA Complex, five North Cotabato towns considered to be the Pinol Clan's power base.

It has been no secret that for the last year the MILF/BIAF has been imploding. From Murad's stroke last summer until now, four Base Commands have ceased to exist in all but name (105,107,108, and 115), Kumander Kato has formed his own extreme military organisation, Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters, or BIFF, and has been attracting dissatisfied BIAF guerillas left and right. On the other hand the BIAF's manpower has been sapped by a mass of defections to the MNLF-EC15 (Executive Committee of 15, under Kidnapping Kingpin and Vice Mayor of Cotabato City, Muslimin Sema), and to a much smaller extent, the MNLF-Misuari. Moreover, the MILF Central Committee is heavily factionalised. Kabalu was deployed to Pinol because the Central Committee faction coallescing behind Kabalu (who served only as a figurehead for expediency) believed that in going to Pinol it could revel in full deniability. Who in their right mind would imagine anyone from the MILF Central Committee having a liason with any Pinol, let alone THE Pinol single handedly responsible for destroying the MoA-AD? Indeed they played it correctly up to a point as seen by Ghazali Jafaar's extra-arrogant response when finding Pinol had claimed to have met with an MILF Central Committee member. They just didn't count on Kabalu getting full of himself.

After Jafaar went off the deep end Kabalu tendered his resignation. In doing so he came clean, although he delicately avoided tarring any fellow members of the Central Committee. Resigning his concurrent positions as BIAF Spokesman for Military Affairs and BIAF Chairman of Civil-Military Relations,both General Staff positions. Though he only officialy spoke for the BIAF his role as a member of the MILF's Central Committee and lack of any parallel Spokesman for the MILF meant that Eid Kabalu was the go to man for the entire organisation. Some may remember how Kabalu had just re-gained his positions after a huge misstep made in April of 2010. In those heady days before the Presidential Election of 2010 when Kabalu once again claimed to represent the Central Committee when signing a pact with Presidential candidate Brother Eddie Villanueva. The agreement had Villanueva vow to work with the MILF/BIAF for a just solution within the framework of the 1987 Constitution. Aside for purporting to represent the entire MILF/BIAF when signing it he broke MILF/BIAF Rule Number 1 in relation to the Election: No Involvement on any Level.

In the current Kabalu Clusterfuc*, despite his resignation, Ghazali Jafaar called an Emergency Session of the MILF Central Committee and strong armed the membership into passing a harshly worded Resolution in which it expelled Kabalu from the MILF/BIAF. Claiming the ex-Spokesman had violated the MILF/BIAF Code of Conduct he was charged with "Conduct Unbecoming of an Officer" and sacked. Kabalu certainly doesn't seem at all peturbed because with his delusions of grandeur he still imagines that he is a shoe in as OIC Governor of ARMM. Whatever viability Kabalu MIGHT HAVE had rested squarely on his role as a high ranking member of the MILF/BIAF. Having lost this cachet, Kabalu has been rendered worthless to the powers that be now that the MILF has rejected Kabalu.

Meanwhile, in the GPF-MILF Peace Process, after having notified the MILF Peace Panel via the Malaysian Facilitator, Tengku Dato Abd' Gafaar Tengku Mohammad, the GPH Peace Panel merely engaged in a half day Executive Session on Monday, April 27th.Representing the GPH was:

1) Chairperson Mario Victor "Marvic" Leonen

2) Panelist Miriam Coronel Ferrer

3) Chairperson of the GPH Peace Panel Secretariat, Iona Jalijali.

Meeting with them on behalf of the MILF Peace Panel was:

1) Chairman Mohagher Iqbal

2) Panelist, Datu Michael O.Mastura

3) Panelist, Maulana "Bobby" Alonto

The GPH Panel explained in extremely broad terms just why it wouldn't be turning over its Draft of the Comprehensive Compact but vowed, once again, to do so on August 2nd, 2011. Under almost any circumstances the MILF would have went ballisitic, probably in both senses of the word. However, going against form the MILF graciously agreed to wait until August. Why? Because the Government informed the MILF Peace Panel that it wanted to center its Comprehensive Compact around the amended ARMM. While the MILF swears up and down that such an idea is anathema to them the truth of the matter is that by simply re-naming the ARMM all that faux opposition will fall by the wayside. Both sides will hold a three day Round from August 2nd through 4th. Since the major Islamic holiday of Ramadan commences this year on August 1st all three of those sessions will be half day meetings.