When I ended "Part 3" I had just concluded the American ethnologist/anthropologist Fay Cooper Cole's take on Bagobo housing at the beginning of the 20th Century. I beging this entry, "Part 4," with his take on a Bagobo Datu, or chief's home.
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In each settlement or district will be found one large house built on the same general plan as the smaller dwellings, but capable of housing several hundred people. This is the home of the local datu, or ruler. All great ceremonies are held here, and it is the place to which all hasten when danger threatens. It is the social center of the community, and all who desire go there at any time and remain as long as they wish, accepting meanwhile the food and hospitality of the ruler.
A brief description of the house of Datu Tongkaling will give a good idea of this type of structure. Except for size, the dimensions being 44 x 20 ft.- the exterior does not differ greatly from the houses already described. A long, partially covered porch leading to the doorway is provided with benches which are always occupied by men and boys, loitering or engaged in the absorbing task of lousing one another. At the far end of the room is an elevated platform, but this one is much wider than is customary, and is intended as the sleeping place for the warriors, or illustrious guests. As the writer and his wife were considered, by the datu, as belonging to the latter class, they were favored with this vantage spot, from which they could view and be viewed by the whole household. Along the sides of the room are elevated, box like enclosures in which the datu and some of his wives and daughters sleep and keep their belongings. At night the balance of the family, including men, women, children, dogs, occupy the floor. Midway between the sidewalls and near the elevated platform are two decorated bamboo poles, which are raised in honor of the patron spirits of the warriors; while in other parts of the room are baskets, hanging altars, and other devices intended for the spirits. In addition to the customary furnishings are hundreds of objects testifying to the wealth of the datu. Clothes, boxes, dozens of huge copper gongs, drums, ancient Chinese jars and plates, spears and shields, beaded clothing, baskets, and last but not least- in the estimation of the datu- a huge enameled advertisement of an American brewery.
In the Western part of the Bagobo District is a village known as Bansalan. Recently its people have been inducted to leave the old settlement and build in a new location, midway between the mountains and the sea. Here the writer found a very different type of house. Small trees formed the uprights to which cross beams were tied to make the roof supports, and on these rested a final covering of nipa palm. A few feet above the ground other supports were lashed and on them strips of Palma Brava were laid as flooring. In the few cases where the houses were fitted with sides, strips of Nipa Palm fastened together with rattan were used. There seemed to be no uniform type of dwelling, each house differing from its neighbor in the number of rooms, floor levels, or in other respects. Only one feature, the elevated sleeping platform at one end of the house, was always found. A few miles further inland, in the old settlement, the houses are of the type already described in detail. The people have been practically forced to their new location by governmental action. The new careless type of structures seen in Bansalan probably represents, to them, temporary structures in which they expect to remain only until a change of governors will furnish an excuse for returning to the old location.
Other Buildings
Near to each farm house or settlement will be seen one or more granaries, where rice is stored. Four poles form the support for a rectangular base from which the sides of the structure slope out at an angle of about 25 degrees from the perpendicular until they meet the roof. The sides and roof are of bamboo beaten flat, the latter covered with a topping of straw.
In the hemp fields is an occasional shed where the fiber is sometimes stripped, but more often these buildings, thus hidden from the public gaze, house the forges in which the smiths fashion knives and spears, or cast the bells and betel nut boxes so dear to the heart of each Bagobo.
Aside from the shrines or altars, which we shall describe later, the Bagobo erects no other buildings. He sometimes encloses a rice or a cornfield with a fence, but this requires no special skill in building, since it consists of two parallel lines of uprights, between which bamboo tubes are laid to the desired height.
Food and its Preparation.
It is impossible, without including about everything edible in a vegetable line to be found in the district, to give a full list of foods; hence no such attempt will be made. Chief of all is the rice, many varieties of which are grown in the mountainside clearings.
Back of the coast there are no irrigated fields to be found in the Davao District.
Next in importance is the camote, or sweet potato, and then follow in the order of their importance: corn, banana, sago, and coconut.
Fish, eels, crabs, grasshoppers, monkeys (some people refuse to eat monkey meat), deer, pigs, and chickens form part of the food supply; in fact, the people seem to draw the line at nothing but crows, snakes, mice, rats, goats, horses, dogs, and cats. Despite the assertion of a number of worthy informants that the last three are on the prohibited list, it is the opinion of the writer that it is the scarcity of the supply rather than any feeling of prejudice which causes them to be included.
Salt and pepper are used as condiments. The former is secured in trade with the coast natives and Chinese, while the latter is produced by mashing the fruit of a small wild pepper, locally known as "Katombal."
Rice, after being allowed to dry, is stored without being separated from the straw. When a supply is needed a bundle us laid on a piece of hide and is beaten with a wooden pestle, wielded by a woman or a slave. This separates the grain, which is gathered up and placed in a wooden mortar, where it is again beaten with the pestle until the outer husk has been loosened. To remove the chaff the rice is taken from the mortar, placed on a flat winnowing tray and tossed and caught, until the wind has carried away the lighter husks, thus leaving the grain free. This is placed in a pot, a small quantity of water is added, and the vessel is placed over the fire. Here it is allowed to remain only until it begins to boil, when it is placed in a jar on the ashes, near enough to the fire to keep it hot. From time to time the woman turns the jar until the contents is cooked through, when each grain stands out free from its fellows. This is the usual way of preparing rice throughout the archipelago.
Other vegetable foods are eaten raw, or are cooked with water and salt, with perhaps the addition of a little meat broth or a soup.
Small birds and fish are cooked without other treatment than a hasty cleaning; but the flesh of larger fowls, deer, and pig is generally cut into small cubes and cooked with condiments in a jar or small Chinese caldron. Birds are sometimes prepared by placing them on a spit, covering them with green banana leaves, and suspending them above the fire until roasted. This primitive paper bag cooking yields a most excellent dish.
Grasshoppers are relished, and are secured in the following manner: A clear grass spot is selected and several deep holes are dug in one end. Back of them, and leading towards them, is a high, tight fence made in a "V." By beating the grass with boughs as they walk towards the trap, the people drive the grasshoppers before them until they are finally forced into the pit, from which they are collected by the bushel.
I was told that the meat (of animals) is sometimes salted, dried, and stored away for future use. The climate seems to be absolutely opposed to such foresight, and the one time that I saw the process being used, the odors were such that I beat a hasty retreat and chose to accept, without proof, the verdict of the natives, that venison thus prepared was excellent.
Of almost as much importance as food is the use of the betel or areca nut, which is chewed almost constantly by young and old of both sexes. The nut is divided into quarters and a piece of "Buyo" leaf is wrapped about each bit. To this is added, a little lime and a pinch of tobacco, and it is ready for the mouth. The resultant deep red saliva is distributed indiscriminately on the floor, walls, and furniture where it leaves a permanent stain. To hold the materials necessary for this. Practice brass betel boxes, secured from the Moro or from their own manufacture, as well as plaited glass boxes and pouches are constantly carried. The brass boxes generally have three compartments; the first for nuts, the second for leaves and tobacco, and the third for lime. Lime is also carried in small bamboo tubes in the decoration of which a great deal of lime is consumed. The open end is fitted with a rattan sifter so that the powder is distributed evenly on the nut and leaf.
Aged persons and those whose teeth have been so mutilated that they cannot chew, make use of an outfit which includes a small mortar and pestle. Cutting open green betel nuts, the chewer wraps the pieces in leaves and, after adding a liberal supply of lime, mashes them in the mortar until all are reduced to a soft mass.
Lime is secured by placing snail shells in a fire, from which they are taken while hot and dropped into cold water. They can then be crushed into powder with the fingers.
Although the Bagobo raises a considerable quantity of tobacco he seldom, if ever, smokes it unless the leaf is furnished him, already prepared, by an outsider. Sometimes a small ball made of the green leaves is placed between the teeth and upper lip, where it remains until all the flavor has been extracted.
The outfit for betel nut and tobacco, aside from the brass boxes which fasten at the side, are generally carried in the sacks worn by the women. However, a small waterproof box is frequently seen attached to a man's belt, and in this he carries his betel nut, tobacco, and fire making outfit.
The usual method of making fire is by the use of flint and steel, but when this is not at hand a flame can be quickly obtained by rubbing two pieces of bamboo rapidly together until the friction produces a spark.
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In my next installment of this series, I will transcribe the next section, on the Bagobo Tribe's hunting and fishing practices, weaving, and metal craft.
Showing posts with label History of Mindanao. Show all posts
Showing posts with label History of Mindanao. Show all posts
Monday, December 5, 2011
Sunday, September 25, 2011
History of Mindanao, Part XIX: The Manobo Tribe in 1925, Part 2
In this, the second part of the series, "History of Mindanao, Part XIX" I will excerpt from an academic treatise presented to the National Academy of Sciences (American) annual meeting in 1929, "First Memoir of the National Academy of Sciences, Volume XXIII" (Washington DC: U.S.Government Printing Office) (1933) . Written by the American amateur anthropologist John M.Garvan, "The Manobo of Mindanao" is an incredibly well researched work, all the more so given Garvan's occupation as a teacher, and later a shopkeeper. In this entry, from Chapter 2, Garvan focuses on the label "Manobo" itself.
"The Manobos of Mindanao"
"Present Use of the Word Manobo"
The word "man" seems to be a generic name for people of greatly divergent culture, physical type, language. Thus is it is applied to people that dwell in the mountains of the lower half of Point San Agustin as well as to those people whose habitat is on the southern part of the Sarangani Peninsula. Those again that occupy the hinterland of Tuna Bay* came under the same designation. So it might seem that the word was originally used to designate the pagan as distinguished from the Mohammedanized people of Mindanao, much as the name "Haraforas" or "Alfuros" was applied by the early writers to the pagans to distinguish them from the Moros.
In the Agusan Valley the term Manobo is used very frequently by Christian and Christianized and sometimes by pagans themselves to denote that the individual in question is still unbaptized, whether he be tribally a Mandaya, a Mangguangan, or some other group. I have been told by Mandayas on several occasions that they were still "Manobo," that is, still "unbaptised." Then again the word is frequently used by those who are really Manobos as a term of contempt for their fellow tribesmen who live in remoter regions and who are not as well off in a worldly or cultural way as they are. Thus I have heard Manobos of the Upper Agusan refer to their fellow tribesmen of Libaganon as "Manobos" with evident contempt in ther voice. I asked them what they themselves were and in answer was informed that they were "Agusanon"- that is "Upper Agusan People," not "Manobos."
"The Derivation and Original Application of the Word 'Manobo' "
One of the earliest references that I find of the Manobos of the Agusan Valley is in, "General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers (1661-1699)" by Father Pedro de San Francisco de Assis. The author says that "the mountains of that territory are inhabited by a nation of Indians, heathens for the greater part, called 'Manobos,' a word signifying in that language, as if we should say here, 'robust' or 'very numerous people'." I have so found no word in the Manobo Dialect that verifies the correctness of the above statement. It may be said however , in front of this derivation that "manusia" is the word for "man" or "mankind" in the Malay, Moro (Maguindanawon), and Tiruay** language. In Bagobo***, a dialect that shows very close resemblance to Manobo, the word "Manobo" means "Man" and in Maguindanaowan it means "Mountain People"; and is applied by the Moros to all the mountain people of Mindanao. It might be maintained therefore with some semblance of reason that the word "Manobo" simply means "People." Some of the early historians use the words "Manobo," Mansuba," Manubo." These three forms indicate the derivation to be from a prefix "man" signifying "The People" or "Dweller" and "suba" meaning "A River." From the form "Manobo" however, we might conclude that the word is made up of "man" (people) and "hubo" (naked), and therefore meaning the "Naked People." The former derivation appears to be more consonant with the principles upon which Mindanao tribes both general and local are formed. Thus "Mansaka," "Mandaya," and "Mangguangan"**** are derived the first part of each, from "man" (people or dwellers), and the remainders of the words, respectively; from "saka" (interior), "daya" (up the river), and "guanggan" (forest). These names that mean "People of the Interior," "People that Dwell on the Upper Reaches of the River," and "People that Dwell in the Forest" and other tribal designation of Mindanao races and tribes are almost without exception derived from words that denote the relative geographical position of the tribe in question. The "Banuaon" and "Mamanua" are derived from "Banua" (the country) as distinguished from settlements near the main or settled part of the river. The "Bukidnon" are the "Mountain People" (bukid = mountain); "Subanun***** are the "River People" (suba = river), "Tiruay"* means the "Mountain People" (tuduk = mountain) and (eteu = man); "Tagakaolo" are the "People at the Very Source of the River" (taga = inhabitant), (olo = head or source).
The deriviation of the above tribal designations leads us to the opinion that the word "Manobo" means, or is a deriviation of a "River Man" and not a "Naked Man." A further alternative deriviation has been suggested by Dr.N.M.Saleeby, from the word "Tubo," (to grow); the word "Manobo," according to this deriviation, would mean "The People that Grow Up on the Island" as an in indigenous.
"Geographical Distribution of the Manobos in Eastern Mindanao"
"In the Agusan Valley"
The Manobo occupy the whole Agusan Valley as far as the town of Buai on the Upper Agusan with the following exceptions
1) The upper parts of the Rivers Laminga, Kandiisan, Hawilian, and Ohut, and the whole of the River Massam, together with the mountainous region beyond the head-waters of these rivers, and probably the territory beyond in the District of Misamis as far over as the habitat of the Bukidnon Tribe.
The reason for the insertion of this last clause is that the people inhabiting the mountains at the headwaters at the above rivers have the same physical types, dress, and weapons as the Bukidnons, if I may judhe from my slight acquaintance with the latter.
2) The towns of Butuan, Talakogon, Bunawan, Veruela, and Prosperidad.
3) The town of Tagusab and the head-waters of the Tutu and Binungngaan [sic] Rivers.
"On the Eastern Side of the Pacific Cordillera"
In this region I include the upper waters of the Lianga, Hubo, Oteiza, Marihatag, Kagwait, Tago, Tandag, and Kantilan Rivers.
"On the Peninsula of San Agustin"
I had only cursory dealings with the inhabitants of the last named region but both from my own scant observations and from the reports of others more familiar with them. I am inclined to believe that there may be differences great enough to distinguish them from the other peoples if the Agusan Valley as a distinct tribe.
As to the Manobos of the Libaganon it is probable that they have more or less the same cultural and linguistic characteristics as the Manobo that form the subject matter of this paper but as I did not visit them nor get satisfactory information regarding them, I prefer to leave them unoticed until further investigation.
Of the Manobos of the lower half of the Peninsula of San Agustin I know absolutely nothing except that they are known as Manobos. I noted however, in pursuing the Jesuit Letters****** that there were in the year 1891 not only Manobos but Moros, Bilanes*******, and Tagakaolos in that region.
"The Debabaons********"
The Debabaons are probably a hybrid group forming a Dialect Group with the Manobos of the Ihawan, Baobo, and a cultural group in dress and other features with the Mandayas. They claim a relationship with the Manobos and follow Manobo religious beliefs and practices to a great extent. For this reason I have retained the name that they apply to themselves until their tribal identity can be clearly determined. They inhabit the upper half of the Salug River Valley and the country that lies to the west of it as far as the Baobo River.
"The Manobo Conquistas*********"
The inhabitants of all the settlements in the Agusan Valley except Novela, Rosario, the towns of Buai, the towns within the Banuaon habitat and a few settlements of pagan Manobo on the Upper Umaiam, Arfawan, Ihawan, Wawa, and Maitum are Manobo Conquistas.
On the eastern slopes of the Pacific Cordillera in the vicinity of San Miguel (Tago River) on the Marihatag and Oteiza Rivers there are several hundred Conquistas. The towns up the Hinatuan and Bislig Rivers are made up of both Manobo and Mandaya Cobquistas.
"The Debabaon Conquistas"
The Debabaon Conquistas are found in the towns on Moncayo and are also scattered about on the Upper Salug. The missionaries found the Debabaon People very recalcitrant; the comparatively few converts made envinced on the one hand all the fickleness of and instability of the Manobos and, on the other, the aggresiveness of the Mandaya.
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* "Tuna Bay" is on the southern coast midwat between Sarangani Bay and Parang Bay
** "Tiruay" is usally spelled as "Teduray" and refers to the tribe living today in and around the municipality of Maguindanao Province
*** "Bagobo" are a Lumad Tribe living in the mountains of North Cotabato Province
**** Mansaka, Mandaya, and Mangguangan are all separate tribes centered in ComVal (Compostela Valley) and Davao del Norte Province.
***** "Subanun are today transliterated as "Subanon" and alternatively as "Subanen." Rooted in Indonesia their original home on Mindanao sat where today's Zamboanga City sits. When Muslims began arriving the tribe was pushed up into the mountains of the Zamboagan Peninsula where they remain today
****** "Cartas de los PP.de la Compania de Jesus," 9:335, et seq. (1892)
******* Modern transliteration is almost always "B'laan"
******** "Debabaons" is today transliterated almost always as "Dibabaowans," and is
********* "Conquista" is a Spanish term that literally means "Conquered Ones" and was a social/demographic classification of the Spanish Era that refers to first or second generation Christian converts from Animist tribes. Hence "Manobo Conquista" refers to the Manobo who had accepted Baptism and were now living in diocese and/or mission communities as well as to their children. Usually by the third or fourth generation the progeny had assimilated into the dominant Bisaya Culture so as to then be counted as Bisaya.
Mr.Galvan relied on at least two primary sources for this excerpt, in addition to the Jesuit Letters mentioned above ("Cartas de...") :
1) "The Origin of the Malayan Filipinos" by Dr.Najeeb Mitry Saleeby, a paper read at the Philippines Academy, a subsidiary of the National Academy of Science in Washington D.C. on November 1st, 1911
2) "Etimilogo de los Nombres de Razas de Filipinos ("The Origin of Filipino Tribal Names") by Dr.Trinidad Hermenegilido Gorrico Pardo de Tavera, a paper presented to the (Spanish) Royal Academy of Linguistics in Madrid in 1887
"The Manobos of Mindanao"
"Present Use of the Word Manobo"
The word "man" seems to be a generic name for people of greatly divergent culture, physical type, language. Thus is it is applied to people that dwell in the mountains of the lower half of Point San Agustin as well as to those people whose habitat is on the southern part of the Sarangani Peninsula. Those again that occupy the hinterland of Tuna Bay* came under the same designation. So it might seem that the word was originally used to designate the pagan as distinguished from the Mohammedanized people of Mindanao, much as the name "Haraforas" or "Alfuros" was applied by the early writers to the pagans to distinguish them from the Moros.
In the Agusan Valley the term Manobo is used very frequently by Christian and Christianized and sometimes by pagans themselves to denote that the individual in question is still unbaptized, whether he be tribally a Mandaya, a Mangguangan, or some other group. I have been told by Mandayas on several occasions that they were still "Manobo," that is, still "unbaptised." Then again the word is frequently used by those who are really Manobos as a term of contempt for their fellow tribesmen who live in remoter regions and who are not as well off in a worldly or cultural way as they are. Thus I have heard Manobos of the Upper Agusan refer to their fellow tribesmen of Libaganon as "Manobos" with evident contempt in ther voice. I asked them what they themselves were and in answer was informed that they were "Agusanon"- that is "Upper Agusan People," not "Manobos."
"The Derivation and Original Application of the Word 'Manobo' "
One of the earliest references that I find of the Manobos of the Agusan Valley is in, "General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers (1661-1699)" by Father Pedro de San Francisco de Assis. The author says that "the mountains of that territory are inhabited by a nation of Indians, heathens for the greater part, called 'Manobos,' a word signifying in that language, as if we should say here, 'robust' or 'very numerous people'." I have so found no word in the Manobo Dialect that verifies the correctness of the above statement. It may be said however , in front of this derivation that "manusia" is the word for "man" or "mankind" in the Malay, Moro (Maguindanawon), and Tiruay** language. In Bagobo***, a dialect that shows very close resemblance to Manobo, the word "Manobo" means "Man" and in Maguindanaowan it means "Mountain People"; and is applied by the Moros to all the mountain people of Mindanao. It might be maintained therefore with some semblance of reason that the word "Manobo" simply means "People." Some of the early historians use the words "Manobo," Mansuba," Manubo." These three forms indicate the derivation to be from a prefix "man" signifying "The People" or "Dweller" and "suba" meaning "A River." From the form "Manobo" however, we might conclude that the word is made up of "man" (people) and "hubo" (naked), and therefore meaning the "Naked People." The former derivation appears to be more consonant with the principles upon which Mindanao tribes both general and local are formed. Thus "Mansaka," "Mandaya," and "Mangguangan"**** are derived the first part of each, from "man" (people or dwellers), and the remainders of the words, respectively; from "saka" (interior), "daya" (up the river), and "guanggan" (forest). These names that mean "People of the Interior," "People that Dwell on the Upper Reaches of the River," and "People that Dwell in the Forest" and other tribal designation of Mindanao races and tribes are almost without exception derived from words that denote the relative geographical position of the tribe in question. The "Banuaon" and "Mamanua" are derived from "Banua" (the country) as distinguished from settlements near the main or settled part of the river. The "Bukidnon" are the "Mountain People" (bukid = mountain); "Subanun***** are the "River People" (suba = river), "Tiruay"* means the "Mountain People" (tuduk = mountain) and (eteu = man); "Tagakaolo" are the "People at the Very Source of the River" (taga = inhabitant), (olo = head or source).
The deriviation of the above tribal designations leads us to the opinion that the word "Manobo" means, or is a deriviation of a "River Man" and not a "Naked Man." A further alternative deriviation has been suggested by Dr.N.M.Saleeby, from the word "Tubo," (to grow); the word "Manobo," according to this deriviation, would mean "The People that Grow Up on the Island" as an in indigenous.
"Geographical Distribution of the Manobos in Eastern Mindanao"
"In the Agusan Valley"
The Manobo occupy the whole Agusan Valley as far as the town of Buai on the Upper Agusan with the following exceptions
1) The upper parts of the Rivers Laminga, Kandiisan, Hawilian, and Ohut, and the whole of the River Massam, together with the mountainous region beyond the head-waters of these rivers, and probably the territory beyond in the District of Misamis as far over as the habitat of the Bukidnon Tribe.
The reason for the insertion of this last clause is that the people inhabiting the mountains at the headwaters at the above rivers have the same physical types, dress, and weapons as the Bukidnons, if I may judhe from my slight acquaintance with the latter.
2) The towns of Butuan, Talakogon, Bunawan, Veruela, and Prosperidad.
3) The town of Tagusab and the head-waters of the Tutu and Binungngaan [sic] Rivers.
"On the Eastern Side of the Pacific Cordillera"
In this region I include the upper waters of the Lianga, Hubo, Oteiza, Marihatag, Kagwait, Tago, Tandag, and Kantilan Rivers.
"On the Peninsula of San Agustin"
I had only cursory dealings with the inhabitants of the last named region but both from my own scant observations and from the reports of others more familiar with them. I am inclined to believe that there may be differences great enough to distinguish them from the other peoples if the Agusan Valley as a distinct tribe.
As to the Manobos of the Libaganon it is probable that they have more or less the same cultural and linguistic characteristics as the Manobo that form the subject matter of this paper but as I did not visit them nor get satisfactory information regarding them, I prefer to leave them unoticed until further investigation.
Of the Manobos of the lower half of the Peninsula of San Agustin I know absolutely nothing except that they are known as Manobos. I noted however, in pursuing the Jesuit Letters****** that there were in the year 1891 not only Manobos but Moros, Bilanes*******, and Tagakaolos in that region.
"The Debabaons********"
The Debabaons are probably a hybrid group forming a Dialect Group with the Manobos of the Ihawan, Baobo, and a cultural group in dress and other features with the Mandayas. They claim a relationship with the Manobos and follow Manobo religious beliefs and practices to a great extent. For this reason I have retained the name that they apply to themselves until their tribal identity can be clearly determined. They inhabit the upper half of the Salug River Valley and the country that lies to the west of it as far as the Baobo River.
"The Manobo Conquistas*********"
The inhabitants of all the settlements in the Agusan Valley except Novela, Rosario, the towns of Buai, the towns within the Banuaon habitat and a few settlements of pagan Manobo on the Upper Umaiam, Arfawan, Ihawan, Wawa, and Maitum are Manobo Conquistas.
On the eastern slopes of the Pacific Cordillera in the vicinity of San Miguel (Tago River) on the Marihatag and Oteiza Rivers there are several hundred Conquistas. The towns up the Hinatuan and Bislig Rivers are made up of both Manobo and Mandaya Cobquistas.
"The Debabaon Conquistas"
The Debabaon Conquistas are found in the towns on Moncayo and are also scattered about on the Upper Salug. The missionaries found the Debabaon People very recalcitrant; the comparatively few converts made envinced on the one hand all the fickleness of and instability of the Manobos and, on the other, the aggresiveness of the Mandaya.
******************************************************************************************************************
* "Tuna Bay" is on the southern coast midwat between Sarangani Bay and Parang Bay
** "Tiruay" is usally spelled as "Teduray" and refers to the tribe living today in and around the municipality of Maguindanao Province
*** "Bagobo" are a Lumad Tribe living in the mountains of North Cotabato Province
**** Mansaka, Mandaya, and Mangguangan are all separate tribes centered in ComVal (Compostela Valley) and Davao del Norte Province.
***** "Subanun are today transliterated as "Subanon" and alternatively as "Subanen." Rooted in Indonesia their original home on Mindanao sat where today's Zamboanga City sits. When Muslims began arriving the tribe was pushed up into the mountains of the Zamboagan Peninsula where they remain today
****** "Cartas de los PP.de la Compania de Jesus," 9:335, et seq. (1892)
******* Modern transliteration is almost always "B'laan"
******** "Debabaons" is today transliterated almost always as "Dibabaowans," and is
********* "Conquista" is a Spanish term that literally means "Conquered Ones" and was a social/demographic classification of the Spanish Era that refers to first or second generation Christian converts from Animist tribes. Hence "Manobo Conquista" refers to the Manobo who had accepted Baptism and were now living in diocese and/or mission communities as well as to their children. Usually by the third or fourth generation the progeny had assimilated into the dominant Bisaya Culture so as to then be counted as Bisaya.
Mr.Galvan relied on at least two primary sources for this excerpt, in addition to the Jesuit Letters mentioned above ("Cartas de...") :
1) "The Origin of the Malayan Filipinos" by Dr.Najeeb Mitry Saleeby, a paper read at the Philippines Academy, a subsidiary of the National Academy of Science in Washington D.C. on November 1st, 1911
2) "Etimilogo de los Nombres de Razas de Filipinos ("The Origin of Filipino Tribal Names") by Dr.Trinidad Hermenegilido Gorrico Pardo de Tavera, a paper presented to the (Spanish) Royal Academy of Linguistics in Madrid in 1887
Thursday, September 22, 2011
History of Mindanao, Part IV: The Maguindanao Sultanate in the Late 17th Century, Part 7
In this, the seventh installment in "History of Mindanao, Part IV" I conclude my excerpting from William Dampier's "A New Voyage Around the World." Dampier was an upper class Englishman who while in Jamaica joined the crew of a privateer, liscenced pirates who attacked Spanish ships and split the profits with the English Monarchy. This excerpt addresses the crew's last two months on Mindanao during the reign of the ninth Sultan, Sultan Barahaman, and shows how they began to fight amongst themselves before finally culminating in a mutiny as the ship departs heading north with a quick stop in what is now Zamboanga City. The excerpt opens as the crewmen discover Captain Swan's journal in which he remarked quite negatively about most any crew member.
Chapter 13
"His Men Mutiny"
Therefore looking on what was written in the journal to be matter sufficient for them to accomplish their ends. Captain Teat, who as I said before, had been abused by Captain Swan, laid hold on this opportunity to be revenged for his injuries and aggravated the matter to the height, persuading the men to turn out Captain Swan from being commander in hopes to command the ship himself. As for the seamen they were easily persuaded to anything; for they were quite tired with this long and tedious voyage, and most of them despaired of ever getting home and therefore did not care what they did or wither they went. It was only want of being busied in some action that made them so uneasy; therefore they consented to what Teat proposed, and immediately all the ship bound themselves by oath to; therefore they concealed this design from those that were ashore until the ship was under sail which would have been presently if the surgeon or his mate had been aboard; but they were both ashore, and they thought it be prudence to go to sea without a surgeon; therefore the next morning they sent ashore one John Cookworthy to hasten off either the surgeon or his mate by pretending that one of the men in the night had broken a leg by falling into the hold. The surgeon told him that he intended to come aboard the next day with the Captain and would not come before; but sent his mate Herman Coppinger. The next day being the time appointed for Captain Swan and all his men to meet aboard, I went aboard with him neither of us distrusted what was designing by those aboard till' we came tither. Then we found it was only a trick to get the surgeon off, for now having obtained their desires, the canoe was sent ashore again to desire as many as they could meet to come aboard; but not to tell the reason lest Captain Swan should come to hear of it.
The 13th day in the morning they weighed and fired a gun; Captain Swan immediately sent aboard Mr.Nelly who was now his Chief Mate, to see what the matter was; to him they told all their grievances and showed him the journal. He persuaded them to stay till' the next day for an answer from Captain Swan and the merchants. So they came to an anchor again and the next morning. Mr.Harthop came aboard, he persuaded them to be reconciled again; or at least to stay and get more rice; but they were deaf to it and weighed again while he was aboard. Yet at Mr.Harthop's persuasion they promised to stay till' 2 o'clock in the afternoon for Captain Swan and the rest of the men, if they came aboard; but they suffered no man to go ashore except one Mr.William Williams that had a wooden leg and another that was a sawyer.
"The main part of the crew Go Away with the Ship, Leaving Captain Swan and Some of his Men; Several Others Poisoned There"
If Captain Swan had yet come aboard he might have dashed all their designs; but he neither came himself, as a Captain of any prudence and courage would have done, nor sent till' the time was expired. So we left Captain Swan and about thirty-six men ashore in the city and six or eight that ran away; and about sixteen we had buried there, the most of which died by poison. The natives are very expert at poisoning and do it upon small occasion; nor did our men want for giving offence through their general rogueries, and sometimes by dallying too familiarly with their women, even before their faces. Some of their poisons are slow and lingering for we had some now aboard who were poisoned there but died not till' some months later.
Chapter 14
"The Depart From the River of Mindanao"
The 14th day of January 1687 at 3 o'clock in the afternoon we sailed from the river of Mindanao, designing to cruise before Manila.
"Chambongo Town and Harbour with its Neighbouring Keys"
We coasted to the westward on the south side of the island of Mindanao, keeping within four or five leagues of the shore. The next day we were abreast of Chambongo, a town in this island; about thirty leagues from the river of Mindanao; Here is said to be a good harbour and a great settlment with plenty of beef and buffalo. It is reported that the Spaniards were formerly fortified here also; we sent our canoe ashore, thinking to find inhabitants but found no sign of any; but great tracts of hogs and great cattle; and close by the sea there are ruins of an old fort; the walls thereof were of a great height, built with stone and lime; and by the workmanship seemed to be Spanish. We weighed again on the 14th day and by the 22nd day we got about the western most point of Mindanao and stood to the northward.
"Two Proas of the Sologues Laden from Manila"
Here we met with two proas belonging to the Sologues, one of the Mindanayan nations before mentioned, they came from Manila laden with silks and calicoes.
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That concludes the excerpts but I will post a Part 9 as well in which I offer a full synopsis of these 8 parts.
Chapter 13
"His Men Mutiny"
Therefore looking on what was written in the journal to be matter sufficient for them to accomplish their ends. Captain Teat, who as I said before, had been abused by Captain Swan, laid hold on this opportunity to be revenged for his injuries and aggravated the matter to the height, persuading the men to turn out Captain Swan from being commander in hopes to command the ship himself. As for the seamen they were easily persuaded to anything; for they were quite tired with this long and tedious voyage, and most of them despaired of ever getting home and therefore did not care what they did or wither they went. It was only want of being busied in some action that made them so uneasy; therefore they consented to what Teat proposed, and immediately all the ship bound themselves by oath to; therefore they concealed this design from those that were ashore until the ship was under sail which would have been presently if the surgeon or his mate had been aboard; but they were both ashore, and they thought it be prudence to go to sea without a surgeon; therefore the next morning they sent ashore one John Cookworthy to hasten off either the surgeon or his mate by pretending that one of the men in the night had broken a leg by falling into the hold. The surgeon told him that he intended to come aboard the next day with the Captain and would not come before; but sent his mate Herman Coppinger. The next day being the time appointed for Captain Swan and all his men to meet aboard, I went aboard with him neither of us distrusted what was designing by those aboard till' we came tither. Then we found it was only a trick to get the surgeon off, for now having obtained their desires, the canoe was sent ashore again to desire as many as they could meet to come aboard; but not to tell the reason lest Captain Swan should come to hear of it.
The 13th day in the morning they weighed and fired a gun; Captain Swan immediately sent aboard Mr.Nelly who was now his Chief Mate, to see what the matter was; to him they told all their grievances and showed him the journal. He persuaded them to stay till' the next day for an answer from Captain Swan and the merchants. So they came to an anchor again and the next morning. Mr.Harthop came aboard, he persuaded them to be reconciled again; or at least to stay and get more rice; but they were deaf to it and weighed again while he was aboard. Yet at Mr.Harthop's persuasion they promised to stay till' 2 o'clock in the afternoon for Captain Swan and the rest of the men, if they came aboard; but they suffered no man to go ashore except one Mr.William Williams that had a wooden leg and another that was a sawyer.
"The main part of the crew Go Away with the Ship, Leaving Captain Swan and Some of his Men; Several Others Poisoned There"
If Captain Swan had yet come aboard he might have dashed all their designs; but he neither came himself, as a Captain of any prudence and courage would have done, nor sent till' the time was expired. So we left Captain Swan and about thirty-six men ashore in the city and six or eight that ran away; and about sixteen we had buried there, the most of which died by poison. The natives are very expert at poisoning and do it upon small occasion; nor did our men want for giving offence through their general rogueries, and sometimes by dallying too familiarly with their women, even before their faces. Some of their poisons are slow and lingering for we had some now aboard who were poisoned there but died not till' some months later.
Chapter 14
"The Depart From the River of Mindanao"
The 14th day of January 1687 at 3 o'clock in the afternoon we sailed from the river of Mindanao, designing to cruise before Manila.
"Chambongo Town and Harbour with its Neighbouring Keys"
We coasted to the westward on the south side of the island of Mindanao, keeping within four or five leagues of the shore. The next day we were abreast of Chambongo, a town in this island; about thirty leagues from the river of Mindanao; Here is said to be a good harbour and a great settlment with plenty of beef and buffalo. It is reported that the Spaniards were formerly fortified here also; we sent our canoe ashore, thinking to find inhabitants but found no sign of any; but great tracts of hogs and great cattle; and close by the sea there are ruins of an old fort; the walls thereof were of a great height, built with stone and lime; and by the workmanship seemed to be Spanish. We weighed again on the 14th day and by the 22nd day we got about the western most point of Mindanao and stood to the northward.
"Two Proas of the Sologues Laden from Manila"
Here we met with two proas belonging to the Sologues, one of the Mindanayan nations before mentioned, they came from Manila laden with silks and calicoes.
********************************************************************************************************
That concludes the excerpts but I will post a Part 9 as well in which I offer a full synopsis of these 8 parts.
History of Mindanao, Part IV: The Maguindanao Sultanate in the Late 17th Century, Part 8, a Synopsis of Dampier's Experience on Mindanao
In this, the eighth and final installment of "The History of Central Mindanao, Part IV" I thought it best to offer a relatively simple synopsis of all the installments after having concluded excerpting the book in the previous installment, Part 7, where I concluded William Dampier's "A New Voyage Around the World." Dampier and his crewmates sat out the Western Monsoon in the Sultanate of Maguindanao, then under its ninth Sultan, Barahaman, and offers us his perceptions about the six months he spent on the island. He shows us a people that have very little familiarity with the religion they had joined roughly 100 years before, Islam. Aside from the Sultan no other person utilised the sole mosque on Mainland Mindanao. Even the Sultan's family gets drunk and gambles, major sacroreligious actions within Islam.
The Sultanate, then at its apex, merely consisted of less than a kilometer long line of bamboo framed nipa palm leaf thatched huts, commonly known today as "nipas." Even the "palace" was merely a larger nipa. The Sultanate did trade and had received at least two British ships before Dampier's as Dampier found out during the audience given to the ship's commander, Captain Swan. At this audience before the Sultan the evening after their arrival, Captain Swan was formally presented with two letters. The first, posted from London on ornate stationary that contained gold patina was sent by a representative of the East India Company, a quasi-governmental mercantile corporation that combined trade with military and political expansionism. The author was responding to conversations that had been held between the Sultan and company representatives during a port call in recent years. It spoke of intentions to open an East India Company factory within the Sultanate of Maguindanao, or as it was known then, the Sultanate of Mindanao ("Maguindanao," or "People of the Flood Plain" is related etymologically to "Mindanao" which simply means "The Innundated Land," or "The Flooded Land" referring to the Pulangi River which lies at the centre of the Sultanate's existence and its annual flooding of the lands around it).
Far from its modern definition a "factory" was a small fort that served as a centre of commercial trade. The British, latecomers to the region were as keen as any other Europeans to cash in on the Spice Trade. In the days before electricity made refrigeration possible spices offered a way in which to preserve food as well as a way in which to season its taste. The trade had fueled European expansionism over the previous three centuries as European nations desperately sought faster routes to what Europeans generally referred to as the "East Indies" which were basically the lands that are today encompassed within Indonesia, Malaysia, East Timor, Singapore, and the Philippines though the latter served more as a logistical hub than a cog in the actual trade since the limited commodities it did offer, cinammon for example, was considered inferior in quality.
The second letter came from the commander of a merchant vessel, Captain Goodlud. Aside from commercial information such as weights and measures and agreed upon prices for staple commodities, the letter closed with a warning that the Maguindanowan Tribe were degenerate thieves. While in port Captain Goodlud's ship had been robbed by a Maguindanowan warrior who then escaped into the mountainous back country. As Dampier himself would soon find out there were indeed things afoot about which to be cautious. The man with whom the crew dealt the most was a younger brother of the Sultan, the Rajah Laut, or "Prince of the Seas," owing to his command of the Sultanate's naval forces as well as his oversight of its waterways for fishing and trading. Although inititaly this interaction went wonderfully well it soon soured.
From the moment they met the Rajah Laut had advised Captain Swan to leave his mooring in the bay and drive his ship up the river so as to protect it from the imminent monsoon. When, on the second day Captain Swan read the two English letters that of the East India Company in which it professed its intention to open a factory in the Sultanate completely overshadowed the warnings of Captain Goodlud. If the lauded East India Company had faith in the Sultanate than that was all Captain Swan needed to hear. On the third day, with Rajah Laut aboard and at least fifty Maguindanowans labouring the crew dragged the ship a half a kilometer upriver by block and tackle, an arduous task with such a large vessel in only three meters of water riddled with sand bars.
Arriving at an indentation that allowed proper mooring while always leaving the ship afloat the crew set about acclimaring itself to life on Mindanao. Dampier tells how the tribe had acquired a formal system of begging in which newly arriving foreigners were accosted and solicited to become good friends much like people might date in our age. The tribesman, asking if the sailor had a "comrade" (male friend) or "pagallie" (female platonic friend). If receptive the foreigner would be led to his "comrade" or "pagallie's" home where he would be offered food, a place to nap or even a bit of diversion via intoxicants like locally grown tobacco or betel nut. In exchange the foreigner was expected to regularly bestow gifts of considerably steeper value. Dampier mentions sailors, who had been considerably enriched by the crews depradations against Spanish shipping and at least one overland aTtack in Panama as bestowing gold rings weighing 14 grammes for the simple pleasure of spending a day or two with a local family and enjoying what little food and enjoyment they had to offer.
Something that any visitor to the Philippines today would easily recognise, the traders and craftsmen in the Sultanate vastly overcharged their foreign customers, a practice Dampier found repugnant almost as much as dud about his crewmates willingness to endure it. Dampier warns that his crewmates will cause any Englishmen that might follow them to pay dearly for even the most basic of commodities (now I know who to blame!).
As the crew set about scrubbing their ship's keel they noticed that there was a huge problem with marine worm infestation that had eaten nearly through their outer hull. Luckily the ship was double hulled and so the vessel was salvagable. Dampier later learned that a Dutch vessel had been convinced by the Rajah Laut to moor at that same spot; within two months the hull had been destroyed and the Rajah Laut was able to theb very cheaply acquire the ship's artillery. He later noted that when the Rajah Laut visited the ship and found it to be double hulled he became visibly distressed and that when, towards the new year the ship drove out again to the bay the Rajah Laut was nowhere to be found unlike when he had eagerly directed them to that site.
As New Year approached the Rajah Laut not only failed to keep his word about provisioning the ship (for a fee) but then connived with several of the young crew members to deceive Captain Swan in the matter. Likewise he assisted several crew members in absconding from the Sultanate so as to avoid having to sail.
Finally, the crew was getting ready to leave when a crewman inadvertently discovered Captain Swan's journal and found that the Captain had badly disparaged just about everybody in the crew. Already the crew had separated into cliques where those with means stayed ashore, several going so far as to have their own nipas built and lease a concubine from tribesmen so as to lead the semblabce of a stable life. The others without means were left aboard with little provisions and so they had begun stealing iron ingots stored aboard by two merchants who had taken passage. With the proceeds the crewmen purchased honey and other commodities and manufactured their own liquor. Already resentful the alcohol was like a spark to tinder so that when the journal was read it gave birth to a mutinous plot that left Captain Swan and 36 other crewmen at the Sultanate as the ship departed in mid-January of 1687. In addition, 16 had died during their six month sojourn and eight had run away before as re-provisioning began. Dampier attributes some of the deaths to deliberate posoining by tribesmen amd adds that some died long after they left from slower acting posions.
Traveling north they skirted the Zamboanga Peninsula, or as Dampier refers to it, "Chambonga." Landing where Zamboanga City sits today they inspected the ruined foundation of the Spanish fort which had been abandoned decades before. From there, intending to attack Spanish shipping in the sea lanes around Manila they land at Palawan and then a Visayan island near Cebu, and finally, Batanes which although unrelated to Mindanao of course still makes for a fascinating read.
The Sultanate, then at its apex, merely consisted of less than a kilometer long line of bamboo framed nipa palm leaf thatched huts, commonly known today as "nipas." Even the "palace" was merely a larger nipa. The Sultanate did trade and had received at least two British ships before Dampier's as Dampier found out during the audience given to the ship's commander, Captain Swan. At this audience before the Sultan the evening after their arrival, Captain Swan was formally presented with two letters. The first, posted from London on ornate stationary that contained gold patina was sent by a representative of the East India Company, a quasi-governmental mercantile corporation that combined trade with military and political expansionism. The author was responding to conversations that had been held between the Sultan and company representatives during a port call in recent years. It spoke of intentions to open an East India Company factory within the Sultanate of Maguindanao, or as it was known then, the Sultanate of Mindanao ("Maguindanao," or "People of the Flood Plain" is related etymologically to "Mindanao" which simply means "The Innundated Land," or "The Flooded Land" referring to the Pulangi River which lies at the centre of the Sultanate's existence and its annual flooding of the lands around it).
Far from its modern definition a "factory" was a small fort that served as a centre of commercial trade. The British, latecomers to the region were as keen as any other Europeans to cash in on the Spice Trade. In the days before electricity made refrigeration possible spices offered a way in which to preserve food as well as a way in which to season its taste. The trade had fueled European expansionism over the previous three centuries as European nations desperately sought faster routes to what Europeans generally referred to as the "East Indies" which were basically the lands that are today encompassed within Indonesia, Malaysia, East Timor, Singapore, and the Philippines though the latter served more as a logistical hub than a cog in the actual trade since the limited commodities it did offer, cinammon for example, was considered inferior in quality.
The second letter came from the commander of a merchant vessel, Captain Goodlud. Aside from commercial information such as weights and measures and agreed upon prices for staple commodities, the letter closed with a warning that the Maguindanowan Tribe were degenerate thieves. While in port Captain Goodlud's ship had been robbed by a Maguindanowan warrior who then escaped into the mountainous back country. As Dampier himself would soon find out there were indeed things afoot about which to be cautious. The man with whom the crew dealt the most was a younger brother of the Sultan, the Rajah Laut, or "Prince of the Seas," owing to his command of the Sultanate's naval forces as well as his oversight of its waterways for fishing and trading. Although inititaly this interaction went wonderfully well it soon soured.
From the moment they met the Rajah Laut had advised Captain Swan to leave his mooring in the bay and drive his ship up the river so as to protect it from the imminent monsoon. When, on the second day Captain Swan read the two English letters that of the East India Company in which it professed its intention to open a factory in the Sultanate completely overshadowed the warnings of Captain Goodlud. If the lauded East India Company had faith in the Sultanate than that was all Captain Swan needed to hear. On the third day, with Rajah Laut aboard and at least fifty Maguindanowans labouring the crew dragged the ship a half a kilometer upriver by block and tackle, an arduous task with such a large vessel in only three meters of water riddled with sand bars.
Arriving at an indentation that allowed proper mooring while always leaving the ship afloat the crew set about acclimaring itself to life on Mindanao. Dampier tells how the tribe had acquired a formal system of begging in which newly arriving foreigners were accosted and solicited to become good friends much like people might date in our age. The tribesman, asking if the sailor had a "comrade" (male friend) or "pagallie" (female platonic friend). If receptive the foreigner would be led to his "comrade" or "pagallie's" home where he would be offered food, a place to nap or even a bit of diversion via intoxicants like locally grown tobacco or betel nut. In exchange the foreigner was expected to regularly bestow gifts of considerably steeper value. Dampier mentions sailors, who had been considerably enriched by the crews depradations against Spanish shipping and at least one overland aTtack in Panama as bestowing gold rings weighing 14 grammes for the simple pleasure of spending a day or two with a local family and enjoying what little food and enjoyment they had to offer.
Something that any visitor to the Philippines today would easily recognise, the traders and craftsmen in the Sultanate vastly overcharged their foreign customers, a practice Dampier found repugnant almost as much as dud about his crewmates willingness to endure it. Dampier warns that his crewmates will cause any Englishmen that might follow them to pay dearly for even the most basic of commodities (now I know who to blame!).
As the crew set about scrubbing their ship's keel they noticed that there was a huge problem with marine worm infestation that had eaten nearly through their outer hull. Luckily the ship was double hulled and so the vessel was salvagable. Dampier later learned that a Dutch vessel had been convinced by the Rajah Laut to moor at that same spot; within two months the hull had been destroyed and the Rajah Laut was able to theb very cheaply acquire the ship's artillery. He later noted that when the Rajah Laut visited the ship and found it to be double hulled he became visibly distressed and that when, towards the new year the ship drove out again to the bay the Rajah Laut was nowhere to be found unlike when he had eagerly directed them to that site.
As New Year approached the Rajah Laut not only failed to keep his word about provisioning the ship (for a fee) but then connived with several of the young crew members to deceive Captain Swan in the matter. Likewise he assisted several crew members in absconding from the Sultanate so as to avoid having to sail.
Finally, the crew was getting ready to leave when a crewman inadvertently discovered Captain Swan's journal and found that the Captain had badly disparaged just about everybody in the crew. Already the crew had separated into cliques where those with means stayed ashore, several going so far as to have their own nipas built and lease a concubine from tribesmen so as to lead the semblabce of a stable life. The others without means were left aboard with little provisions and so they had begun stealing iron ingots stored aboard by two merchants who had taken passage. With the proceeds the crewmen purchased honey and other commodities and manufactured their own liquor. Already resentful the alcohol was like a spark to tinder so that when the journal was read it gave birth to a mutinous plot that left Captain Swan and 36 other crewmen at the Sultanate as the ship departed in mid-January of 1687. In addition, 16 had died during their six month sojourn and eight had run away before as re-provisioning began. Dampier attributes some of the deaths to deliberate posoining by tribesmen amd adds that some died long after they left from slower acting posions.
Traveling north they skirted the Zamboanga Peninsula, or as Dampier refers to it, "Chambonga." Landing where Zamboanga City sits today they inspected the ruined foundation of the Spanish fort which had been abandoned decades before. From there, intending to attack Spanish shipping in the sea lanes around Manila they land at Palawan and then a Visayan island near Cebu, and finally, Batanes which although unrelated to Mindanao of course still makes for a fascinating read.
History of Mindanao, Part IV: The Maguindanao Sultanate in the Late 17th Century, Part 7
As with the previous six entries in "The History of Central Mindanao, Part IV" my current entry focuses on William Dampier's "A New Voyage Around the World." Dampier, an upper class Englishman became a privateer, or a liscenced pirate. Under permit from the English Crown Dampier cruised Central and South America preying upon Spanish shipping before rounding the tip of South America and sailing into the Pacific Ocean. While taking on provisions at Guam, then a Spanish possesion, Dampier and his crewmates hear that the "King of Mindanao" was at war with Spain. Learning that the island is quite large and needing a safe mooring to ride out the Western Monsoon, they factor in the strife with Spain and reckon Mindanao might be the best destination.
Sailing west from Guam the ship skirts Siargao Island off of what is today Surigao del Norte Province on Mindanao's northeast coast. Sailing south along Mindanao's east coast the crew finally reaches the southern coast and moors in Sarangani Bay where they spend time hunting deer before casting off en route to the Sultanate of Maguindanao during the reign of the ninth Sultan, Barahaman (ruled 1678 to 1699). Arriving at the mouth of the Pulangi River (Rio Grande de Mindanao) and are met by the Sultan's brother and son. The brother, holding the position of Rajah Laut (Prince of the Seas) becomes the person with whom Dampier spends the most time and so it is he that we hear about most often.
Part 6 had stopped just after Dampier recounted how Rajah Laut had tried to gain control of their ship by having it moor in a worm infested pocket a quarter of a mile up the Pulangi. Rajah Laut ended up frustrated though because the ship was double hulled and so they just needed to re-plank the outer hull. Part 7 tells how the ship's captain, Captain Swan, ended up losing control of his crew and then his ship.
Chapter 13:
Having ripped off all our worm-eaten plank and clapped on new, by the beginning of December of 1686, our ship's bottom was was sheathed and tallowed, and the 10th day we went over the bar and took aboard the iron and lead that we could not sell and began to fill our water and fetch aboard rice for our voyage; but Captain Swan remained ashore and still was not yet determined when to sail or whither. But, I am well assured that he did never intend to cruise about Manila as his crew designed; for I did once asked him, and he told me that he had already done of that kind he was forced to; but now being at liberty he would never more engage in any such design; for said he, there is no prince on Earth is able to wipe off the stain of such actions. What other designs he had I know not, for he was commonly very cross; yet he did never propose doing anything else, but only ordered the provisions to be got aboard in order to sail; I am confident if he had made a motion to go to any English factory most of his men would have consented to it though probably some would have opposed it. However his authority might soon have overswayed those that were refractory; for it was very strange to see the awe that these men were in of him, for he punished the most stubborn and daring of his men. Yet when we had brought the ship out into the road they were not altogether so submissive as while it lay in the river, though even then it was that he punished Captain Teat.
"Hunting Wild Kine"
I was at that time a-hunting with the General for beef, which he had a long time promised us. But now I saw that there was no credit to be given to his word, for I was a week out with him and saw but four cows which were so wild that we did not get one. There were five or six more of our company with me; these who were young men and had Delilahs there, which made them fond of the place, all agreed with the General to tell Captain Swan that were beeves enough, only they were wild. But I told him the truth and advised him not to be credulous of the General's promises. He seemed to be very angry and stormed behind the General's back, but in his presence was very mute, being a man of small courage.
It was around the 20th day of December when we returned from hunting and the General designed to go again to another place to hunt for beef, but he stayed till' after Christmas Day because some of us designed to go with him and Captain Swan had desired all his men to be aboard that day that we might keep it solemnly together; and accordingly he sent aboard a buffalo the day before that he might have a good dinner, so the 25th day at around 10 o'clock Captain Swan came aboard and all his men who were ashore; for you must understand that near a third of our men lived constantly ashore with their comrades and pagallies, and some with women servants whom they hired of their masters as concubines.
"The Prodigality of Some of the English"
Some of our men also had houses which they hired or bought, for houses are very cheap, for five or six dollars. For many of them, having more money than they knew what to do with eased themselves here of the trouble of telling it, of spending it very lavishly, their prodigality making the people impose upon them, to making the rest of us pay the dearer for what we bought and endangering the like impositions upon such Englishman as may come here hence after. For the Mindanayans knew how to get our squires' gold from them (for we had no silver) and when our men wanted silver they would change now and then an ounce of gold and could get it for no more than ten or eleven dollars for a Mindanao ounce, which they would not part with again for under eighteen dollars. Yet this and the great prices the Mindanayans set on their goods were not the only way to lessen their stock; for their pagallies and comrades would often be begging somewhat of them, and our men were generous enough and would bestow around a half ounce of gold at a time, in a ring for their pagallies, or in a silver wrist band or hoop to come about their arms in hopes to get a night's lodging with them.
When we were all aboard on Christmas Day, Captain Swan and his two merchants; I did not expect that Captain Swan would have made some proposals or have told us his designs; but he only dined and went ashore again without speaking anything of his mind.
"Captain Swan Treats a Young Indian of a Spice Island"
Yet even then I do think that he was driving on a design of going to one of the Spice Islands to load with spice; for a young man sent by his uncle, the sultan of a spice island near Ternate, to invite the English to their island came aboard at this time and after some private discourse with Captain Swan they both went ashore together. This young man did not care that the Mindanayans should be privy to what he said. I have heard Captain Swan say that he offered to load his ship with spice provided he would build a small fort and leave some men to secure the island from the Dutch; but I a$ since informed that the Dutch have now got possession of the island.
"Captain Swan's Uneasiness and Indiscreet Management"
These things with other inward troubles, lay hard on our Captain's spirits and put him very much out of humor; for his own company were pressing everyday to be gone because npw was the height of the Easterly Monsoon, the only wind to carry us further into the Indies.
Around this time some of our men, who were weary and tired with wandering, ran away into the country and absconded, they being assisted, as was generally believed by Raja Laut. There were others also who, fearing we should not go to an English port, bought a canoe and designed to go her to Borneo; for not long before the Mindanao vessel came from thence and brought a letter direct to the chief of the English factory at Mindanao. This letter the General would have Captain Swan have opened; but he thought it might come from some of the East Inndia merchants whose affairs he would not intermeddle with, and therefpre did not open it. I since met with Captain Bowry at Achin and telling him this story, he said that he sent the letter, supposing that the English were settled there at Mindanao and by this letter we also thought that there was an English factory at Borneo; so there was a mistake on both sides. But this canoe, wherewith some of them thought to go to Borneo, Captain Swan took from them, and threatened the undertakers very hardily. However this did not so far discourage them, for they secretly bought another; but their designs taking the air they were again frustrated by Captain Swan.
The whole crew at this time were under a general disaffection and full of very different projects, all for want of action. The main division was between those that had money and those that had none. There was a great difference in the humors of these; for they that had money lived ashore and did not care for leaving Mindanao; whilst those that were poor lived aboard and urged Captain Swan to go to sea. These began to be unruly as well as dissatisfied; and sent ashore the merchants' iron to sell for rack and honey to make punch wherewith they grew drunk and quarrelsome; which disorderly actions deterred me from going aboard, for I ever did abhor drunkeness, which now our men that were aboard abandined themselves wholly too.
Yet these disorders may have been crushed if Captain Swan had used his authority to suppress them; but he with his merchants living always ashore there was no command; and therefore the man did what he pleased and encouraged each other in his villanies. Now Mr.Harthop, who was one of Captain Swan's merchants, did very much opportune him to settle his resolutions and declare his mind to his men which st last he consented to do. Therefore he gave warning to all his men to come aboard the 13th day of January, 1687.
We all did earnestly expect to hear what Captain Swan would propose and therefore were very willing to go aboard. But, unluckily for him, two days before this meeting was to be Captain Swan sent aboard his gunner to fetch something ashore out of his cabin. The gunner, rummaging to find that what he was sent for, among other things took out the Captain's journal from America to the island of Guam, and laid down by him. This journal was taken up by one John Read, a Bristol man. He was a pretty ingenious young man and of a very civil carriage and behaviour. He was also accounted a good artist and kept a journal, and was now prompted by his curiosity to peep into Captain Swan's journal to see how it agreed with his own, a thing very usual among the seamen to keep journals when they have an opportunity and especially young men who have no great experience. At the first opening of the book he lit on a place in which. Captain Swan had inveighed bitterly against most of his men, especially against another John Reed, a Jamaica man. Then John Read showed it to his namesake and to the rest that were aboard, who were by this time the biggest part of them ripe for mischief; only wanting some fair pretence to set themselves to work about it.
Sailing west from Guam the ship skirts Siargao Island off of what is today Surigao del Norte Province on Mindanao's northeast coast. Sailing south along Mindanao's east coast the crew finally reaches the southern coast and moors in Sarangani Bay where they spend time hunting deer before casting off en route to the Sultanate of Maguindanao during the reign of the ninth Sultan, Barahaman (ruled 1678 to 1699). Arriving at the mouth of the Pulangi River (Rio Grande de Mindanao) and are met by the Sultan's brother and son. The brother, holding the position of Rajah Laut (Prince of the Seas) becomes the person with whom Dampier spends the most time and so it is he that we hear about most often.
Part 6 had stopped just after Dampier recounted how Rajah Laut had tried to gain control of their ship by having it moor in a worm infested pocket a quarter of a mile up the Pulangi. Rajah Laut ended up frustrated though because the ship was double hulled and so they just needed to re-plank the outer hull. Part 7 tells how the ship's captain, Captain Swan, ended up losing control of his crew and then his ship.
Chapter 13:
Having ripped off all our worm-eaten plank and clapped on new, by the beginning of December of 1686, our ship's bottom was was sheathed and tallowed, and the 10th day we went over the bar and took aboard the iron and lead that we could not sell and began to fill our water and fetch aboard rice for our voyage; but Captain Swan remained ashore and still was not yet determined when to sail or whither. But, I am well assured that he did never intend to cruise about Manila as his crew designed; for I did once asked him, and he told me that he had already done of that kind he was forced to; but now being at liberty he would never more engage in any such design; for said he, there is no prince on Earth is able to wipe off the stain of such actions. What other designs he had I know not, for he was commonly very cross; yet he did never propose doing anything else, but only ordered the provisions to be got aboard in order to sail; I am confident if he had made a motion to go to any English factory most of his men would have consented to it though probably some would have opposed it. However his authority might soon have overswayed those that were refractory; for it was very strange to see the awe that these men were in of him, for he punished the most stubborn and daring of his men. Yet when we had brought the ship out into the road they were not altogether so submissive as while it lay in the river, though even then it was that he punished Captain Teat.
"Hunting Wild Kine"
I was at that time a-hunting with the General for beef, which he had a long time promised us. But now I saw that there was no credit to be given to his word, for I was a week out with him and saw but four cows which were so wild that we did not get one. There were five or six more of our company with me; these who were young men and had Delilahs there, which made them fond of the place, all agreed with the General to tell Captain Swan that were beeves enough, only they were wild. But I told him the truth and advised him not to be credulous of the General's promises. He seemed to be very angry and stormed behind the General's back, but in his presence was very mute, being a man of small courage.
It was around the 20th day of December when we returned from hunting and the General designed to go again to another place to hunt for beef, but he stayed till' after Christmas Day because some of us designed to go with him and Captain Swan had desired all his men to be aboard that day that we might keep it solemnly together; and accordingly he sent aboard a buffalo the day before that he might have a good dinner, so the 25th day at around 10 o'clock Captain Swan came aboard and all his men who were ashore; for you must understand that near a third of our men lived constantly ashore with their comrades and pagallies, and some with women servants whom they hired of their masters as concubines.
"The Prodigality of Some of the English"
Some of our men also had houses which they hired or bought, for houses are very cheap, for five or six dollars. For many of them, having more money than they knew what to do with eased themselves here of the trouble of telling it, of spending it very lavishly, their prodigality making the people impose upon them, to making the rest of us pay the dearer for what we bought and endangering the like impositions upon such Englishman as may come here hence after. For the Mindanayans knew how to get our squires' gold from them (for we had no silver) and when our men wanted silver they would change now and then an ounce of gold and could get it for no more than ten or eleven dollars for a Mindanao ounce, which they would not part with again for under eighteen dollars. Yet this and the great prices the Mindanayans set on their goods were not the only way to lessen their stock; for their pagallies and comrades would often be begging somewhat of them, and our men were generous enough and would bestow around a half ounce of gold at a time, in a ring for their pagallies, or in a silver wrist band or hoop to come about their arms in hopes to get a night's lodging with them.
When we were all aboard on Christmas Day, Captain Swan and his two merchants; I did not expect that Captain Swan would have made some proposals or have told us his designs; but he only dined and went ashore again without speaking anything of his mind.
"Captain Swan Treats a Young Indian of a Spice Island"
Yet even then I do think that he was driving on a design of going to one of the Spice Islands to load with spice; for a young man sent by his uncle, the sultan of a spice island near Ternate, to invite the English to their island came aboard at this time and after some private discourse with Captain Swan they both went ashore together. This young man did not care that the Mindanayans should be privy to what he said. I have heard Captain Swan say that he offered to load his ship with spice provided he would build a small fort and leave some men to secure the island from the Dutch; but I a$ since informed that the Dutch have now got possession of the island.
"Captain Swan's Uneasiness and Indiscreet Management"
These things with other inward troubles, lay hard on our Captain's spirits and put him very much out of humor; for his own company were pressing everyday to be gone because npw was the height of the Easterly Monsoon, the only wind to carry us further into the Indies.
Around this time some of our men, who were weary and tired with wandering, ran away into the country and absconded, they being assisted, as was generally believed by Raja Laut. There were others also who, fearing we should not go to an English port, bought a canoe and designed to go her to Borneo; for not long before the Mindanao vessel came from thence and brought a letter direct to the chief of the English factory at Mindanao. This letter the General would have Captain Swan have opened; but he thought it might come from some of the East Inndia merchants whose affairs he would not intermeddle with, and therefpre did not open it. I since met with Captain Bowry at Achin and telling him this story, he said that he sent the letter, supposing that the English were settled there at Mindanao and by this letter we also thought that there was an English factory at Borneo; so there was a mistake on both sides. But this canoe, wherewith some of them thought to go to Borneo, Captain Swan took from them, and threatened the undertakers very hardily. However this did not so far discourage them, for they secretly bought another; but their designs taking the air they were again frustrated by Captain Swan.
The whole crew at this time were under a general disaffection and full of very different projects, all for want of action. The main division was between those that had money and those that had none. There was a great difference in the humors of these; for they that had money lived ashore and did not care for leaving Mindanao; whilst those that were poor lived aboard and urged Captain Swan to go to sea. These began to be unruly as well as dissatisfied; and sent ashore the merchants' iron to sell for rack and honey to make punch wherewith they grew drunk and quarrelsome; which disorderly actions deterred me from going aboard, for I ever did abhor drunkeness, which now our men that were aboard abandined themselves wholly too.
Yet these disorders may have been crushed if Captain Swan had used his authority to suppress them; but he with his merchants living always ashore there was no command; and therefore the man did what he pleased and encouraged each other in his villanies. Now Mr.Harthop, who was one of Captain Swan's merchants, did very much opportune him to settle his resolutions and declare his mind to his men which st last he consented to do. Therefore he gave warning to all his men to come aboard the 13th day of January, 1687.
We all did earnestly expect to hear what Captain Swan would propose and therefore were very willing to go aboard. But, unluckily for him, two days before this meeting was to be Captain Swan sent aboard his gunner to fetch something ashore out of his cabin. The gunner, rummaging to find that what he was sent for, among other things took out the Captain's journal from America to the island of Guam, and laid down by him. This journal was taken up by one John Read, a Bristol man. He was a pretty ingenious young man and of a very civil carriage and behaviour. He was also accounted a good artist and kept a journal, and was now prompted by his curiosity to peep into Captain Swan's journal to see how it agreed with his own, a thing very usual among the seamen to keep journals when they have an opportunity and especially young men who have no great experience. At the first opening of the book he lit on a place in which. Captain Swan had inveighed bitterly against most of his men, especially against another John Reed, a Jamaica man. Then John Read showed it to his namesake and to the rest that were aboard, who were by this time the biggest part of them ripe for mischief; only wanting some fair pretence to set themselves to work about it.
Thursday, September 15, 2011
History of Mindanao, Part IV: The Sultanate of Maguindanao in the Late 17th Century, Part 6
Like the previous five installments of "The History of Central and Western Mindanao" Part 6 will excerpt from William Dampier's "A New Voyage Around the World." Dampier was an upper class Englishman who by a twist of fate became a privateer while on the island of Jamaica, then a British colony in the Caribbean Sea off of the Americas. "Privateers" were essentially liscenced pirates who gave a large percentage of their conquests to the government that liscenced them, in this case England. After cruising the eastern coasts of Central and South America, and one overland excursion in what is now Panama, Dampier's ship rounds the bottom tip of South America and enters the Pacific Ocean.
While taking on provisions at the Spanish colony of Guam the crew learns that the "King of Mindanao" is "at war" with Spain. Knowing that, it being summer, the Monsoon was approaching and that they had to find a safe harbour and decides to sail for Mindanao in hopes of wrangling a liscence to plunder Spanish shipping in and around the Philippines. Arriving from the east they skirt what Dampier believes to be "Saint John's Island," but what in all liklihood was probably Siargao Island off of today's Surigao del Norte Province in Northeast Mindanao. Sailing south along Mindanao's east coast they reach the island's southern coast and Saragani Bay. After a short stop to take on fresh meat from what Dampier describes as the largest population of deer he has ever seen, they finally arrive off of what is today North Cotabato Province and the mouth of the Pulangi River, what the Spanish called, "El Rio Grande de Mindanao."
Rajah Laut, or "Prince of the Seas," Sultan Barahaman's younger brother and the commander of the Sultan's navy approaches the ship in a small craft along with a son of the Sultan. The ship's commander, Captain Swan converses with Rajah Laut but the latter refuses to board, citing a lack of permission from the Sultan but in all liklihood merely being cagey. That evening the crew's Mr.More is dispatched ashore with gifts for both the Sultan and Rajah Laut. More is chosen because he had been imprisoned by the Spanish in Mexico and so had managed to become fluent in Spanish, one of two languages of commerce in the region, the other being Bahasa Malay.
The second day Captain Swan and a landing party go on shore and visit with Rajah Laut before being summoned for an audience with Sultan Barahaman. During the audience Captain Swan is shown two letters written in English. One, posted from England, is from the East India Company, a quasi governmental commercial syndicate controlling all English commerce in East Asia. The letter says that the Company intends to build a "factory" in Maguindanao. Factories were a hybrid of a military fort and trading post for all English trade. The second letter is from a Captain Goodlud who had made a port call in the Sultanate not long before Dampier's arrival. It is meant to acquaint any English trader coming after with the value of local goods, local currency and so forth. At the end of the letter though Goodlud warns any Englishmen coming after him not to trust the Maguindanowans, labeling them "all thieves."
Dampier later learns that one of Rajah Laut's officers had robbed Captain Goodlud's ship and absconded. Co-incidentally Rajah Laut then produces a prisoner who he claims was the thief who had stolen from Goodlud. He presents him to Captain Swan and informs Swan that he is free to mete out justice as he sees fit. Swan refuses to involve himself and so Rajah Laut, trying to save face, has the man tied to a pole in the sub for 12 hours.
Dampier concludes that the Sultan's purpose in showing the letters to Captain Swan was to have him drop his guard. After all, if the East India Company saw fit to build a factory in the Sultanate it had ro have carefully appraised both the land and its people and found neither wanting.
After the audience Captain Swan and his men go to back to Rajah Laut's home where they are given a hearty meal of chicken and rice. After eating Rajah Laut continues a conversation he had held with Captain Swan earlier, warning him of the impending Monsoon and advising him to bring his ship well inside the Pulangi River for a safer mooring. Lulled into a false sense of security by the letter from the East India Company Captain Swan agrees and the next morning the ship is lightened and then towed a quarter of a mile upriver. This lapse in judgement by Captain Swan will come back to haunt him in this latest excerpt, Part 6.
Chapter 13
"The Mindanayans Carresses"
After this the citizens of Mindanao came frequently aboard to invite our men to their houses and to offer us pagallies. It was a long time since any of us had received such friendship, and therefore we were the more easily drawn to accept of their kindnesses; and in very short time most of our men got a comrade or two and as many pagallies; especially such of us had good clothes and store of gold and as many had who were of the number of those who accompanied Captain Harris over the Isthmus of Darien, the rest of us being poor enough. Nay, the very poorest and meanest of us could hardly pass the streets but we were even hauled by force inside their houses to be treated by them, although their treats were mean, namely, tobacco, or betel-nut, or a little sweet, spiced water. Yet their seeming sincerity, simplicity, and the manner of bestowing those gifts made them very acceptable. When we came to their houses they would always be praising the English as declaring that the English and the Mindanayans were "samo, samo," that is, all one. Then they would draw their forefingers half a foot asunder and say the Dutch and they were, "Bugeto," which signifies so, that they were at such distance in front of friendship; and for the Spaniards they would make a greater representation of distance than for the Dutch: fearing these, but having felt and smarted from the Spaniards who had almost brought them under.
Captain Swan did seldom go into any house at first but into Raja Laut's. There he dined commonly every day; and as many of his men were ashore and had no money to entertain themselves reverted thither about 12 o'clock, where they had rice enough boiled, well dressed, and some scraps of fowls or bits of buffalo dressed very nastily. Captain Swan was served a little better, and his two trumpeters sounded all the time that he was at dinner. After dinner Raja Laut would sit and discourse with him most part of the afternoon. It was now Ramdam time, therefore the General excused himself that he could not entertain our Captain with dances and other past times, as he intended to do when the solemn time was past; besides, it was the very height of the wet season, and therefore not so proper for pastimes.
"The Great Rains and Floods of the City"
The city is about a mile long (of no great breadth) winding with the banks of the river on the right hand going up, though it has many houses on the other side too.
"The Mindanayans Have Chinese Accountants"
The Mindanayans are no good accountants; therefore the Chinese that live here do cast up their accounts for them.
"The Bark Eaten Up and Their Ship Endangered by the Worm"
About the middle of November we began to work on our ship's bottom, which we found to be very much eaten with the worm: for this is a horrid place for the worms. We did not know this till' after we had been in the river a month and then we found our canoes' bottoms eaten like honeycombs; our bark, which has a single bottom, was eaten through; so that she could not swim. But our ship was sheathed, and the worm came no further than the hair between the sheathing plank and the main plank.
"Raja Laut, the General's Deceitfulness"
We did not mistrust the General's knavery till now, for when he came down to our ship and found us ripping off the sheathing plank and saw the firm bottom underneath, he shook his head and seemed to be discontented; saying he did never see a ship with two bottoms before. We were told that in this place where we now lay a Dutch ship was eaten up in two months time, and the General had all her guns; it is probable that he did expect to have had ours: which I do believe was the main reason that made him so forward in assisting us to get our ship into the river, for when we came out again we had no assistance from him.
"A Hunting Voyage with the General"
The next day after Christmas, the General went away again and five or six Englishmen with him, of whom I was one, under pretence of going a-hunting; and we all went together by water in his proa together with his women and servants, to the hunting place. The General always carried his wives and children, his servants, his money, and goods with him; so we all e$barked in the morning and arrived there before night. I have already described the fashion of the proas and the rooms made in them. We were entertained in the General's room or cabin, our voyage was not so far but that we reached before night.
"His Punishing a Servant of His"
At this time one of the General's servants had offended and was punished in this manner: he was bound fast flat on his belly on a bamboo belonging to the prow, which was so near the water that by the vessel's motion it frequently delved under water, and the man along with it, sometimes when hoisted up he had scarce time to blow before he would be carried under water again.
When we had rowed about two leagues we entered a pretty large deep river and rowed up a league further, the water stilt all the way. There was a pretty large vilage. The houses were built after the country fashion. We landed at this place, where there was a house made ready immediately for us. The General and his women lay at one end of the house and we at the other end, and in the evening all the women in the village danced before the General.
"Of his Wives and Women"
While we stayed here the General with his men went out every morning and did not return until four or five o'clock in the afternoon and would often compliment us by telling us what good trust and confidence he had in us saying that he left his women and goods under our protection and that he thought them as secure with us (for we all had our arms with us) as if had left one hundred and nine of his own men to guard them. Yet for all this great confidence he always left one of his principal men for fear some of us should be too familiar with his women.
They did never stir out of their room when the General was at home, but as soon as he was gone out they would presently come into our room and sit with us all day, and ask a thousand questions of us concerning our English women and our customs. You may imagine that before this time that some of us had attained so much of their language as to understand them and to give them answers to their demands. I remember that one day they asked how many wives the King of England had. We told them but one and that our English Law did not allow of any more. They said it was a strange custom that a man should be confined to one woman; some of them said it was a very bad law, but others said it was a good law; so there was a great dispute among them about it. But one of the General's women said positively that our law was better than theirs and made them all silent by the reason that she gave for it. This was the "War Queen" as we called her, for she did always accompany the General whenever he was called out to engage his enemies, but the rest did not. By this familiarity among the women and by often discoursing them, we came to be acquainted with their customs and privileges. The General lies with his women by turns, but she by whom he had the first son has a double portion of his company; for when it comes time to her turn she has him two nights, whereas the rest have him but one. She with whom he is to lie at night seems to have a particular respect shown her by the rest all the preceding day and for a mark of distinction wears a striped silk handkerchief about her neck, by which we knew who was Queen that day.
"A Sort of Strong Rice Drink"
This rice drink is made of rice boiled and put into a jar where it remains for a long time seeping in water. I know not the manner of making it but it is a very strong, pleasant drink. The evening when the General desired to be merry he caused a jar of this drink to be brought into our room and he began to drink firdt himself then afterwards his men, so they took turns till' they were drunk as swine before they offered us to drink. After they had enough, then we drank and they drank no more, for they will not drink after us. The General leapt about our room a little while, but having his load soon went to sleep.
"The General's Foul Dealings and Exactions, 1687"
Captain Swan was much vexed at the General's actions for he promised to supply is with as much beef as we should want, but now either could not or would not make good his promise. Besides he failed to perform his promise in a bargain of rice that we were to have for the iron which we sold him, but he put us off still from time, we could not come to any account. Neither were these all his tricks; for a little before his son was to be circumcised he pretended a great strait for money to defray the charges of that day and therefore desired Captain Swan to lend him about twenty ounces of gold, for he knew that Captain Swan had a considerable quantity of gold in his possesion, which the General thought was his own, but indeed he had none but what belonged to the merchants. However he lent it to the General; but when he came to an account with Captain Swan he told him that it is usual at such solemn times to make presents, and that he received it as a gift. He also demanded payment for the victuals that our Captain and his men did eat at his house.
While taking on provisions at the Spanish colony of Guam the crew learns that the "King of Mindanao" is "at war" with Spain. Knowing that, it being summer, the Monsoon was approaching and that they had to find a safe harbour and decides to sail for Mindanao in hopes of wrangling a liscence to plunder Spanish shipping in and around the Philippines. Arriving from the east they skirt what Dampier believes to be "Saint John's Island," but what in all liklihood was probably Siargao Island off of today's Surigao del Norte Province in Northeast Mindanao. Sailing south along Mindanao's east coast they reach the island's southern coast and Saragani Bay. After a short stop to take on fresh meat from what Dampier describes as the largest population of deer he has ever seen, they finally arrive off of what is today North Cotabato Province and the mouth of the Pulangi River, what the Spanish called, "El Rio Grande de Mindanao."
Rajah Laut, or "Prince of the Seas," Sultan Barahaman's younger brother and the commander of the Sultan's navy approaches the ship in a small craft along with a son of the Sultan. The ship's commander, Captain Swan converses with Rajah Laut but the latter refuses to board, citing a lack of permission from the Sultan but in all liklihood merely being cagey. That evening the crew's Mr.More is dispatched ashore with gifts for both the Sultan and Rajah Laut. More is chosen because he had been imprisoned by the Spanish in Mexico and so had managed to become fluent in Spanish, one of two languages of commerce in the region, the other being Bahasa Malay.
The second day Captain Swan and a landing party go on shore and visit with Rajah Laut before being summoned for an audience with Sultan Barahaman. During the audience Captain Swan is shown two letters written in English. One, posted from England, is from the East India Company, a quasi governmental commercial syndicate controlling all English commerce in East Asia. The letter says that the Company intends to build a "factory" in Maguindanao. Factories were a hybrid of a military fort and trading post for all English trade. The second letter is from a Captain Goodlud who had made a port call in the Sultanate not long before Dampier's arrival. It is meant to acquaint any English trader coming after with the value of local goods, local currency and so forth. At the end of the letter though Goodlud warns any Englishmen coming after him not to trust the Maguindanowans, labeling them "all thieves."
Dampier later learns that one of Rajah Laut's officers had robbed Captain Goodlud's ship and absconded. Co-incidentally Rajah Laut then produces a prisoner who he claims was the thief who had stolen from Goodlud. He presents him to Captain Swan and informs Swan that he is free to mete out justice as he sees fit. Swan refuses to involve himself and so Rajah Laut, trying to save face, has the man tied to a pole in the sub for 12 hours.
Dampier concludes that the Sultan's purpose in showing the letters to Captain Swan was to have him drop his guard. After all, if the East India Company saw fit to build a factory in the Sultanate it had ro have carefully appraised both the land and its people and found neither wanting.
After the audience Captain Swan and his men go to back to Rajah Laut's home where they are given a hearty meal of chicken and rice. After eating Rajah Laut continues a conversation he had held with Captain Swan earlier, warning him of the impending Monsoon and advising him to bring his ship well inside the Pulangi River for a safer mooring. Lulled into a false sense of security by the letter from the East India Company Captain Swan agrees and the next morning the ship is lightened and then towed a quarter of a mile upriver. This lapse in judgement by Captain Swan will come back to haunt him in this latest excerpt, Part 6.
Chapter 13
"The Mindanayans Carresses"
After this the citizens of Mindanao came frequently aboard to invite our men to their houses and to offer us pagallies. It was a long time since any of us had received such friendship, and therefore we were the more easily drawn to accept of their kindnesses; and in very short time most of our men got a comrade or two and as many pagallies; especially such of us had good clothes and store of gold and as many had who were of the number of those who accompanied Captain Harris over the Isthmus of Darien, the rest of us being poor enough. Nay, the very poorest and meanest of us could hardly pass the streets but we were even hauled by force inside their houses to be treated by them, although their treats were mean, namely, tobacco, or betel-nut, or a little sweet, spiced water. Yet their seeming sincerity, simplicity, and the manner of bestowing those gifts made them very acceptable. When we came to their houses they would always be praising the English as declaring that the English and the Mindanayans were "samo, samo," that is, all one. Then they would draw their forefingers half a foot asunder and say the Dutch and they were, "Bugeto," which signifies so, that they were at such distance in front of friendship; and for the Spaniards they would make a greater representation of distance than for the Dutch: fearing these, but having felt and smarted from the Spaniards who had almost brought them under.
Captain Swan did seldom go into any house at first but into Raja Laut's. There he dined commonly every day; and as many of his men were ashore and had no money to entertain themselves reverted thither about 12 o'clock, where they had rice enough boiled, well dressed, and some scraps of fowls or bits of buffalo dressed very nastily. Captain Swan was served a little better, and his two trumpeters sounded all the time that he was at dinner. After dinner Raja Laut would sit and discourse with him most part of the afternoon. It was now Ramdam time, therefore the General excused himself that he could not entertain our Captain with dances and other past times, as he intended to do when the solemn time was past; besides, it was the very height of the wet season, and therefore not so proper for pastimes.
"The Great Rains and Floods of the City"
The city is about a mile long (of no great breadth) winding with the banks of the river on the right hand going up, though it has many houses on the other side too.
"The Mindanayans Have Chinese Accountants"
The Mindanayans are no good accountants; therefore the Chinese that live here do cast up their accounts for them.
"The Bark Eaten Up and Their Ship Endangered by the Worm"
About the middle of November we began to work on our ship's bottom, which we found to be very much eaten with the worm: for this is a horrid place for the worms. We did not know this till' after we had been in the river a month and then we found our canoes' bottoms eaten like honeycombs; our bark, which has a single bottom, was eaten through; so that she could not swim. But our ship was sheathed, and the worm came no further than the hair between the sheathing plank and the main plank.
"Raja Laut, the General's Deceitfulness"
We did not mistrust the General's knavery till now, for when he came down to our ship and found us ripping off the sheathing plank and saw the firm bottom underneath, he shook his head and seemed to be discontented; saying he did never see a ship with two bottoms before. We were told that in this place where we now lay a Dutch ship was eaten up in two months time, and the General had all her guns; it is probable that he did expect to have had ours: which I do believe was the main reason that made him so forward in assisting us to get our ship into the river, for when we came out again we had no assistance from him.
"A Hunting Voyage with the General"
The next day after Christmas, the General went away again and five or six Englishmen with him, of whom I was one, under pretence of going a-hunting; and we all went together by water in his proa together with his women and servants, to the hunting place. The General always carried his wives and children, his servants, his money, and goods with him; so we all e$barked in the morning and arrived there before night. I have already described the fashion of the proas and the rooms made in them. We were entertained in the General's room or cabin, our voyage was not so far but that we reached before night.
"His Punishing a Servant of His"
At this time one of the General's servants had offended and was punished in this manner: he was bound fast flat on his belly on a bamboo belonging to the prow, which was so near the water that by the vessel's motion it frequently delved under water, and the man along with it, sometimes when hoisted up he had scarce time to blow before he would be carried under water again.
When we had rowed about two leagues we entered a pretty large deep river and rowed up a league further, the water stilt all the way. There was a pretty large vilage. The houses were built after the country fashion. We landed at this place, where there was a house made ready immediately for us. The General and his women lay at one end of the house and we at the other end, and in the evening all the women in the village danced before the General.
"Of his Wives and Women"
While we stayed here the General with his men went out every morning and did not return until four or five o'clock in the afternoon and would often compliment us by telling us what good trust and confidence he had in us saying that he left his women and goods under our protection and that he thought them as secure with us (for we all had our arms with us) as if had left one hundred and nine of his own men to guard them. Yet for all this great confidence he always left one of his principal men for fear some of us should be too familiar with his women.
They did never stir out of their room when the General was at home, but as soon as he was gone out they would presently come into our room and sit with us all day, and ask a thousand questions of us concerning our English women and our customs. You may imagine that before this time that some of us had attained so much of their language as to understand them and to give them answers to their demands. I remember that one day they asked how many wives the King of England had. We told them but one and that our English Law did not allow of any more. They said it was a strange custom that a man should be confined to one woman; some of them said it was a very bad law, but others said it was a good law; so there was a great dispute among them about it. But one of the General's women said positively that our law was better than theirs and made them all silent by the reason that she gave for it. This was the "War Queen" as we called her, for she did always accompany the General whenever he was called out to engage his enemies, but the rest did not. By this familiarity among the women and by often discoursing them, we came to be acquainted with their customs and privileges. The General lies with his women by turns, but she by whom he had the first son has a double portion of his company; for when it comes time to her turn she has him two nights, whereas the rest have him but one. She with whom he is to lie at night seems to have a particular respect shown her by the rest all the preceding day and for a mark of distinction wears a striped silk handkerchief about her neck, by which we knew who was Queen that day.
"A Sort of Strong Rice Drink"
This rice drink is made of rice boiled and put into a jar where it remains for a long time seeping in water. I know not the manner of making it but it is a very strong, pleasant drink. The evening when the General desired to be merry he caused a jar of this drink to be brought into our room and he began to drink firdt himself then afterwards his men, so they took turns till' they were drunk as swine before they offered us to drink. After they had enough, then we drank and they drank no more, for they will not drink after us. The General leapt about our room a little while, but having his load soon went to sleep.
"The General's Foul Dealings and Exactions, 1687"
Captain Swan was much vexed at the General's actions for he promised to supply is with as much beef as we should want, but now either could not or would not make good his promise. Besides he failed to perform his promise in a bargain of rice that we were to have for the iron which we sold him, but he put us off still from time, we could not come to any account. Neither were these all his tricks; for a little before his son was to be circumcised he pretended a great strait for money to defray the charges of that day and therefore desired Captain Swan to lend him about twenty ounces of gold, for he knew that Captain Swan had a considerable quantity of gold in his possesion, which the General thought was his own, but indeed he had none but what belonged to the merchants. However he lent it to the General; but when he came to an account with Captain Swan he told him that it is usual at such solemn times to make presents, and that he received it as a gift. He also demanded payment for the victuals that our Captain and his men did eat at his house.
History of Mindanao, Part IV: The Sultanate of Maguindanao in the late 17th Century, Part 5
As in the previous four installments of "History of Mindanao, Part IV," this entry excerpts from "A New Voyage Around the World" by William Dampier. Dampier was an upper class Englishman who became a privateer, a liscenced pirate, in this case liscenced by the British Crown. He began his adventure in Jamaica in the Carribean Sea when that island was rampant with both privateers AND pirates. Preying on Spanish shipping in Central and South America his travels took him around the Tierra del Fuego at the very bottom of the Americas, through the Strait of Magellan, and into the Pacific. While stopped in Guam the crew decided on heading eastward to Mindanao. Having heard from a monk and various sailors that Mindanao was "at war" with Spain the crew thought that as they sat out the impending Monsoon that the "King" of Mindanao might liscence them to prey once again upon Spanish shipping.
The "King" in this case being Sultan Barahaman Mohammed, the 9th Sultan of Maguindanao (ruled 1678 to 1699). Most of Dampier's writings on the Sultanate focus on the Raja Laut, or the "General" as Dampier refers to him time and again. The term "Rajah Laut" literally means, "Prince of the Seas," and as one might suspect refers to the man who led the Sultanate's forces at sea. This Rajah Laut was a younger brother of the Sultan and though they often were at odds with one another, as is so often the case with brothers, they closed ranks in the face of any external threat.
This excerpt covers the crew's initial reception. When Captain Swan, the commanding officer of Dampier's ship is summoned for an audience with the Sultan on the second day in port, he is presented with two letters written in English. One was posted from England by the East India Company, and told how the Company aimed to build a "factory" in Maguindanao. Factories at that time were a hybrid of military fort and commercial trading post. The second letter was from a Captain Goodlud, commanding officer of a merchant ship that had made a port call in Maguindanao. The Sultan's purpose in showing these letters was to put Captain Swan more at ease and indeed, it did just that with serious ramifications as one shall see in my next Dampier entry, Part 6.
Captain Goodlud's letter informed any Englishman who might read it that the Maguindanowans were "all thieves." Dampier remarks that they later discovered that Goodlud had been robed by one of Rajah Laut's "officers" who then fled into the bush and was never brought to justice. Rajah Laut then produces a man who he claims was the man who had robbed Captain Goodlud and offers him up to Captain Swan to do as he pleased. Swan graciously demurres and so to save face Rajah Laut has the man tied to a pole in the sun for 12 hours.
After reading the letters the audience was concluded and Captain Swan and his party made their way to the home of Rajah Laut who because of differences with the Sultan, had not been present at the audience. After serving a large meal of chicken and rice Rajah Laut reintroduces a subject he had begun after their first meeting, the day before. Because the Monsoon was fast approaching he recommended that Captain Swan moor inside the river to better protect his vessel. Having been put more at ease with the letter posted from England by the East India Company, Captain Swan finally agrees.
The very next morning with "fifty or sixty" Maguindanowans assisting the ship is partially unloaded and then towed a quarter of a mile upriver on the ebb tide. When I post Part 6 we will see just why the "letters" were shown and just why Rajah Laut had been so insistent about mooring upriver.
Chapter 13 "Our First Reception at Mindanao"
Raja Laut and his nephew sat still in their canoe and would not come aboard us; because as they said they had no orders for it from the Sultan. After about a half hour's discourse they took their leaves, first inviting Captain Swan ashore and promising to assist him in getting provisions, which they said at present was scarce, but in three or four months time the rice would be gathered in and then he might have as much as he pleased: that in the meantime he might secure his ship in some convenient place for fear of the westerly winds which they said would be very violent at the latter end of this month and all the next as we found then.
"The Mindanayans Measure their Ship"
We did not know the quality of these two persons till' after they were gone; else we should have fired some guns at their departure: when they were gone a certain officer under the Sultan came aboard and measured our ship. A custom derived from the Chinese who always measure the length and breadth and the depth of the hold of all ships that come to load here: by which means they know how much each ship will carry. But what reason this custom is used either by the Chinese or Mindanao men I never could learn: unless the Mindanayans design by this means to improve their skill in shipping against they have a trade.
"Captain Swan's Present to the Sultan: His Reception of it, Audience Given to Captain Swan with Raja Laut, the Sultan's Brother's Entertainment of Him"
Captain Swan considering that the season of the year would oblige us to spend some time at this island, thought it correct to make what interest he could with the Sultan who might afterwards either obstruct or advance his designs. He therefore immediately provided a present to send ashore to the Sultan, namely, three yards of scarlet cloth, three yards of broad gold lace, a Turkish scimtar, and a pair of pistols: to Raja Laut he sent three yards of scarlet cloth and three yards of silver lace. This present was carried by Mr.Henry More in the evening. He was first conducted to Raja Laut's house: where he remained till' report thereof was made to the Sultan, who immediately gave order to all things to be made ready to receive him.
At about 9 at night a messenger came from the Sultan to bring the present away. Then Mr.More was conducted all the way with torches and armed men till' he came to the house where the Sultan was. The Sultan with eight or ten men of his council were seated on carpets, waiting his coming. The present that Mr.More brought was laid down before them, and was very kindly accepted by the Sultan, who caused Mr.More to sit down by then and asked a great many questions of him. The discourse was in Spanish by an interpreter. This conference lasted about an hour and then he was dismissed and returned again to Raja Laut's house. There was a supper provided for him and the boat's crew after which he returned aboard.
The next day the Sultan sent for Captain Swan: he immediately went ashore with a flag flying in the boat's head and two trumpets sounding all the way. When he came ashore he was met at his landing by two principal officers, guarded along with soldiers and abundance of people gazing to see him. The Sultan waited for him in his chamber of audience where Captain Swan was treated with tobacco and betel, which was all his entertainment.
"The Contents of Two English Letters Shown Them by the Sultan of Mindanao"
The Sultan sent for two English letters for Captain Swan to read, purposely to let him know that our East Indian merchants did design to settle here, and that they already sent a ship hither. One of these was sent to the Sultan from England by the East India merchants. The chiefist thing contained in it, as I remember, for I saw it afterwards in the Secretary's hand, who was very proud to show it to us was to desire some privleges in order to the building a fort there. The letter was written in a very fair hand; and between each line there was a gold line drawn. The other was left by Captain Goodlud, directed to any Englishman who should happen to come thither. This related wholly to trade, giving an account at what rate he had agreed with them for goods on the island and how European goods should be sold to them with an account of their weights and measures, and their difference from ours.
"Of the Commodities and the Punishments There"
The rate agreed on for Mindanao gold was 14 Spanish Dollars (which is current coin all over India), the English ounce, and 18 Dollars the Mindanao ounce. But for beeswax and clove bark I do not remember the rates, neither do I well remember the rates of European commodities; but I think the rate of iron was not above 4 Dollars a hundred. Captain Goodlud's letter concludes thus, "Trust none of them for they are all thieves but tace is Latin for candle." We understood afterwards that Captain Goodlud was robbed of some goods by one of the General's men and that he that robbed him was fled into the mountains and could not be found while Captain Goodlud was there. But the fellow returning back to the city sometime after our arrival there, Raja Laut brought him bound to Captain Swan and told him what he had done, desiring him to punish him for it as he pleased; but Captain Swan excused himself and said it did not belong to him, therefore he would have nothing to do with it. However the General Raja Laut would not pardon him, according to their own custom, which I did never see but at this time.
He was stripped stark naked in the morning at sun rising and bound to a post so he could not stir hand nor foot but as he moved, and was placed with his face eastward against the sun. In the afternoon they moved his face towards the west that the sun might still be in his face; and thus he stood all day, parched in the sun (which shines here exceedingly hot) and tormented with the mosquitoes or gnats; after this the General would have killed him if Captain Swan had consented to it. I never did see any put to death; but I believe they are barbarous in it. The General told us himself that he put two men to death in a town where some of us were with him; but I heard not the manner of it. Their common way of punishing is to strip them in this manner and place them in the sun; but sometimes they lay them flat on their backs in the sand, where they remain all day in the scorching sun with the mosquitoes biting them all the time.
The action of the General in offering Captain Swan the punishment of the thief caused Captain Swan afterwards to make him the same offer of his men when any bad offended the Mindanao men; but the General left such offenders be punished by Captain Swan as he thought convenient. So for the least offence Captain Swan punished his men and that in the sight of the Mindanayans; and I think sometimes only for revenge; as he did once punish his Chief Mate Mr.Teat, he that came Captain of the bark to Mindanao. Indeed at the time Captain Swan had his men as much under command as if he had been in a King's ship; and had he known how to use his authority he might have led them to any settlement, and have brought them to assist him in any design he had planned.
"The General's Caution How to Demean Themselves; at His Persuasion They Lay Up Their Ships in the River"
Captain Swan being dismissed from the Sultan, with abundance of civility, after about two hours discourse with him went there to Raja Laut's house: Raja Laut had then some difference with the Sultan and therefore he was not present at the Sultan's reception of our Captain, but awaited his return and treated him and all his men with boiled rice and fowls. He then told Captain Swan again and urged it to him that it would be best to get his ship into the river as soon as he could because of the usual tempestuous weather at this time of the year; and that he should want no assistance to further him in anything. He told them also that, as we must of necessity stay there some time, so our men would often come ashore; and he therefore desired him to warn his men to be careful to give no affront to the natives; who he said, were very vengeful. That their customs being different than ours, he feared that Captain Swan's men might sometime or other offend them, though ignorantly; that therefore he gave him his friendly warning to prevent it; that his home should always be open to receive him or any of his men, and that he, knowing our customs, would never be offended at anything. After a great deal of such discourse he dismissed the Captain and his company, who took their leave and came aboard.
Captain Swan having seen the two letters, did not doubt but the English did design to settle a factory here, therefore he did not much scruple the honesty of these people, but immediately ordered us to get the ship into the river. The river upon which the city of Mindanao stands is but small and has not above 10 or 11 feet of water on the bar at a spring-tide: therefore we lightened our ship. And the spring coming on, we with much ado got her into the river, being assisted by fifty or sixty Mindanayan fishermen who lived at the mouth of the river; Raja Laut himself being aboard our ship to direct them. We carried her about a quarter of a mile up, within the mouth of the river and there we moored her head and stern in a hole where we always rode afloat.
The "King" in this case being Sultan Barahaman Mohammed, the 9th Sultan of Maguindanao (ruled 1678 to 1699). Most of Dampier's writings on the Sultanate focus on the Raja Laut, or the "General" as Dampier refers to him time and again. The term "Rajah Laut" literally means, "Prince of the Seas," and as one might suspect refers to the man who led the Sultanate's forces at sea. This Rajah Laut was a younger brother of the Sultan and though they often were at odds with one another, as is so often the case with brothers, they closed ranks in the face of any external threat.
This excerpt covers the crew's initial reception. When Captain Swan, the commanding officer of Dampier's ship is summoned for an audience with the Sultan on the second day in port, he is presented with two letters written in English. One was posted from England by the East India Company, and told how the Company aimed to build a "factory" in Maguindanao. Factories at that time were a hybrid of military fort and commercial trading post. The second letter was from a Captain Goodlud, commanding officer of a merchant ship that had made a port call in Maguindanao. The Sultan's purpose in showing these letters was to put Captain Swan more at ease and indeed, it did just that with serious ramifications as one shall see in my next Dampier entry, Part 6.
Captain Goodlud's letter informed any Englishman who might read it that the Maguindanowans were "all thieves." Dampier remarks that they later discovered that Goodlud had been robed by one of Rajah Laut's "officers" who then fled into the bush and was never brought to justice. Rajah Laut then produces a man who he claims was the man who had robbed Captain Goodlud and offers him up to Captain Swan to do as he pleased. Swan graciously demurres and so to save face Rajah Laut has the man tied to a pole in the sun for 12 hours.
After reading the letters the audience was concluded and Captain Swan and his party made their way to the home of Rajah Laut who because of differences with the Sultan, had not been present at the audience. After serving a large meal of chicken and rice Rajah Laut reintroduces a subject he had begun after their first meeting, the day before. Because the Monsoon was fast approaching he recommended that Captain Swan moor inside the river to better protect his vessel. Having been put more at ease with the letter posted from England by the East India Company, Captain Swan finally agrees.
The very next morning with "fifty or sixty" Maguindanowans assisting the ship is partially unloaded and then towed a quarter of a mile upriver on the ebb tide. When I post Part 6 we will see just why the "letters" were shown and just why Rajah Laut had been so insistent about mooring upriver.
Chapter 13 "Our First Reception at Mindanao"
Raja Laut and his nephew sat still in their canoe and would not come aboard us; because as they said they had no orders for it from the Sultan. After about a half hour's discourse they took their leaves, first inviting Captain Swan ashore and promising to assist him in getting provisions, which they said at present was scarce, but in three or four months time the rice would be gathered in and then he might have as much as he pleased: that in the meantime he might secure his ship in some convenient place for fear of the westerly winds which they said would be very violent at the latter end of this month and all the next as we found then.
"The Mindanayans Measure their Ship"
We did not know the quality of these two persons till' after they were gone; else we should have fired some guns at their departure: when they were gone a certain officer under the Sultan came aboard and measured our ship. A custom derived from the Chinese who always measure the length and breadth and the depth of the hold of all ships that come to load here: by which means they know how much each ship will carry. But what reason this custom is used either by the Chinese or Mindanao men I never could learn: unless the Mindanayans design by this means to improve their skill in shipping against they have a trade.
"Captain Swan's Present to the Sultan: His Reception of it, Audience Given to Captain Swan with Raja Laut, the Sultan's Brother's Entertainment of Him"
Captain Swan considering that the season of the year would oblige us to spend some time at this island, thought it correct to make what interest he could with the Sultan who might afterwards either obstruct or advance his designs. He therefore immediately provided a present to send ashore to the Sultan, namely, three yards of scarlet cloth, three yards of broad gold lace, a Turkish scimtar, and a pair of pistols: to Raja Laut he sent three yards of scarlet cloth and three yards of silver lace. This present was carried by Mr.Henry More in the evening. He was first conducted to Raja Laut's house: where he remained till' report thereof was made to the Sultan, who immediately gave order to all things to be made ready to receive him.
At about 9 at night a messenger came from the Sultan to bring the present away. Then Mr.More was conducted all the way with torches and armed men till' he came to the house where the Sultan was. The Sultan with eight or ten men of his council were seated on carpets, waiting his coming. The present that Mr.More brought was laid down before them, and was very kindly accepted by the Sultan, who caused Mr.More to sit down by then and asked a great many questions of him. The discourse was in Spanish by an interpreter. This conference lasted about an hour and then he was dismissed and returned again to Raja Laut's house. There was a supper provided for him and the boat's crew after which he returned aboard.
The next day the Sultan sent for Captain Swan: he immediately went ashore with a flag flying in the boat's head and two trumpets sounding all the way. When he came ashore he was met at his landing by two principal officers, guarded along with soldiers and abundance of people gazing to see him. The Sultan waited for him in his chamber of audience where Captain Swan was treated with tobacco and betel, which was all his entertainment.
"The Contents of Two English Letters Shown Them by the Sultan of Mindanao"
The Sultan sent for two English letters for Captain Swan to read, purposely to let him know that our East Indian merchants did design to settle here, and that they already sent a ship hither. One of these was sent to the Sultan from England by the East India merchants. The chiefist thing contained in it, as I remember, for I saw it afterwards in the Secretary's hand, who was very proud to show it to us was to desire some privleges in order to the building a fort there. The letter was written in a very fair hand; and between each line there was a gold line drawn. The other was left by Captain Goodlud, directed to any Englishman who should happen to come thither. This related wholly to trade, giving an account at what rate he had agreed with them for goods on the island and how European goods should be sold to them with an account of their weights and measures, and their difference from ours.
"Of the Commodities and the Punishments There"
The rate agreed on for Mindanao gold was 14 Spanish Dollars (which is current coin all over India), the English ounce, and 18 Dollars the Mindanao ounce. But for beeswax and clove bark I do not remember the rates, neither do I well remember the rates of European commodities; but I think the rate of iron was not above 4 Dollars a hundred. Captain Goodlud's letter concludes thus, "Trust none of them for they are all thieves but tace is Latin for candle." We understood afterwards that Captain Goodlud was robbed of some goods by one of the General's men and that he that robbed him was fled into the mountains and could not be found while Captain Goodlud was there. But the fellow returning back to the city sometime after our arrival there, Raja Laut brought him bound to Captain Swan and told him what he had done, desiring him to punish him for it as he pleased; but Captain Swan excused himself and said it did not belong to him, therefore he would have nothing to do with it. However the General Raja Laut would not pardon him, according to their own custom, which I did never see but at this time.
He was stripped stark naked in the morning at sun rising and bound to a post so he could not stir hand nor foot but as he moved, and was placed with his face eastward against the sun. In the afternoon they moved his face towards the west that the sun might still be in his face; and thus he stood all day, parched in the sun (which shines here exceedingly hot) and tormented with the mosquitoes or gnats; after this the General would have killed him if Captain Swan had consented to it. I never did see any put to death; but I believe they are barbarous in it. The General told us himself that he put two men to death in a town where some of us were with him; but I heard not the manner of it. Their common way of punishing is to strip them in this manner and place them in the sun; but sometimes they lay them flat on their backs in the sand, where they remain all day in the scorching sun with the mosquitoes biting them all the time.
The action of the General in offering Captain Swan the punishment of the thief caused Captain Swan afterwards to make him the same offer of his men when any bad offended the Mindanao men; but the General left such offenders be punished by Captain Swan as he thought convenient. So for the least offence Captain Swan punished his men and that in the sight of the Mindanayans; and I think sometimes only for revenge; as he did once punish his Chief Mate Mr.Teat, he that came Captain of the bark to Mindanao. Indeed at the time Captain Swan had his men as much under command as if he had been in a King's ship; and had he known how to use his authority he might have led them to any settlement, and have brought them to assist him in any design he had planned.
"The General's Caution How to Demean Themselves; at His Persuasion They Lay Up Their Ships in the River"
Captain Swan being dismissed from the Sultan, with abundance of civility, after about two hours discourse with him went there to Raja Laut's house: Raja Laut had then some difference with the Sultan and therefore he was not present at the Sultan's reception of our Captain, but awaited his return and treated him and all his men with boiled rice and fowls. He then told Captain Swan again and urged it to him that it would be best to get his ship into the river as soon as he could because of the usual tempestuous weather at this time of the year; and that he should want no assistance to further him in anything. He told them also that, as we must of necessity stay there some time, so our men would often come ashore; and he therefore desired him to warn his men to be careful to give no affront to the natives; who he said, were very vengeful. That their customs being different than ours, he feared that Captain Swan's men might sometime or other offend them, though ignorantly; that therefore he gave him his friendly warning to prevent it; that his home should always be open to receive him or any of his men, and that he, knowing our customs, would never be offended at anything. After a great deal of such discourse he dismissed the Captain and his company, who took their leave and came aboard.
Captain Swan having seen the two letters, did not doubt but the English did design to settle a factory here, therefore he did not much scruple the honesty of these people, but immediately ordered us to get the ship into the river. The river upon which the city of Mindanao stands is but small and has not above 10 or 11 feet of water on the bar at a spring-tide: therefore we lightened our ship. And the spring coming on, we with much ado got her into the river, being assisted by fifty or sixty Mindanayan fishermen who lived at the mouth of the river; Raja Laut himself being aboard our ship to direct them. We carried her about a quarter of a mile up, within the mouth of the river and there we moored her head and stern in a hole where we always rode afloat.
Friday, September 9, 2011
History of Mindanao, Part VII: History of Basilan, Sulu, and Tawi Tawi Provinces, Part 4: Governor General de Sande's Orders to Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa for the Conquest of Jolo and Central Mindanao
Part VII of "History of Mindanao" is an excerpt from "The History of Sulu" (Manila:Bureau of Printing) (1908) by Najeeb Mitry Saleeby. Dr.Saleeby was a Maronite Christian from an area of Syria now comprising Lebanon. At the tail end of the 19th Century he immigrated to the US and eventually ended up working for the American Government in Manila. Though Saleeby had a rather wide range of focus that included tribes from Northern Luzon he is best knowm today for his work on Filipino Muslims. The book excerpted here was the first of two books on Filipino Muslim History and Culture. In Parts 1, 2, and 3 I focused on geography, admittedly a boring pursuit to most though nevertheless extremely important if one hopes to truly understand the region OR its people.
Governor General de Sande had just led a successful campaign against Brunei though the Spanish Colony in the Philippines being what it was, he had no supplies or even a logistical system in place with which to consolidate his control of Northern Borneo. Wanting to capitalise on his positive momentum, in 1578 he deployed Captain de Figueroa to bring Sulu into the fold. Though he was ordered to use minimal force his orders were clear, do whatever is neccessary to take possession of the Sultanate of Sulu. There were seven lesser objectives laying heavy on de Sande's mind:
I) A Portugese galley had been captured by Muslims who sailed south by way of Jolo Island. On Jolo the Sultan of Sulu had had its artillery and heavy iron impounded. This was mostly a case of honour but also represented a military liability in that IF the Spanish were seen to be unconcerned with recovery of rightful, or presumed rightful possessions they would be devoured by Muslim marauders from the southern isles.
II) For some unknown reason de Sande absolutely had to have a pair of elephants, preferrably trained. Nearly 200 years before a Sultan in Central Java had gifted the Sultan of Sulu with some elephants. On Jolo Island the creatures had gone feral and a small population roamed the hinterlands. By the 18th Century these elephants, the only wild population in the Philippines, would sadly be extinct. For the moment though they were there and de Sande badly wanted a pair.
III) Kidnap a child of the Sultan in order to ensure that the Sultan would travel to Brunei in February of 1579 where Governor General de Sande expected to sit in power.
IV) Free any Filipino slaves being held on Jolo, especially those already converted to Christianity.
V) Gain intelligence as to what seafaring capabilities Sulu may have and seize war vessels.
VI) Neutralise the rampant piracy in and around Jolo Island and convince the islanders to stick to agricultural pursuits.
VII) Develop the extant pearl industry and secure an annual tribute in the form of pearls.
After accomplishing this he was to do the same with the Sultanate of Maguindanao in Central Mindanao. The latter had repelled the previous Spanish foray and was a constant reminder of Spain's impotence in Southeast Asia. As the Portugese and Dutch made rapid progress Spain had spread itself far too thin. The Philippines were ruled with Mexico as a single unit. This required time consuming and expencive logistics that greatly impeded Spanish designs in Asia.
Mindinao, or to be more exact, Maguindanao in Central Mindanao was to be approached quite differently than Sulu. Captain de Figueroa was ordered not to broach the issue of annual tribute but otherwise was ordered to accomplish most of the same tasks as in Sulu with three exceptions, one of which was incredibly important:
I) There was no pearl industry in Maguindanao, an inland settlement 3 kilometers up the Pulangi River (Rio Grande del Mindanao).
II) Aggressively neutralise Islam and its hold on Maguindanao. Islam had only been introduced less than 40 years before this campaign but with the influences of what is now Malaysia and Indonesia, most of which claimed an Islamic presence of up to 300 years was incredibly influential in Maguindanao. de Sande to his credit seems to have primarily associated Islam on Mindanao with Bruneian influence, ergo a political threat as opposed to a "battle for souls" though as a Spaniard of the 16th Century he was compelled to couch his views in the Politically Correct language of fervent Catholicism.
III) A focus on developing what little portion of the Spice Trade existed on Mindanao, particularly cinnamon.
Chapter III "Figueroa's Expedition Against Sulu"
The sixth Sultan was Mohammedul Halim Pangiran Buddiman. During his reign Governor Sande equipped and directed a large expedition to Borneo and Sulu. The armada sent to Sulu was commanded by Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa and reached the town of Jolo in June of 1578. It is asserted that Rodriguez defeated Pangiran and exacted tribute from the Sulus. Rodriguez however did not occupy Jolo and no permanent advantage was derived from his victory.
This invasion marked the beginning of a state of of war between Sulu and the Philippines which covered a period of 300 years and caused considerable devastation and loss of life. It caused Spain an immense loss of men and money and finally brought on the decline of Sulu and its end as an independent state. The magnitude of this strife, its far-reaching effects, and its bearing on the Spanish and American occupation of Sulu invites special attention to the causes of the war and the Sulu character which it depicts.
This expedition of Jolo formed part of and immediately followed the expedition which was directed by Governor de Sande against Borneo. There is no doubt that, besides the reasons de Sande gave for the expedition to Borneo, he was really actuated by jealousy of the Portigese, whose influence had reached Brunei and the Molluccas, and by a strong desire to conquer Borneo, Sulu, Mindanao, and the Molluccas. His reasons for sending the expedition against Sulu are best given in his letter of instructions given to Captain Rodriguez de Figueroa which is extremely interesting and is herein quoted in full:
"That which you Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa , shall observe on the expedition which you are about to make , God our Lord helping is as follows:
From this city and island of Borneo , God willing, you shall go to the Island of Sulu, where you shall endeavour to reduce that chief and his people to the obedience of his Majesty. You shall bargain with them as to what tribute they shall pay, which shall be in pearls, as they are won't to give the King of Brunei. You shall exercise great care and if possible, much mildness, for it is of importance that those islands should not become depopulated; therefore, in case that they receive you peacably, you shall treat them well. And in addition to the above, you must order that besides the tribute that they are to pay in pearls, they shall obtain as many of them as possible, so that we, the Spaniards or Castillians, may buy them, that they must trade with us from now on; that every year we Castillians will go to their lands with cloths and merchandise from China, of whatever they shall declare that they may need. You shall inform yourself of their needs; and if they wish to come to our settlements you shall give them permission to go freely to Manila and to come to Borneo, although not to steal.
Item: You shall find out from them the whereabouts of the artillery and anchors of a ship lost there some three years ago; you shall seek it and see that it be brought to you with all haste. You shall keep close watch over the artillery, ammunition, vessels, the sails, and other like things pertaining to the armed fleet; and you shall deprive them of those supplies; for it is notorious that those people are common marauders.
Because the chief that calls himself lord at Sulu is a Bornean and owns houses in this city of Brunei, that he fought against us in the naval battle and that he fled to Sulu where he is now and since I am told that he took two galleys, three small vessels, artillery, and ammunition, you shall exercise the utmost despatch to obtain the said galleys, vessels, artillery and ammunition. If he acquiesce, you shall give him a passport. You shall see whether he has any children; and if so, you shall take one, and tell him that he must come to see me in Brunei in February.
And, as I have said, this must be done if possibly gently, in order that no people may be killed. You shall tell him that it will be to their advantage to be vassals of his Majesty and our allies. If they do not act respectfully, and it shall be necessary to punish them in another manner, you shall do so. And insomuch as the Sulus as is well known, are open pirates, whose only ambition is to steal and to assault men in order to sell them elsewhere- especially as they go annualy for plunder among all the Pintado's islands, which are under his Majesty's dominion- you shall try to ascertain the Pintados slaves among them, in order to return such to their homes, especially such that are Christians. And, as I have said, you shall deprive them of such vessels as seem to be used for raids, leaving them their fishing vessels, so that if the said lord of Sulu so desire, he can come to confer reasonably with me. Thus you shall ascertain who has vessels, and who can inflict injuries and you shall command them expressly to settle down on their land, and to cultivate, to sow, and harvest, and develop the pearl industry and cease to be pirates. You shall order them to raise fowls and cattle. You shall try to ascertain their number, and to bring it to me in writing, in order that I may see it together with the distance from these islands to the Sulu islands, information regarding food, water, and healthfulness of the land and other things that may occur to you. And you shall tell the people in my name that they shall tame for me a couple of elephants, and that I shall send for those animals and pay for them.
After having finished affairs in Sulu, if time permits, you shall, God willing, go to the island of Mindanao. There you shall try, by the most convenient methods, and with friendliness, to reduce the chief of the river of Mindanao and other chiefs of that island, and those nearby, to the obedience of his Majesty, giving him to understand that they will gain in becoming his Majesty's vassals and our allies, and in having trade with us.
And in order that the tribute may not prevent them from making peace with us you shall not ask them for any tribute; but you shall take what they give freely, and nothing more, and in such form as they are willing to give. Then you shall suit their convenience in everything pertaining to them to understand the great expences of his Majesty in this land. You shall also tell them that the gain therefrom affects them chiefly, since we came to teach them our civilisation and most of all the services of God, our Lord, who created and redeemed them, and if whom they are ignorant, and how to live in accord with natural law, as is their obligation. For this purpose you shall tell them that you are going to their land for teo principal reasons:
The first is that they should cease to be pirates who rob and harry the weak and enslave wherever and whomever they can, selling their captives outside of their own island, and separate them from their wives and children; that they must cease to commit other like cruelties and thefts and must become good and virtuous men, who shall grow to merit the second principal reason for going to their lands. You shall give them to understand that they are ignorant of God, our Lord, who created and redeemed them, so that when they know him they may serve him and become good. It is quite evident that they will gain very much in these things, and therefore it is right that they aid us and give us something. This shall be at their own will, as above said.
Item: You shall order them not to admit any more preachers of the doctrine of Mohammed, since it is evil and false, and that of the Christians alone is good. And because we have been in these regions so short a time, the lord of Mindanao has been deceived by the preachers of Brunei, and the people have become Moros. You shall tell them that our object is that he be converted and that he must allow us freely to preach the law of the Christians, and the natives must be allowed to go hear the preaching and to be converted without receiving any harm from the chiefs.
You shall try to ascertain who are the preachers of the sect of Mohammed and shall seize and bring them here before me and you shall burn or destroy the house where that accursed doctrine has been preached and you shall order that it not be rebuilt.
Item: You shall order that the Indians shall not go outside of their island to trade. And you shall seize the vessels used for plundering excursions, leaving them those which, in your judgement, are used for trade and fishing. You shall take also what artillery and ammunition they have.
You shall ascertain the harvest seasons and products of the land; the gold mines and the plaves where they wash gold; the number of habitacions and settlements and their customs. You must especially secure information regarding cinnamon in order to ascertain if it is found along the river, or if one must go to Cavite for it; and why it is not as good as that which the Portugese take to Castilla. You shall ascertain how they cut and strip it from the tree and if it be of importance that it dry on the tree, or in what other manner it should be treated, for I have been told that that obtained from these districts in the past has not been good and has not a good sale in Spain.
Since it might happen that people might not make peace, and may offer fight, and show disrespect, then you shall punish them as you deem best, taking special care not to trust them: for it is evident that before all else they will if possible, commit some treachery: you must not await such an occasion for we know already their treachery against his Majesty's fleet commanded by Villalobos certain of whose men they killed under assurances of safety; and they seized a boat. In that treachery all the inhabitants of the islands were participants; for four or five thousand of the said natives attacked one small boat, which carried four or five Spaniards. Likewise many people took part in the killing of the said Villalobos' Master-of-Camp, and other soldiers in that same year. You shall remind them of these things and warn them; for from now on, we shall destroy them and their generation.
Since it might happen that, without any occasion of war or peace said natives flee to the mountains, you shall order that some of the said natives summon them; and when they have come, you shall discuss the matter with them. If they refuse to come you shall in conformity with your order, remain there a given time. And if they continue to refuse to come down, you shall leave them and shall return without permitting their houses to be burned or their palm trees to be cut down. Neither shall anything be stolem from them, but you shall take only what is absolutely necessary for food, and other things necessary to provision your vessels for their return trip.
You shall try to secure information of the island of Linboton, as well as of Batochina and Celebes, so as to advise me thereof; you shall do this in accord with the limit I have set for you to make this exploration and you shall observe the same rules as in that of Mindanao. In order that we may a lot ecomiendas whatever people are found in these districts, you shall bring me a signed notarial writ, thus as these lands have no other owner, the natives thereof may be reduced to the obedience of his Majesty, according to his will- and by war, if the natives begin it, so that war on our part may be just and that the same justice may continue, so that we can compel them to obey and impose tributes upon them. You shall exercise much dilligence in this and see to it that these orders be carried out carefully and intelligently.
God willing, I should be in Brunei by the end of the month of January next- or at the latest, by the 8th of February- with the fleet- all the necessaries that must be brought from Manila and that which is here. And at that time your grace shall come to Brunei with the fleet that you have and with all the people that you have, or shall have in the Pintados, so that we may do here whatever is proper for the services of his Majesty, to which we are bound.. These instructions must not be disregarded in any point, unless I advise you to the contrary by letter. And to this end you shall see that all who live and dwell there be commissioned for the above in addition to their own duties.
Given at Brunei, May 23rd, 1578.
If the natives of Mindanao or any other place shall give tribute according to the above, you shall act according to the usual custom of these islands- the other half shall be distributed among the soldiers. Given ut supra, Dr.Francisco de Sande-Notary: Alonso Beltran
Governor General de Sande had just led a successful campaign against Brunei though the Spanish Colony in the Philippines being what it was, he had no supplies or even a logistical system in place with which to consolidate his control of Northern Borneo. Wanting to capitalise on his positive momentum, in 1578 he deployed Captain de Figueroa to bring Sulu into the fold. Though he was ordered to use minimal force his orders were clear, do whatever is neccessary to take possession of the Sultanate of Sulu. There were seven lesser objectives laying heavy on de Sande's mind:
I) A Portugese galley had been captured by Muslims who sailed south by way of Jolo Island. On Jolo the Sultan of Sulu had had its artillery and heavy iron impounded. This was mostly a case of honour but also represented a military liability in that IF the Spanish were seen to be unconcerned with recovery of rightful, or presumed rightful possessions they would be devoured by Muslim marauders from the southern isles.
II) For some unknown reason de Sande absolutely had to have a pair of elephants, preferrably trained. Nearly 200 years before a Sultan in Central Java had gifted the Sultan of Sulu with some elephants. On Jolo Island the creatures had gone feral and a small population roamed the hinterlands. By the 18th Century these elephants, the only wild population in the Philippines, would sadly be extinct. For the moment though they were there and de Sande badly wanted a pair.
III) Kidnap a child of the Sultan in order to ensure that the Sultan would travel to Brunei in February of 1579 where Governor General de Sande expected to sit in power.
IV) Free any Filipino slaves being held on Jolo, especially those already converted to Christianity.
V) Gain intelligence as to what seafaring capabilities Sulu may have and seize war vessels.
VI) Neutralise the rampant piracy in and around Jolo Island and convince the islanders to stick to agricultural pursuits.
VII) Develop the extant pearl industry and secure an annual tribute in the form of pearls.
After accomplishing this he was to do the same with the Sultanate of Maguindanao in Central Mindanao. The latter had repelled the previous Spanish foray and was a constant reminder of Spain's impotence in Southeast Asia. As the Portugese and Dutch made rapid progress Spain had spread itself far too thin. The Philippines were ruled with Mexico as a single unit. This required time consuming and expencive logistics that greatly impeded Spanish designs in Asia.
Mindinao, or to be more exact, Maguindanao in Central Mindanao was to be approached quite differently than Sulu. Captain de Figueroa was ordered not to broach the issue of annual tribute but otherwise was ordered to accomplish most of the same tasks as in Sulu with three exceptions, one of which was incredibly important:
I) There was no pearl industry in Maguindanao, an inland settlement 3 kilometers up the Pulangi River (Rio Grande del Mindanao).
II) Aggressively neutralise Islam and its hold on Maguindanao. Islam had only been introduced less than 40 years before this campaign but with the influences of what is now Malaysia and Indonesia, most of which claimed an Islamic presence of up to 300 years was incredibly influential in Maguindanao. de Sande to his credit seems to have primarily associated Islam on Mindanao with Bruneian influence, ergo a political threat as opposed to a "battle for souls" though as a Spaniard of the 16th Century he was compelled to couch his views in the Politically Correct language of fervent Catholicism.
III) A focus on developing what little portion of the Spice Trade existed on Mindanao, particularly cinnamon.
Chapter III "Figueroa's Expedition Against Sulu"
The sixth Sultan was Mohammedul Halim Pangiran Buddiman. During his reign Governor Sande equipped and directed a large expedition to Borneo and Sulu. The armada sent to Sulu was commanded by Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa and reached the town of Jolo in June of 1578. It is asserted that Rodriguez defeated Pangiran and exacted tribute from the Sulus. Rodriguez however did not occupy Jolo and no permanent advantage was derived from his victory.
This invasion marked the beginning of a state of of war between Sulu and the Philippines which covered a period of 300 years and caused considerable devastation and loss of life. It caused Spain an immense loss of men and money and finally brought on the decline of Sulu and its end as an independent state. The magnitude of this strife, its far-reaching effects, and its bearing on the Spanish and American occupation of Sulu invites special attention to the causes of the war and the Sulu character which it depicts.
This expedition of Jolo formed part of and immediately followed the expedition which was directed by Governor de Sande against Borneo. There is no doubt that, besides the reasons de Sande gave for the expedition to Borneo, he was really actuated by jealousy of the Portigese, whose influence had reached Brunei and the Molluccas, and by a strong desire to conquer Borneo, Sulu, Mindanao, and the Molluccas. His reasons for sending the expedition against Sulu are best given in his letter of instructions given to Captain Rodriguez de Figueroa which is extremely interesting and is herein quoted in full:
"That which you Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa , shall observe on the expedition which you are about to make , God our Lord helping is as follows:
From this city and island of Borneo , God willing, you shall go to the Island of Sulu, where you shall endeavour to reduce that chief and his people to the obedience of his Majesty. You shall bargain with them as to what tribute they shall pay, which shall be in pearls, as they are won't to give the King of Brunei. You shall exercise great care and if possible, much mildness, for it is of importance that those islands should not become depopulated; therefore, in case that they receive you peacably, you shall treat them well. And in addition to the above, you must order that besides the tribute that they are to pay in pearls, they shall obtain as many of them as possible, so that we, the Spaniards or Castillians, may buy them, that they must trade with us from now on; that every year we Castillians will go to their lands with cloths and merchandise from China, of whatever they shall declare that they may need. You shall inform yourself of their needs; and if they wish to come to our settlements you shall give them permission to go freely to Manila and to come to Borneo, although not to steal.
Item: You shall find out from them the whereabouts of the artillery and anchors of a ship lost there some three years ago; you shall seek it and see that it be brought to you with all haste. You shall keep close watch over the artillery, ammunition, vessels, the sails, and other like things pertaining to the armed fleet; and you shall deprive them of those supplies; for it is notorious that those people are common marauders.
Because the chief that calls himself lord at Sulu is a Bornean and owns houses in this city of Brunei, that he fought against us in the naval battle and that he fled to Sulu where he is now and since I am told that he took two galleys, three small vessels, artillery, and ammunition, you shall exercise the utmost despatch to obtain the said galleys, vessels, artillery and ammunition. If he acquiesce, you shall give him a passport. You shall see whether he has any children; and if so, you shall take one, and tell him that he must come to see me in Brunei in February.
And, as I have said, this must be done if possibly gently, in order that no people may be killed. You shall tell him that it will be to their advantage to be vassals of his Majesty and our allies. If they do not act respectfully, and it shall be necessary to punish them in another manner, you shall do so. And insomuch as the Sulus as is well known, are open pirates, whose only ambition is to steal and to assault men in order to sell them elsewhere- especially as they go annualy for plunder among all the Pintado's islands, which are under his Majesty's dominion- you shall try to ascertain the Pintados slaves among them, in order to return such to their homes, especially such that are Christians. And, as I have said, you shall deprive them of such vessels as seem to be used for raids, leaving them their fishing vessels, so that if the said lord of Sulu so desire, he can come to confer reasonably with me. Thus you shall ascertain who has vessels, and who can inflict injuries and you shall command them expressly to settle down on their land, and to cultivate, to sow, and harvest, and develop the pearl industry and cease to be pirates. You shall order them to raise fowls and cattle. You shall try to ascertain their number, and to bring it to me in writing, in order that I may see it together with the distance from these islands to the Sulu islands, information regarding food, water, and healthfulness of the land and other things that may occur to you. And you shall tell the people in my name that they shall tame for me a couple of elephants, and that I shall send for those animals and pay for them.
After having finished affairs in Sulu, if time permits, you shall, God willing, go to the island of Mindanao. There you shall try, by the most convenient methods, and with friendliness, to reduce the chief of the river of Mindanao and other chiefs of that island, and those nearby, to the obedience of his Majesty, giving him to understand that they will gain in becoming his Majesty's vassals and our allies, and in having trade with us.
And in order that the tribute may not prevent them from making peace with us you shall not ask them for any tribute; but you shall take what they give freely, and nothing more, and in such form as they are willing to give. Then you shall suit their convenience in everything pertaining to them to understand the great expences of his Majesty in this land. You shall also tell them that the gain therefrom affects them chiefly, since we came to teach them our civilisation and most of all the services of God, our Lord, who created and redeemed them, and if whom they are ignorant, and how to live in accord with natural law, as is their obligation. For this purpose you shall tell them that you are going to their land for teo principal reasons:
The first is that they should cease to be pirates who rob and harry the weak and enslave wherever and whomever they can, selling their captives outside of their own island, and separate them from their wives and children; that they must cease to commit other like cruelties and thefts and must become good and virtuous men, who shall grow to merit the second principal reason for going to their lands. You shall give them to understand that they are ignorant of God, our Lord, who created and redeemed them, so that when they know him they may serve him and become good. It is quite evident that they will gain very much in these things, and therefore it is right that they aid us and give us something. This shall be at their own will, as above said.
Item: You shall order them not to admit any more preachers of the doctrine of Mohammed, since it is evil and false, and that of the Christians alone is good. And because we have been in these regions so short a time, the lord of Mindanao has been deceived by the preachers of Brunei, and the people have become Moros. You shall tell them that our object is that he be converted and that he must allow us freely to preach the law of the Christians, and the natives must be allowed to go hear the preaching and to be converted without receiving any harm from the chiefs.
You shall try to ascertain who are the preachers of the sect of Mohammed and shall seize and bring them here before me and you shall burn or destroy the house where that accursed doctrine has been preached and you shall order that it not be rebuilt.
Item: You shall order that the Indians shall not go outside of their island to trade. And you shall seize the vessels used for plundering excursions, leaving them those which, in your judgement, are used for trade and fishing. You shall take also what artillery and ammunition they have.
You shall ascertain the harvest seasons and products of the land; the gold mines and the plaves where they wash gold; the number of habitacions and settlements and their customs. You must especially secure information regarding cinnamon in order to ascertain if it is found along the river, or if one must go to Cavite for it; and why it is not as good as that which the Portugese take to Castilla. You shall ascertain how they cut and strip it from the tree and if it be of importance that it dry on the tree, or in what other manner it should be treated, for I have been told that that obtained from these districts in the past has not been good and has not a good sale in Spain.
Since it might happen that people might not make peace, and may offer fight, and show disrespect, then you shall punish them as you deem best, taking special care not to trust them: for it is evident that before all else they will if possible, commit some treachery: you must not await such an occasion for we know already their treachery against his Majesty's fleet commanded by Villalobos certain of whose men they killed under assurances of safety; and they seized a boat. In that treachery all the inhabitants of the islands were participants; for four or five thousand of the said natives attacked one small boat, which carried four or five Spaniards. Likewise many people took part in the killing of the said Villalobos' Master-of-Camp, and other soldiers in that same year. You shall remind them of these things and warn them; for from now on, we shall destroy them and their generation.
Since it might happen that, without any occasion of war or peace said natives flee to the mountains, you shall order that some of the said natives summon them; and when they have come, you shall discuss the matter with them. If they refuse to come you shall in conformity with your order, remain there a given time. And if they continue to refuse to come down, you shall leave them and shall return without permitting their houses to be burned or their palm trees to be cut down. Neither shall anything be stolem from them, but you shall take only what is absolutely necessary for food, and other things necessary to provision your vessels for their return trip.
You shall try to secure information of the island of Linboton, as well as of Batochina and Celebes, so as to advise me thereof; you shall do this in accord with the limit I have set for you to make this exploration and you shall observe the same rules as in that of Mindanao. In order that we may a lot ecomiendas whatever people are found in these districts, you shall bring me a signed notarial writ, thus as these lands have no other owner, the natives thereof may be reduced to the obedience of his Majesty, according to his will- and by war, if the natives begin it, so that war on our part may be just and that the same justice may continue, so that we can compel them to obey and impose tributes upon them. You shall exercise much dilligence in this and see to it that these orders be carried out carefully and intelligently.
God willing, I should be in Brunei by the end of the month of January next- or at the latest, by the 8th of February- with the fleet- all the necessaries that must be brought from Manila and that which is here. And at that time your grace shall come to Brunei with the fleet that you have and with all the people that you have, or shall have in the Pintados, so that we may do here whatever is proper for the services of his Majesty, to which we are bound.. These instructions must not be disregarded in any point, unless I advise you to the contrary by letter. And to this end you shall see that all who live and dwell there be commissioned for the above in addition to their own duties.
Given at Brunei, May 23rd, 1578.
If the natives of Mindanao or any other place shall give tribute according to the above, you shall act according to the usual custom of these islands- the other half shall be distributed among the soldiers. Given ut supra, Dr.Francisco de Sande-Notary: Alonso Beltran
Thursday, August 25, 2011
History of Mindanao, Part IV: Maguindanao Sultanate in the Late 17th Century, Part 4
This is a continuation of William Dampier's "A New Voyage Around the World," continuing to excerpt from Chapter 12.
"A Sort of Leprosy There, and other Distempers"
The Mindanao people are much troubled with a sort of leprosy, the same as we observed at Guam. This distemper runs with a dry scurf all over their bodies and causes great itching in those that have it, making them frequently scratch and scrub themselves, which raises the outer skin in small whitish flakes like the scales of a fish when they are raised on end with a knife. This makes their skin extraordinarily rough, and in some you shall see broad white spots in several parts of the body. I judge such have had it but were cured, for their skins were smooth and I did not perceive them to scrub themselves. Yet I have learnt from their mouths that these spots were from this distemper. Whether they use any means to cure themselves or whether it goes away of itself, I know not: but I did not perceive that they made any great matter of it, for they did never refrain any company for it; none of our people caught it of them for we were afraid of it and kept off. They are sometimes troubled with the Smallpox but their ordinary distempers are fevers, agues, fluxes with great pains and gripings in their guts. The country affords a great many drugs and medicines and herbs whose virtues are not unknown to some of them that pretend to cure the sick.
"Their Marriages"
The Minadanao men have many wives: but what ceremonies are used when they marry I know not. There is commonly a great feast made by the bridegroom to entertain his friends and the most part of the night is spent in mirth.
"The Sultan of Mindanao, His Poverty, Power, Family, etc."
The Sultan is absolute in his power over all of his subjects. He is but a poor prince; for, as I mentioned before they have but little trade and therefore cannot be rich. If the Sultan understands that any man has money, if it be but 20 Dollars, which is a great matter among them, he will send to borrow so much money, pretending urgent occasions for it; and they dare not deny him. Sometimes he will send to sell one thing or answer that he has to dispose of to whom he knows to give him his price; and if afterwards he has occasion for the same thing he must have it, he sends for it. He is but a little man, between 50 and 60 years old, and by relation very good natured but overruled by those about him. He has a queen and keeps about 29 women, or wives, more in whose company he spends most of his time. He has one daughter by his Sultaness, or queen, and a great many sons and daughters by the rest. They walk about the streets and would always be begging things of us, but it is reported that the young princess is kept in a room and never stirs out; and that she never did see any man but her father and Raja Laut her uncle, being then about 14 years old.
When the Sultan visits his friends he is carried in a small couch on four men's shoulders with eight to ten armed men to guard him; but he never goes far this way for the country is very woody and they have but little paths, which renders it the less commodius.
"The Proas or Boats Here"
When he takes his pleasure by water he carries some of his wives along with him. The proas that are built for this purpose are large enough to entertain fifty or sixty persons or more. The hull is neatly built, with a round head and stern and over the hull is a small slight house built with bamboos; the sides are made up with split bamboos about four feet high, with little windows in them of the same to open and shut at their pleasure. The roof is almost flat, neatly thatched with palmetto leaves. This house is divided into two or three small partitions or chambers, one particularly for himself. This is neatly matted underneath and round the sides and there is a carpet and pillows for him to sleep on. The second room is for his women; much like the former. The third is for the servants, who tend them with tobacco and betel nut; for they are always chewing or smoking. The fore and after parts of the vessel are for the mariners to sit and row. Besides this they have outlayers, such as those I described at Guam; only the boats are more round like a half moon almost; and the bamboos or outlayers that reach from the boat are also crooked. Besides, the boat is not flat on one side here, as at Guam; but has a belly and outlayers on each side: and whereas at Guam there is a little boat fastened to the outlayers that lies in the water like boats, but one, three, or four feet above the water and serve for the bargemen to sit and row and paddle on; the inside of the vessel and except only just afore and abaft, being taken up by the apartments for the passengers. There run across the outlayers two tier beams for the paddlers to sit on, on each side of the vessel. The lower tier of these beams is not above a foot from the water: so that upon any the least reeling of the vessel, the beams are dipped in the water, and the men that sit are wet up to their waist, their feet seldom escaping the water. And thus, as all our vessels are rowed from within, these are paddled from without.
"Raja Laut the General, Brother to the Sultan, His Family"
The Sultan has a brother called Raja Laut, a brave man. He is second in the kingdom. All the strangers that come hither to trade must make their address to him, for all sea-affairs belong to him. He liscences strangers to import or export any commodity and it is by his permission that the natives themselves are suffered to trade: nay, the very fisherman must take a permit from him, so that there is no man can come in the river or go out but by his leave. He is two or three years younger than the Sultan and a little man like him. He has eight women by some of whom he has issue. He has only one son, about 12 to 14 years old, who was circumcised while we were there. His eldest son died a little before we came hither, for whom he was still in great heaviness. If he had lived a little longer he should have married the young princess; but whether this second son must have her I know not, for I never did hear any discourse about it. Raja Laut is a very dharp man; he speaks and writes Spanish, which he learned in his youth. He has by conversing with strangers got a great sight into the customs of other nations, and by Spanish books has some knowledge of Europe. He is General of the Mindanayans, and is accounted an expert soldier, and a very stout man; and the women in their dances sing many songs in his praise.
"Their Way of Fighting"
The Sultan of Mindanao sometimes makes war with his neighbours, the Mountaineers or Alfoores. Their weapons are swords, lances, and some hand cressets. The cresset is a small thing like a baggonet, which they always wear in war or peace, at work or play, from the greatest of them to the poorest, or the meanest persons. They do never meet each other so as to have a pitched battle but they build small works or forts of timber where they plant little guns and lie in sight of each other for two or three months, skirmishing every day in small parties and sometimes suprising a breastwork; and what ever side is to be worsted, if they have no probability to escape by flight, they sell their lives as dear as they can; for there is seldom any quarter given, but the conqueror cuts and hacks his enemies to pieces.
"Their Religion"
The religion of these people is Mohammedanism; Friday is their sabbath; but I did never see any difference that they make between this day and any other day; only the Sultan himself goes then to the mosque twice.
"Raja Laut's Devotion"
Raja Laut never goes to the mosque but prays at certain hours, eight or ten times in a day wherever he is, he is very punctual to his canonical hours, and if he be aboard will go ashore on purpose to pray. For no business nor company hinders him from this duty. Whether he is home or abroad, in a house or in a field, he leaves all his companny and goes about 100 yards off, there kneels down to his devotion. He first kisses the ground and does the same when he leaves off. His servants and wives and children talk and sing, or play how they please all the time, but himself is very serious. The meaner sort of people have little devotion; I did never see any of them at their prayers or go into a mosque.
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"A Sort of Leprosy There, and other Distempers"
The Mindanao people are much troubled with a sort of leprosy, the same as we observed at Guam. This distemper runs with a dry scurf all over their bodies and causes great itching in those that have it, making them frequently scratch and scrub themselves, which raises the outer skin in small whitish flakes like the scales of a fish when they are raised on end with a knife. This makes their skin extraordinarily rough, and in some you shall see broad white spots in several parts of the body. I judge such have had it but were cured, for their skins were smooth and I did not perceive them to scrub themselves. Yet I have learnt from their mouths that these spots were from this distemper. Whether they use any means to cure themselves or whether it goes away of itself, I know not: but I did not perceive that they made any great matter of it, for they did never refrain any company for it; none of our people caught it of them for we were afraid of it and kept off. They are sometimes troubled with the Smallpox but their ordinary distempers are fevers, agues, fluxes with great pains and gripings in their guts. The country affords a great many drugs and medicines and herbs whose virtues are not unknown to some of them that pretend to cure the sick.
"Their Marriages"
The Minadanao men have many wives: but what ceremonies are used when they marry I know not. There is commonly a great feast made by the bridegroom to entertain his friends and the most part of the night is spent in mirth.
"The Sultan of Mindanao, His Poverty, Power, Family, etc."
The Sultan is absolute in his power over all of his subjects. He is but a poor prince; for, as I mentioned before they have but little trade and therefore cannot be rich. If the Sultan understands that any man has money, if it be but 20 Dollars, which is a great matter among them, he will send to borrow so much money, pretending urgent occasions for it; and they dare not deny him. Sometimes he will send to sell one thing or answer that he has to dispose of to whom he knows to give him his price; and if afterwards he has occasion for the same thing he must have it, he sends for it. He is but a little man, between 50 and 60 years old, and by relation very good natured but overruled by those about him. He has a queen and keeps about 29 women, or wives, more in whose company he spends most of his time. He has one daughter by his Sultaness, or queen, and a great many sons and daughters by the rest. They walk about the streets and would always be begging things of us, but it is reported that the young princess is kept in a room and never stirs out; and that she never did see any man but her father and Raja Laut her uncle, being then about 14 years old.
When the Sultan visits his friends he is carried in a small couch on four men's shoulders with eight to ten armed men to guard him; but he never goes far this way for the country is very woody and they have but little paths, which renders it the less commodius.
"The Proas or Boats Here"
When he takes his pleasure by water he carries some of his wives along with him. The proas that are built for this purpose are large enough to entertain fifty or sixty persons or more. The hull is neatly built, with a round head and stern and over the hull is a small slight house built with bamboos; the sides are made up with split bamboos about four feet high, with little windows in them of the same to open and shut at their pleasure. The roof is almost flat, neatly thatched with palmetto leaves. This house is divided into two or three small partitions or chambers, one particularly for himself. This is neatly matted underneath and round the sides and there is a carpet and pillows for him to sleep on. The second room is for his women; much like the former. The third is for the servants, who tend them with tobacco and betel nut; for they are always chewing or smoking. The fore and after parts of the vessel are for the mariners to sit and row. Besides this they have outlayers, such as those I described at Guam; only the boats are more round like a half moon almost; and the bamboos or outlayers that reach from the boat are also crooked. Besides, the boat is not flat on one side here, as at Guam; but has a belly and outlayers on each side: and whereas at Guam there is a little boat fastened to the outlayers that lies in the water like boats, but one, three, or four feet above the water and serve for the bargemen to sit and row and paddle on; the inside of the vessel and except only just afore and abaft, being taken up by the apartments for the passengers. There run across the outlayers two tier beams for the paddlers to sit on, on each side of the vessel. The lower tier of these beams is not above a foot from the water: so that upon any the least reeling of the vessel, the beams are dipped in the water, and the men that sit are wet up to their waist, their feet seldom escaping the water. And thus, as all our vessels are rowed from within, these are paddled from without.
"Raja Laut the General, Brother to the Sultan, His Family"
The Sultan has a brother called Raja Laut, a brave man. He is second in the kingdom. All the strangers that come hither to trade must make their address to him, for all sea-affairs belong to him. He liscences strangers to import or export any commodity and it is by his permission that the natives themselves are suffered to trade: nay, the very fisherman must take a permit from him, so that there is no man can come in the river or go out but by his leave. He is two or three years younger than the Sultan and a little man like him. He has eight women by some of whom he has issue. He has only one son, about 12 to 14 years old, who was circumcised while we were there. His eldest son died a little before we came hither, for whom he was still in great heaviness. If he had lived a little longer he should have married the young princess; but whether this second son must have her I know not, for I never did hear any discourse about it. Raja Laut is a very dharp man; he speaks and writes Spanish, which he learned in his youth. He has by conversing with strangers got a great sight into the customs of other nations, and by Spanish books has some knowledge of Europe. He is General of the Mindanayans, and is accounted an expert soldier, and a very stout man; and the women in their dances sing many songs in his praise.
"Their Way of Fighting"
The Sultan of Mindanao sometimes makes war with his neighbours, the Mountaineers or Alfoores. Their weapons are swords, lances, and some hand cressets. The cresset is a small thing like a baggonet, which they always wear in war or peace, at work or play, from the greatest of them to the poorest, or the meanest persons. They do never meet each other so as to have a pitched battle but they build small works or forts of timber where they plant little guns and lie in sight of each other for two or three months, skirmishing every day in small parties and sometimes suprising a breastwork; and what ever side is to be worsted, if they have no probability to escape by flight, they sell their lives as dear as they can; for there is seldom any quarter given, but the conqueror cuts and hacks his enemies to pieces.
"Their Religion"
The religion of these people is Mohammedanism; Friday is their sabbath; but I did never see any difference that they make between this day and any other day; only the Sultan himself goes then to the mosque twice.
"Raja Laut's Devotion"
Raja Laut never goes to the mosque but prays at certain hours, eight or ten times in a day wherever he is, he is very punctual to his canonical hours, and if he be aboard will go ashore on purpose to pray. For no business nor company hinders him from this duty. Whether he is home or abroad, in a house or in a field, he leaves all his companny and goes about 100 yards off, there kneels down to his devotion. He first kisses the ground and does the same when he leaves off. His servants and wives and children talk and sing, or play how they please all the time, but himself is very serious. The meaner sort of people have little devotion; I did never see any of them at their prayers or go into a mosque.
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