On Monday, October 17th, 2011, at 230PM, 5 year old Dave Anthony Jaime Chiu finished his kindergarten class for the day at Davao City's Matina Central Elementary School in Talomo District's Barangay Matina and exited the building to wait for his father to pick him up. Standing in front of his school young Dave Anthony was approached by a stranger who told the young boy that his father was busy at the family resturant and catering business, Sunnypoint Function Plaza on Ma-a Road in Barangay Ma-a and so he had been sent to pickup Dave Anthony from school. Having never been properly taught by his parents not to go with strangers the little boy complied snd followed the man to an idling black motorcyle whose driver had been impatiently revving his engine and in doing so inadvertently attracted attention so that numerous people witnessed a man helping a little boy onto the motorcycle, behind the driver, and continued watching as the same man climbed aboard himself, in back of the little boy. Together they drove off into the afternoon traffic.
Just after the three had disappeared into Davao City Richard Chiu arrived at the school only to discover that his son was nowhere to be found. First checking with the school's staff who were at a loss to explain the boy's disappearance Mr.Chiu soon found his intial confusion had turned to horror and then very quickly into abject terror. Not knowing just what to do he continued roaming inside and outside school. After quickly confirming his worst fears and still in a state of shock Mr.Chiu hurried back to his SUV for the unbearably long drive to the nearest CPO, or City Police Office. It was just as he pulled up to the Talomo Police sub-station that his cellphone behan ringing loudly. The voice on the other end confirmed the distraught father's nagging fear that indeed his 5 year old son had been kidnapped.
Like many living in Davao City the Chiu family lulled itself into a false sense of security. Though Tsinoy (Filipino of Chinese descent) and living relatively close to Cotabato City where Tsinoy are kidnapped quite frequently the Chius believed that by living in Davao City they were invulnerable to such things. Local warlord, Rodrigo "Roddy" Duterte who is now serving as the city's Vice Mayor while his daughter Sarah "Inday" Duterte Carpio keeps his mayoral throne warm for the requisite three year interim between nine year term limits gives the phrase "tough on crime" new meaning. His unabashed dispensation of violence to those he has deemed "criminal" or "corrupt" has made him a Mindanowan icon and raised his profile to the national level.
Unfortunately Vice Mayor Duterte has been less than circumspect in his application of violence. As I have noted in my "Political Development" entries Duterte, who frequently tours his huge city under the cover of darkness atop his extremely large Harley Davidson motorcycle, amidst a pack of security escorts, police and soldiers on their own motorcycles, as if he is some sort of Pinoy "Hells Angel" kicking as* and taking names. Whether it is pistol whipping a 14 year old for breaking the curfew he himself imposed or chasing after a hapless jeepney driver who dared to drive 10 km/h over Duterte's uni-laterally imposed speed limit so as to slap a man old enough to be his father you can rest assured that the city of Davao will remain safe for at least another day.
The flipside to Duterte's almost psycopathic application of violence is that the crime in Davao City is extremely low in relative terms. The ideal ratio of police for citizens for example, is one uniformed officer for every 500 citizens. Davao City has one officer for every 1,400 citizens and that is its overall manpower and not just its uniformed presence so that the actual ratio is roughly one uniformed police officer for every 2,200 citizens and yet the city has, as noted, an extremely low crime index.
In terms of KFR, or Kidnap for Ransom, aside from the case I am discussing in this entry the city hasn't endured a kidnapping since the late-1990s, or so Vice Mayor Duterte would have the world imagine. There have been staged, or faked kidnappings, such as those by German national Fier Medricat and Catherine Graciela Manalo, two separate cases I have discussed in previous KFR entries (Second Quarter of 2010 and the Second Quarter of 2011 respectively), but there have also been bonafide KFRs that take place much more often than anyone imagines. Two brief examples being:
1) Jerry Jimenez, Supervisor for the Davao Branch of the Solid Shipping Lines Corporation located in Davao City's Barangay Tibunco. The firm, a domestic intra-island freight carrier with nine medium sozed freighters between Manila and Mindanao apparently attracted the attention of a homegrown KFR organisation. The group, led by the now imprisoned Willy Estribor barged into the Jimemez home in the city's Insular Village Subdivision, on JP Laurel Avenue at 1AM on February 5th, 2010. After rudely awakening Jimenez and his wife the two were forced to dress themselves at gunpoint after which they were led out to a waiting SUV which carried them into incognito. On February 11th Mr.Jimenez and his wife were released none the worse for the wear after Solid Shipping Lines forked over a healthy P3 Million in cash ($66,000). Immediately after their release the couple moved to the United States as Mr.Jiminez quit his job.
2) Local Tsinoy business magnate Benito Ong was grabbed on Monday, June 22nd, 2010, as he was just about to enter his buisness headquarters in the city's Barangay Obrero 12 in District. At gunpoint Mr.Ong was bundled into an idling minivan and was quickly driven into captivity. Quickly contacting family members his non-negotiated ransom of P5 Million ($110,000) was delivered by 1PM that same day and Mr.Ong was able to enjoy a late supper with his family that very evening after being released at 7PM, known in the trade as an "Express KFR."
Indeed, in the last days of September, 2011, the Chiu family matriarch, 57 year Elena Chiu was herself victimised in a commercial burglary when two of her adjoining businesses in the city's Barangay 76A (Bucana) in Talomo District, the Five R Pawnshop and the Lailai Travel and Tour of Davao agency were broken into by what appears to be a highly organised group. Using an adjacent commercial space undergoing renovation as a staging point they simply removed an airconditioning unit and then widened the space with sledge hammers. Once inside the thieves helped themselves to the relatively minor sum of P200,000 ($4,300). Even with this wakeup call the Chius continued sleep walking through their routube, ergo young Dave Anthony being kidnapped.
The caller instructed Mr.Chiu not to contact the authorities and not to lose his cell phone because they would be contacting him again shortly with their demands. Making his second huge mistake Mr.Chiu hung up the phone and promptly entered the police substation to report his son's abduction. If there is one thing one should never do it is to contact the authorities. KFR organisations are tied into local power structures. Trying to negotiate a ransom for your loved one as a police officer slash KFR group member sips coffee in your "sala" (livingroom) is never intelligent.
The next morning, Tuesday, October 18th, Vice Mayor Duterte (make no mistake, his daughter is keeping his seat warm but he still remains the power to contend with) was appraised of the situation and began keeping close tabs on the case after an initial Command Conference on the incident at lunch that day. That night at 11PM Dave Anthony's mother received the second call from the kidnappers, as Mr.Chiu sat nervously listening by speakerphone, as the kidnappers opened negotiations with an initial demand for P5 Million ($110,000). When Mrs.Chiu stammered in response the caller angrily warned her that if the family tried to unnecessarily prolong negotiations her son would be returning home minus a vital internal organ or two because they would simply sell his kidney to raise the desired funds. Quickly replying Mrs.Chiu simply explained that she was nervous just as any mother naturally would be in the same circumstances. By the time the call ended the Chius had almost effortlessly gotten the ransom lowered to the much more palatable P2 Million ($44,000), showing that whoever was holding their son was not a professional, something that counter-intuitively is far from comforting.
The next day, Wednesday, October 19th, Mr. Chiu headed downtown to the CPO Headquarters where the police discussed the previous evening's phone call and its ransom negotiations. Allowing a city police officer to pose as the family negotiator when the kidnappers made contact that afternoon Mr.Chiu ended up agreeing to make a ransom down payment of P188,000 ($3,900) and some 24 karat heirloom gold jewlery. Setting the exchange for that evening, the CPO and Vice Mayor Duterte began formulating an entrapment operation to arrest the kidnappers, recover the ransom, and most importantly, ensure 5 year old Dave Anthony Jaime Chiu's freedom.
Having watched one too many Hollywood movies the kidnappers ordered the "negotiator" to proceed to the municipality of Digos City in that same province, Davao del Sur. There the negotiator was told, he would receive another phone call instructing him to take the next step. Having no choice but to comply the entire operation moved down to Digos City. When the second phonecall came the negotiator was told to now proceed back to Davao City and wait at a location in Toril District's Barangay Sibulan. Back in Davao City now the expected third phonecall finally arrived after midnite and the negotiator was instructed to cross into the adjoining municipality of Santa Cruz and proceed to a convenience store in that town's Barangay Sibulan (both Santa Cruz and Davao City's Toril District have a Barangay Sibulan which was actually a single community that was vivisected by re-drawn municipal borders).
Arriving at the convenience store after the daylong wild goose chase, at 1AM on Thursday, October 20th, police operatives observed two motorcycles with two men riding tandem on each waiting suscpiciously. As the negotiator and Mr.Chiu made their way to the designated spot one of the motorcycles' passengers dismounted and strode over and asked if they had brought the agreed upon sum. Tenatively Mr.Chiu handed over a bag containing the cash and jewlery and as he did so he nervously asked about his son. Ignoring the question the youth replied that Mr.Chiu should go home and wait for a phonecall about the next step in negotiations. Realising that the victim wasn't on scene the police impetuously decided to arrest all four men and use them to ascertain young Dave Anthony's whereabouts.
Quickly rushing the motorcycles just as the man carrying the ransom bag approached his cohorts they managed to grab the ransom bearer but lost the other three kidnappers as the motorcycles quickly escaped at a high rate of speed. Not suprisingly the police told Richard Chiu that the ransom had unfortunately already been handed off by the ransom bearer and was therefore considered gone for good although the man was grabbed well before reaching the motorcycles. By torturing...I mean "interrogating" the ransom bearer, 18 year old Joel Reyes Moda, they were able to get the names of his three cohorts and much more importantly they were able to discover the location of Dave Anthony. Rushing to a house in that same Santa Cruz Barangay Sibulan they safely recovered the young boy who by all appearances had managed fairly well. The couple holding him told a ridiculous story that had them receiving the boy in exchange for fuel. As they told it, the evening before four men on two motorcycles had knocked on their door asking if they might buy some fuel for their motorcycles (like a fair number of people living along major thoroughfares the family in question displayed a one liter bottle containing fuel outside their home signifying that the sell it). Low on cash the men offered young Dave Anthony as collateral in exchange, with a promise to pay up and collect the boy that same night. This being Mindanao the couple hasn't been arrested, though the police continued in their hunt for the three men aboard two motorcycles.
Later that same morning, just before 12PM the CPO received a call from the MPO (Municipal Police Office, the equivalent of the CPO in towns) in the municipality of Matanao in that same province of Davao del Sur. One of the wanted motorcycles, the one with only one man, had been found parked outside a village home in Barangay Sinawilan. Proceeding to Matanao the Davao City CPO personnel assigned to the case linked up with their Matanao MPO colleagues and the combined force made their way to the house in question. There they kicked in the door and found their wanted man, 28 year old Jack Ferdinand Pala asleep on a couch. Shooting him in the face at point blank range and instantly killing him the Davao City CPO then claimed that Pala had been found while driving his motorcycle and had initiated a firefight in which he then raised his arm to throw a hand grenade necessitating a lethal response. Suuuuure. Pala was carrying an empty 38 revolver which was also held up as poof positive of his wily and dangerous ways.
Pala, of Davao City's Barangay Crossing Bagabas (Bagabas Bridge) in Toril District is an interesting character. Though nominally employed recently as a triksiad driver (almost the least expencive form of Philippine public transportation, an offroad motorcycle with an aluminum shell fitted around it with vinyl benches in front and back for fare paying passengers) he had been a gang member in his teenaged years and ended up convicted at age 20 for raping a maid in a house and his friends were burglarising. He was also convicted of the burglary, against the home of Davao City attorney Vivencio Vedallo in 2003, along with six other gang members. The gang specialised in such acts and so, though a long shot, there is always the chance that the breakin at the pawn shop and travel agency three weeks earlier may have been a related precursor to this kidnapping. With Pala lying in a pine box this will never be known.
The two remaining kidnappers in this current case remain free and will probably never be arrested if past performance of the Philippine justice system is any sort of indicator. 18 year old Joel Reyes Moda, a resident of Sitio Dona Pilar in Davao City's Barangay Sasa, in Buhangin District remains in the Davao del Sur Provincial Jail as his case begins its long and winding road.
Showing posts with label Toril District. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Toril District. Show all posts
Friday, October 21, 2011
Monday, October 10, 2011
GPH-NDFP Peace Process for the Third Quarter, Part IV: Rodrigo Duterte Takes Off his Mask
For the longest I have been discussing Davao City warlord Rodrigo "Roddy" Duterte and his "friendship" with the NPA. Duterte, currently serving as Davao City's Vice Mayor under his daughter, Bench Warmer- I mean- Mayor, Sarah "Inday" Duterte Carpio makes no secret of his respect and admiration of the Maoist NPA and its objectives. Soon after first gaining power in the city in the late 1980s Duterte entered into what was initially a relationship of convenience with local NPA leader Leonicio Parago who is much better known by his nom de guerre "Ka Parago."
At the time much of Davao City was a battlefield with the NPA and various state sponsored paramilitaries duking it out with the non-combatants serving as cannon fodder for both sides. Enter Rodrigo Duterte. The son of a former provincial governor Duterte learned to play the game early on. Graduating law school he became a city prosecutor in Davao City, or what used to be called a City Fiscal, after a short stint as an instructor at the PNP, or Philippine National Police Academy in Manila. It was in this capacity that Duterte first came close to the NPA. By the end of 1985 Duterte's mother Soledad, known popularly as "Nanay Soleng," had fortuitously become the Davao Regional Chairperson of Corazon "Cory" Aquino's "Yellow Friday Movement." At the time Duterte himself had risen in the City Fiscal Office to the position of Special Counsel, charged with dealing with detained high ranking NPA figures. These two parallel tracks converged in 1986 when newly elected President Cory Aquino had Duterte appointed OIC (Officer in Charge) Vice Mayor of the City.
By 1987 Duterte began readying himself for the 1988 Mayoral Election in which he would be bucking the system by running for Mayor against Aquino's hand picked candidate, Zafiro Respicio. Though Duterte held a chance on his own owing to an inherent advantage offered by three other strong candidates besides Respicio throwing their hats into the ring, thus splitting the vote five ways, Duterte naturally sought to solidify his candidacy and therefore came up with a very risky but nevertheless ingenious scheme. As leader of the Aquino political machine in the Davao Region Duterte's mother became, in 1986, the Government's Chairperson in the brand new GPH-NDFP Peace Process which ridiculously had been engineered at the sub-regional level, as if a nationwide peace process wouldn't be complicated enough in a country with hundreds of ethnicities and languages (of course in those days the GPH was still the "GRP" and the NDFP was still the "NDF"). This position allowed Duterte, by tagging along with his mother, to capitalise on relationships already made in his role as Special Counsel at the City Fiscal's Office.
So it was that the NPA and Duterte made their "deal." In exchange for the NPA guaranteeing Duterte the vote in all NPA controlled barangays and districts Duterte vowed to run interference on the Government's side in allowing the NPA to carve out a large enclave comprising three of the city's outlying districts, an arrangement that exists until the present. Aside from merely gaining power Duterte, much to his credit, realised that he could use that initial deal as the foundation of a far more important arrangement that would benefit the entire region above and beyond Duterte's own narrow and purient interests. When he won election as Mayor in 1988 Duterte realised that the only way to build a power base in which his role was non-negotiable was to first, end the bloodshed that turned Davao City into the nation's most violent municipality bar none. Then, after reversing the municipality's status into that of a peaceful and stable community, make it conducive to investment and that Pilippine Holy Grail, "Peace and Development." Again, to his credit, Duterte had realised something most Philippine officials have yet to understand, "Peace and Development" is a universal value that must be applicable to ALL demographic shareholders. IF Bisaya, as the Christians on Mindanao are usually collectively labeled, needed to enjoy a stable, peaceful environment, so did the Moros, as the Filipino Muslims on Mindanao are collectively labeled. If Liberal Democratic groups desired employment opportunities with long term security, so did the multi-sectoral front organisations backing the NPA. Ergo, Duterte set about meeting all his constituents' needs.
Meeting with emmisaries of Ka Parago Duterte eventually brokered an agreement that relegated the NPA to those same aforementioned three city districts:
1) Paquibato
2) Toril
3) Marilog
and to a lesser extent the districts of Baguio and Calinan. In these three districts Duterte gave the NPA carte blanche to run a parallel government and run it as they saw fit. While Duterte couldn't do much in the way of keeping the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines, out of the NPA enclave it has often run heavy interference, most notably in the Summer of 2010 when, under Duterte's daughter, Mayor Carpio, the city withdrew its funding and co-operation for AFP tactical operations within the entire city (aside from the anti-terrorism Task Force Davao). Since then the city government and the AFP have managed to reconcile to an uneasy working relationship with each "respecting" the others' strong ideological stance but there is still no co-operation.
Vice Mayor Duterte betrays his position with little regard to what others will think or say. Having built Davao City into a bastion of economic stability on the back of his "no principles" political stance he has himself been given carte blanche by the region's movers and shakers. As long as the pesos keep pouring in, Duterte can step on anyone and anything he wants. Part of Duterte's shtick has been acting as the pointman on any NPA captures of Government personnel, anywhere on the island. Because of the warm relationship that the Maoists share with Duterte anyone captured by the guerillas is bery quickly handed off to the NPA "Custodial Front," Front 20, which encamps on the edge of Davao City. However, Front 20, the Conrado Heredia Front took a bad blow in late May of 2011 when the AFP's 6th Scout Rangers Company backed by the 25IB (Infantry Battalion) overan a rendevouz of four NPA Fronts in the municipality of Cateel, in Davao Oriental Province. Since then Front 53, the Herminio Alfonso Command, has assumed the role of Custodial Front though it too also encamps on a different section of Davao City's border.
Whenever the NPA captures a soldier or police officer Big Daddy Duterte "negotiates" their release with the NPA. It is absolutely win:win for Duterte in that it further endears him to the disparate political factions on the island, further entrenches his position as irreplacable peace maker and perhaps most of all, guarantees the publicity loving Duterte gads and gads of media exposure and face time. Conversely, when guerillas find themselves in difficult positions it is Big Daddy who comes to their rescue. When the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines, attacked that camp in Cateel and three NPA guerillas were critically wounded (including the lover of Front 20's Secretary, or leader) it was Duterte himself that took a Government helicopter to actually go out and pick up the three wounded fighters. He then had all three flown to Davao City for lifesaving treatment while hundreds, neigh thousands of Duterte's own constituents are too poor to even purchase Tylenon to ease the rigours of child birth.
During the Cristmas Season of 2010 Duterte and Mayor Carpio actually travelled the NPA's regional camp on the outskirts of Davao City's Paquibato District. The NPA has no qualms about capturing mayors and yet Duterte neglected to even bring a single bodyguard. As he said then, he and local guerilla leader Leonicio "Ka Parago" Pitao are "old friends." How much more apparent was it when on, August 29th, 2011, Duterte had supper with NDFP Peace Panel Chairperson, Luis G.Jalandoni. Jalandoni extended an invitation- which Duterte accepted without reservation- to serve as a Resource Person on the NDFP Peace Panel. Normally anyone serving in Government would blanche at such an offer. For one thing, it contravenes the Philippine Constitution and violates at least three laws to say nothing of the serious ethical breeches that would ensue. Anyone even considering such an offer would spend days (at least) consulting both with his or her attorneys as well as well as with Manila. The normal course of affairs a mayor, or vice-mayor, would have to consult the DILG, or the Department of the Interior and Local Government for its guidance and indeed, its permission. Duterte though? The next morning he giddily sent out a Group SMS (a text to all Philippine journalists "approved" by him personally) explaining that he had happily accepted the offer at supper.
On the Sunday morning edition of Duterte's two weekly television shows, "Gikan sa Masa, Para sa Masa" ("From the Masses, to the Masses" in Cebuano, aka the Bisaya Language) he explained just why he always acts as the pointman when the NPA captures Government personnel but NEVER does so when private citizens are taken by the Maoists, or at least tried to...Vis a vis the six door to door salesman from Misamis Oriental Province who were taken by the NPA's Front 88 of the Northcentral Mindanao Regional Comittee on August 10th, 2011, just before they crossed into Davao City's Paquibato District from the municipality of San Fernando in Bukidnon Province. According to Front 88 the six men:
1) Nelson Bagares
2) James Maybaylan
3) Ronald Boiles
4) Ernesto Callo
5) Segundino Dailo Jr.
6) Julieto Sarsabo
are spies. As "proof" the NPA ridiculously points out that all six men sold sleeping mats (most rural Filipinos don't use beds) and were deep in the bush where settlement is very sparse. Ergo, why would six men congregate in an area where even one man would be hard pressed to sell even two mats in an entire day? Moreover the NPA says, some of the men were telling people they encountered that they were ex-NPA themselves and trying to seduce locals into discussing the NPA in hopes of gleaning intelligence. In my post focusing on the initial abduction of these six men I noted that it was the forbear of the Northcentral Mindanao Regional Committee that was single handedly responsible for the murderous NPA purges that began with Kampanyang Ahos (the Garlic Campaign) in 1985 and soon spread across the entire nation. As I noted then, it seems that the NPA hasn't learned much from its garish mistakes.
The wives of five of the men (only Julieto Sarsabo had noone representing him) travelled to Davao City in late August to personaly beg Vice Mayor Duterte to intercede with his NPA comrades (pun intended) to seek their husbands' safe release. On the show in question Duterte explained that he could not seek the mens' release because he is no longer "objective." Of course Duterte has never been objective when it comes to the NPA, least not since 1988, but his excuse fails to explain why- to my knowledge- he has never once interceded on behalf of private citizens. So, his joining the NDFP Peace Panel now allows Duterte to abdicate his sworn responsibilities to the citizens of the Philippines. I wish I could say that I was shocked or suprised but unlike Duterte, I cannot lie.
However, even I was suprised when Duterte said the following, in Bisaya, "Dili maayo tanawon sa tawa nga moduwa ko ba, mogunit ka sa politikanhong pag-istorya tapos maneuvering sa NPA ug asa positions. That isn't smart." Idiomatically, in English, "I must stop interceding on the part of NPA prisoners because it would be unethical if I continued doing that. Moreover, if I keep travelling to NPA positions in order to intercede, the OTHER SIDE (emphasis is ALL mine) to track my movements and in that way compromise NPA encampments. That isn't smart." So now the Government Duterte has sworn to defend and uphold is "the other side"? I admit, his gall left me dumbfounded. He belongs on the AFP Order of Battle as much as any NPA leader, with a value equal to Ka Parago.
As if all that isn't jaw dropping enough, on the following Sunday, on that same show, Duterte back pedaled furiously saying the following while speaking in English, "One thing I can assure you, I am a Government employee and I swear to defend the Constitution of the Government of the Philippines. I will never, never, and never give an advice that may destroy our land [sic]." Of course Manila had reacted to the preceding Sunday's comments but not nearly as much as it should of. The ignorance represented by Duterte swearing he will never act against the Constitution even as he officialy declares himself aligned with the NDFP, an entity sworn to contravene that same Constitution is beyond words.
At the time much of Davao City was a battlefield with the NPA and various state sponsored paramilitaries duking it out with the non-combatants serving as cannon fodder for both sides. Enter Rodrigo Duterte. The son of a former provincial governor Duterte learned to play the game early on. Graduating law school he became a city prosecutor in Davao City, or what used to be called a City Fiscal, after a short stint as an instructor at the PNP, or Philippine National Police Academy in Manila. It was in this capacity that Duterte first came close to the NPA. By the end of 1985 Duterte's mother Soledad, known popularly as "Nanay Soleng," had fortuitously become the Davao Regional Chairperson of Corazon "Cory" Aquino's "Yellow Friday Movement." At the time Duterte himself had risen in the City Fiscal Office to the position of Special Counsel, charged with dealing with detained high ranking NPA figures. These two parallel tracks converged in 1986 when newly elected President Cory Aquino had Duterte appointed OIC (Officer in Charge) Vice Mayor of the City.
By 1987 Duterte began readying himself for the 1988 Mayoral Election in which he would be bucking the system by running for Mayor against Aquino's hand picked candidate, Zafiro Respicio. Though Duterte held a chance on his own owing to an inherent advantage offered by three other strong candidates besides Respicio throwing their hats into the ring, thus splitting the vote five ways, Duterte naturally sought to solidify his candidacy and therefore came up with a very risky but nevertheless ingenious scheme. As leader of the Aquino political machine in the Davao Region Duterte's mother became, in 1986, the Government's Chairperson in the brand new GPH-NDFP Peace Process which ridiculously had been engineered at the sub-regional level, as if a nationwide peace process wouldn't be complicated enough in a country with hundreds of ethnicities and languages (of course in those days the GPH was still the "GRP" and the NDFP was still the "NDF"). This position allowed Duterte, by tagging along with his mother, to capitalise on relationships already made in his role as Special Counsel at the City Fiscal's Office.
So it was that the NPA and Duterte made their "deal." In exchange for the NPA guaranteeing Duterte the vote in all NPA controlled barangays and districts Duterte vowed to run interference on the Government's side in allowing the NPA to carve out a large enclave comprising three of the city's outlying districts, an arrangement that exists until the present. Aside from merely gaining power Duterte, much to his credit, realised that he could use that initial deal as the foundation of a far more important arrangement that would benefit the entire region above and beyond Duterte's own narrow and purient interests. When he won election as Mayor in 1988 Duterte realised that the only way to build a power base in which his role was non-negotiable was to first, end the bloodshed that turned Davao City into the nation's most violent municipality bar none. Then, after reversing the municipality's status into that of a peaceful and stable community, make it conducive to investment and that Pilippine Holy Grail, "Peace and Development." Again, to his credit, Duterte had realised something most Philippine officials have yet to understand, "Peace and Development" is a universal value that must be applicable to ALL demographic shareholders. IF Bisaya, as the Christians on Mindanao are usually collectively labeled, needed to enjoy a stable, peaceful environment, so did the Moros, as the Filipino Muslims on Mindanao are collectively labeled. If Liberal Democratic groups desired employment opportunities with long term security, so did the multi-sectoral front organisations backing the NPA. Ergo, Duterte set about meeting all his constituents' needs.
Meeting with emmisaries of Ka Parago Duterte eventually brokered an agreement that relegated the NPA to those same aforementioned three city districts:
1) Paquibato
2) Toril
3) Marilog
and to a lesser extent the districts of Baguio and Calinan. In these three districts Duterte gave the NPA carte blanche to run a parallel government and run it as they saw fit. While Duterte couldn't do much in the way of keeping the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines, out of the NPA enclave it has often run heavy interference, most notably in the Summer of 2010 when, under Duterte's daughter, Mayor Carpio, the city withdrew its funding and co-operation for AFP tactical operations within the entire city (aside from the anti-terrorism Task Force Davao). Since then the city government and the AFP have managed to reconcile to an uneasy working relationship with each "respecting" the others' strong ideological stance but there is still no co-operation.
Vice Mayor Duterte betrays his position with little regard to what others will think or say. Having built Davao City into a bastion of economic stability on the back of his "no principles" political stance he has himself been given carte blanche by the region's movers and shakers. As long as the pesos keep pouring in, Duterte can step on anyone and anything he wants. Part of Duterte's shtick has been acting as the pointman on any NPA captures of Government personnel, anywhere on the island. Because of the warm relationship that the Maoists share with Duterte anyone captured by the guerillas is bery quickly handed off to the NPA "Custodial Front," Front 20, which encamps on the edge of Davao City. However, Front 20, the Conrado Heredia Front took a bad blow in late May of 2011 when the AFP's 6th Scout Rangers Company backed by the 25IB (Infantry Battalion) overan a rendevouz of four NPA Fronts in the municipality of Cateel, in Davao Oriental Province. Since then Front 53, the Herminio Alfonso Command, has assumed the role of Custodial Front though it too also encamps on a different section of Davao City's border.
Whenever the NPA captures a soldier or police officer Big Daddy Duterte "negotiates" their release with the NPA. It is absolutely win:win for Duterte in that it further endears him to the disparate political factions on the island, further entrenches his position as irreplacable peace maker and perhaps most of all, guarantees the publicity loving Duterte gads and gads of media exposure and face time. Conversely, when guerillas find themselves in difficult positions it is Big Daddy who comes to their rescue. When the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines, attacked that camp in Cateel and three NPA guerillas were critically wounded (including the lover of Front 20's Secretary, or leader) it was Duterte himself that took a Government helicopter to actually go out and pick up the three wounded fighters. He then had all three flown to Davao City for lifesaving treatment while hundreds, neigh thousands of Duterte's own constituents are too poor to even purchase Tylenon to ease the rigours of child birth.
During the Cristmas Season of 2010 Duterte and Mayor Carpio actually travelled the NPA's regional camp on the outskirts of Davao City's Paquibato District. The NPA has no qualms about capturing mayors and yet Duterte neglected to even bring a single bodyguard. As he said then, he and local guerilla leader Leonicio "Ka Parago" Pitao are "old friends." How much more apparent was it when on, August 29th, 2011, Duterte had supper with NDFP Peace Panel Chairperson, Luis G.Jalandoni. Jalandoni extended an invitation- which Duterte accepted without reservation- to serve as a Resource Person on the NDFP Peace Panel. Normally anyone serving in Government would blanche at such an offer. For one thing, it contravenes the Philippine Constitution and violates at least three laws to say nothing of the serious ethical breeches that would ensue. Anyone even considering such an offer would spend days (at least) consulting both with his or her attorneys as well as well as with Manila. The normal course of affairs a mayor, or vice-mayor, would have to consult the DILG, or the Department of the Interior and Local Government for its guidance and indeed, its permission. Duterte though? The next morning he giddily sent out a Group SMS (a text to all Philippine journalists "approved" by him personally) explaining that he had happily accepted the offer at supper.
On the Sunday morning edition of Duterte's two weekly television shows, "Gikan sa Masa, Para sa Masa" ("From the Masses, to the Masses" in Cebuano, aka the Bisaya Language) he explained just why he always acts as the pointman when the NPA captures Government personnel but NEVER does so when private citizens are taken by the Maoists, or at least tried to...Vis a vis the six door to door salesman from Misamis Oriental Province who were taken by the NPA's Front 88 of the Northcentral Mindanao Regional Comittee on August 10th, 2011, just before they crossed into Davao City's Paquibato District from the municipality of San Fernando in Bukidnon Province. According to Front 88 the six men:
1) Nelson Bagares
2) James Maybaylan
3) Ronald Boiles
4) Ernesto Callo
5) Segundino Dailo Jr.
6) Julieto Sarsabo
are spies. As "proof" the NPA ridiculously points out that all six men sold sleeping mats (most rural Filipinos don't use beds) and were deep in the bush where settlement is very sparse. Ergo, why would six men congregate in an area where even one man would be hard pressed to sell even two mats in an entire day? Moreover the NPA says, some of the men were telling people they encountered that they were ex-NPA themselves and trying to seduce locals into discussing the NPA in hopes of gleaning intelligence. In my post focusing on the initial abduction of these six men I noted that it was the forbear of the Northcentral Mindanao Regional Committee that was single handedly responsible for the murderous NPA purges that began with Kampanyang Ahos (the Garlic Campaign) in 1985 and soon spread across the entire nation. As I noted then, it seems that the NPA hasn't learned much from its garish mistakes.
The wives of five of the men (only Julieto Sarsabo had noone representing him) travelled to Davao City in late August to personaly beg Vice Mayor Duterte to intercede with his NPA comrades (pun intended) to seek their husbands' safe release. On the show in question Duterte explained that he could not seek the mens' release because he is no longer "objective." Of course Duterte has never been objective when it comes to the NPA, least not since 1988, but his excuse fails to explain why- to my knowledge- he has never once interceded on behalf of private citizens. So, his joining the NDFP Peace Panel now allows Duterte to abdicate his sworn responsibilities to the citizens of the Philippines. I wish I could say that I was shocked or suprised but unlike Duterte, I cannot lie.
However, even I was suprised when Duterte said the following, in Bisaya, "Dili maayo tanawon sa tawa nga moduwa ko ba, mogunit ka sa politikanhong pag-istorya tapos maneuvering sa NPA ug asa positions. That isn't smart." Idiomatically, in English, "I must stop interceding on the part of NPA prisoners because it would be unethical if I continued doing that. Moreover, if I keep travelling to NPA positions in order to intercede, the OTHER SIDE (emphasis is ALL mine) to track my movements and in that way compromise NPA encampments. That isn't smart." So now the Government Duterte has sworn to defend and uphold is "the other side"? I admit, his gall left me dumbfounded. He belongs on the AFP Order of Battle as much as any NPA leader, with a value equal to Ka Parago.
As if all that isn't jaw dropping enough, on the following Sunday, on that same show, Duterte back pedaled furiously saying the following while speaking in English, "One thing I can assure you, I am a Government employee and I swear to defend the Constitution of the Government of the Philippines. I will never, never, and never give an advice that may destroy our land [sic]." Of course Manila had reacted to the preceding Sunday's comments but not nearly as much as it should of. The ignorance represented by Duterte swearing he will never act against the Constitution even as he officialy declares himself aligned with the NDFP, an entity sworn to contravene that same Constitution is beyond words.
Thursday, June 16, 2011
Development Aggression,Second Quarter of 2011,Part IV:Coal Fed Energy
The Aboitiz Coal Fed Saga continues...For those not up to speed on the issue the Aboitiz Power Corporation,or APC,is moving full steam ahead (pun intended haha) with its plans for a huge coal fed energy plant on the border of Davao City and the municipality of Santa Cruz,both in Davao del Sur Province.The plant is a shoe in since local warlord and Vice Mayor of Davao City,Rodrigo"Roddy"Duterte was bribed...I mean convinced by a sound argument...and has ever since been one of the projects most enthusiastic supporters.The big"change"came after Duterte was given his own VIP Junket to the Steag State coal fed plant in the municipality of Villanueva in Misamis Occidental Province.The plant is controlled by Evonic Steag,a subsidiary of the German-based multi-national Evonik Industries.Philippine regulations and laws being what they are,Evonic was in need of a local partner,in this case Aboitiz Power Corporation which owns a healthy 34% stake in the venture.Ergo Aboitiz saw a perfect opportunity to bribe,I mean conduct an informative overnight tour complete with airfare,top accomodations (Mindanao doesn't have a single 5 Star Hotel) and the de riguer gratuity.Not even bothering to try and disguise the cash as a per diem each Councillor was given P6,000 (US130),3 weeks pay for most Filipinos.
The Aboitiz Project will (because it IS now a foregone conclusion unfortunately) involve a 51 hectare plot,17 hectares of which will lie in the Santa Cruz portion.This smaller tract will house a dedicated port to receive imported coal shipments as well as vast warehouses in which to store these huge supplies of coal until they are shipped forward to the 24 hectare portion in Davao City where the actual plant will be erected.The Davao City facility will sit in Toril District's Barangay Binugao.Like their compatriots in the adjoining Barangay Inawayan in Santa Cruz,the barangay government of Binugao were easily swayed into supporting the project.On April 15th,2011,Barangay Binugao's Barangay Council issued a Certificate of No Objection in a unanimous vote.This is very,very interesting because as of mid-February the Barangay Council was almost entirely dead set against it.How do you entirely sway a council in the span of 30 odd days?In Barangay Inawayan the Barangay Council likewise followed suit on April 19th.
Both Barangay Councils were pre-empted by the Santa Cruz Municipal Council who gladly offered their unanimously given approval of the project on March 30th.All the while the Davao City Council has been putting up its best front,acting as if they are actually weighing their options.Of course almost the whole lot of them have firmly made up their minds weeks ago,if not months past.However,at least the City Council won't be unanimously standing behind it.Some Councilors,like Leah Librado,remain vehnemently opposed to the plan.Still,in early March the Council passed the issue on First Reading and did the requisite forwarding to the Council's Committees on Energy,on Environment,and on Commerce and Trade.Each Committee must then hold Public Consultations on the issue with constituencies.
Though not often discussed the Aboitiz Project is far from being the only coal fired plant on the table.Conal Holdings Corporation is working on 2 separate projects on Mindanao.The corporation,owned by the Alcantara Clan,is planning a 100 Megawatt plant in Zamboanga City's Barangay San Ramon in Zamboanga del Norte Province.Located within the city's Freeport Zone which heretofore has been best known for being the home to the island's largest prison is now undergoing both the project's Feasbility Study as well as the requisite EIA,or Environmental Impact Assesment.Though,with Abotiz's experience in Davao City as the template there shouldn't be any difficulties both reports are due to be completed by August of 2011.Worth noting is Conal's plan to construct its own dedicated seaport on site so as to ease importation of coal to the plant.This explains the 4 month window on the EIA.In addition to the usual topographic,hydrographic and geotech surveys they also will have to do an indepth marine impact survey.
Sometime in August,or early September,if both reports make their deadline,Conal will file for its ECC,or Environmental Compliance Certificate.Indeed,Conal sponsored its own junket to the Steag State plant in which The Mayor of Zamboanga City,Celso Lobregat,his entire City Council,Chief Engineer and various department heads all spent what must been an incredibly boring day in October of 2010.In each of these junkets Steag State goes on and on about how there are no health concerns,no potential of damage to the envoronment and so on.To give one an idea about what will be spewing out of those huge smokestacks that will soon be dotting the coasts of our island,this 100 Megawatt Project in Zamboanga City plans to plant 3,750 hectares of trees in surrounding tracts.Great,right?The trees are needed to suck up all that excess,unhealthy carbon emissions.There is no such thing as a"healthy"coal fed energy plant.
There are only degrees of harm and how much these companies and politicians in their pocket plan to spend on minimising this harm.These companies operate on profit margins ergo one cannot expect them to truly put real effort into it.The question noone is really asking is why noone is putting effort into geo-thermal generation.We live on a highly volcanic island.There are already geo-thermal plants operating on the island but only to a very small degree.The Zamboanga City plant aims to break ground in August of 2012 and to go online by August of 2015.
The second Conal project is on the drawing board for the town of Maasim in Sarangani Province.An arrayed plant of 2 to 3 units,each capable of generating 100 Megawatts.Though at present the company has merely obtained its ECC,or Environmental Compliance Certificate,they hope to have the first 100 Megawatt unit online by September,2013.If all goes according to plan the second unit will go on line at the end of 2014.When the first 100 Megawatt output is secured 70 Megawatts will be doled out to Socateco II with the remaining 30 Megawatts being sold to the grid.
Perhaps the biggest plant might be the SMC,or San Miguel Corporation mine mouth coal fed plant to be built on the Daguma Coal Field in the municipality of Lake Sebu's Barangay Ned in South Cotabato Province.Having already bought 3 large coalmines on the field,which stretches into Sultan Kudarat Province:
1) Daguma Agro Minerals Incorporated
2) Bonanza Energy Resources Incorporated (Numbers 1 and 2 are co-owned)
3) Sultan Energy Mining and Development Corporation
SMC hopes to amass a massive 3,000 Megawatt portfolio nationwide within the next 5 years.The planned Lake Sebu plant is far from a sure thing despite SMC having bought up most of the Daguma vein.First,the South Cotabato Provincial Government,admirably,has taken a total oppositional stance to all open pit mining.Going so far as to implement an outright ban on such mines and in doing so sparking a feud with the DILG (Department of Interior and Local Government) secretary,Jesse Robredo,the Provincial Government isnt budging.Then,TAMASCO,or T'boli Manobo S'daf Claimant Organization,is among several disparate stakeholding groups that are adamantly opposing the proposed plant.TAMASCO is an entity composed of 2 area Lumad tribes (Hilltribes),the T'boli and the Manobo and represents their joint interest on an AD (Ancestral Domain) that directly abuts the SMC tract.AD refers to certain vested land rights afforded to tribes living upon their own ancestral lands.The coal field,collectively 17,000 hectares,could support a 740 Megawatt capacity plant for roughly 25 years so that SMC,or rather its subsidiary SME (San Miguel Energy),could survive without having to turn to outside sources for a good 100 years if the plant tops out at its stated maximum capacity of 200 Megawatts.
TAMASCO is deeply concerned after SME's test pits,in Barangay Ned's Sitio Tafal have pretty much scarred the entire sitio.It goes without saying that South Cotabato has alot on its plot with the world's second largest gold field sitting under the province and that Tampakan Project pressing up against the Provincial Government to try and wrangle an open pit spanning parts of 3 provinces.If more LGUs (Local Government Units,as in towns,cities,and provincial governments) were like the South Cotabato Provincial Government perhaps Mindanao might actually have some hope of of real,sustainable prosperity that betters the lives of all involved.
Finally,on March 2nd,Trans Asia Oil and Energy Development Corporation filed plans to construct a 135 Megawatt coal fed plant in Northeast Mindanao.In their regulatory filing the corporation revealed they are already performing a Pre-Feasability Study and plan to pattern it on a plant currently operating in Batangas Province on Luzon.The Batangas facility,also rated at 135 Megawatts,in the town of Calaca,is currently under construction and primed to go on line in 2014.If the Mindanao facility reaches fruition it will go on line in 2015.It plans to utilise coal from the Semirara Coal Company,owned by the Cosunji Clan.Any shortfall will be offset by importation from Indonesia.
The Aboitiz Project will (because it IS now a foregone conclusion unfortunately) involve a 51 hectare plot,17 hectares of which will lie in the Santa Cruz portion.This smaller tract will house a dedicated port to receive imported coal shipments as well as vast warehouses in which to store these huge supplies of coal until they are shipped forward to the 24 hectare portion in Davao City where the actual plant will be erected.The Davao City facility will sit in Toril District's Barangay Binugao.Like their compatriots in the adjoining Barangay Inawayan in Santa Cruz,the barangay government of Binugao were easily swayed into supporting the project.On April 15th,2011,Barangay Binugao's Barangay Council issued a Certificate of No Objection in a unanimous vote.This is very,very interesting because as of mid-February the Barangay Council was almost entirely dead set against it.How do you entirely sway a council in the span of 30 odd days?In Barangay Inawayan the Barangay Council likewise followed suit on April 19th.
Both Barangay Councils were pre-empted by the Santa Cruz Municipal Council who gladly offered their unanimously given approval of the project on March 30th.All the while the Davao City Council has been putting up its best front,acting as if they are actually weighing their options.Of course almost the whole lot of them have firmly made up their minds weeks ago,if not months past.However,at least the City Council won't be unanimously standing behind it.Some Councilors,like Leah Librado,remain vehnemently opposed to the plan.Still,in early March the Council passed the issue on First Reading and did the requisite forwarding to the Council's Committees on Energy,on Environment,and on Commerce and Trade.Each Committee must then hold Public Consultations on the issue with constituencies.
Though not often discussed the Aboitiz Project is far from being the only coal fired plant on the table.Conal Holdings Corporation is working on 2 separate projects on Mindanao.The corporation,owned by the Alcantara Clan,is planning a 100 Megawatt plant in Zamboanga City's Barangay San Ramon in Zamboanga del Norte Province.Located within the city's Freeport Zone which heretofore has been best known for being the home to the island's largest prison is now undergoing both the project's Feasbility Study as well as the requisite EIA,or Environmental Impact Assesment.Though,with Abotiz's experience in Davao City as the template there shouldn't be any difficulties both reports are due to be completed by August of 2011.Worth noting is Conal's plan to construct its own dedicated seaport on site so as to ease importation of coal to the plant.This explains the 4 month window on the EIA.In addition to the usual topographic,hydrographic and geotech surveys they also will have to do an indepth marine impact survey.
Sometime in August,or early September,if both reports make their deadline,Conal will file for its ECC,or Environmental Compliance Certificate.Indeed,Conal sponsored its own junket to the Steag State plant in which The Mayor of Zamboanga City,Celso Lobregat,his entire City Council,Chief Engineer and various department heads all spent what must been an incredibly boring day in October of 2010.In each of these junkets Steag State goes on and on about how there are no health concerns,no potential of damage to the envoronment and so on.To give one an idea about what will be spewing out of those huge smokestacks that will soon be dotting the coasts of our island,this 100 Megawatt Project in Zamboanga City plans to plant 3,750 hectares of trees in surrounding tracts.Great,right?The trees are needed to suck up all that excess,unhealthy carbon emissions.There is no such thing as a"healthy"coal fed energy plant.
There are only degrees of harm and how much these companies and politicians in their pocket plan to spend on minimising this harm.These companies operate on profit margins ergo one cannot expect them to truly put real effort into it.The question noone is really asking is why noone is putting effort into geo-thermal generation.We live on a highly volcanic island.There are already geo-thermal plants operating on the island but only to a very small degree.The Zamboanga City plant aims to break ground in August of 2012 and to go online by August of 2015.
The second Conal project is on the drawing board for the town of Maasim in Sarangani Province.An arrayed plant of 2 to 3 units,each capable of generating 100 Megawatts.Though at present the company has merely obtained its ECC,or Environmental Compliance Certificate,they hope to have the first 100 Megawatt unit online by September,2013.If all goes according to plan the second unit will go on line at the end of 2014.When the first 100 Megawatt output is secured 70 Megawatts will be doled out to Socateco II with the remaining 30 Megawatts being sold to the grid.
Perhaps the biggest plant might be the SMC,or San Miguel Corporation mine mouth coal fed plant to be built on the Daguma Coal Field in the municipality of Lake Sebu's Barangay Ned in South Cotabato Province.Having already bought 3 large coalmines on the field,which stretches into Sultan Kudarat Province:
1) Daguma Agro Minerals Incorporated
2) Bonanza Energy Resources Incorporated (Numbers 1 and 2 are co-owned)
3) Sultan Energy Mining and Development Corporation
SMC hopes to amass a massive 3,000 Megawatt portfolio nationwide within the next 5 years.The planned Lake Sebu plant is far from a sure thing despite SMC having bought up most of the Daguma vein.First,the South Cotabato Provincial Government,admirably,has taken a total oppositional stance to all open pit mining.Going so far as to implement an outright ban on such mines and in doing so sparking a feud with the DILG (Department of Interior and Local Government) secretary,Jesse Robredo,the Provincial Government isnt budging.Then,TAMASCO,or T'boli Manobo S'daf Claimant Organization,is among several disparate stakeholding groups that are adamantly opposing the proposed plant.TAMASCO is an entity composed of 2 area Lumad tribes (Hilltribes),the T'boli and the Manobo and represents their joint interest on an AD (Ancestral Domain) that directly abuts the SMC tract.AD refers to certain vested land rights afforded to tribes living upon their own ancestral lands.The coal field,collectively 17,000 hectares,could support a 740 Megawatt capacity plant for roughly 25 years so that SMC,or rather its subsidiary SME (San Miguel Energy),could survive without having to turn to outside sources for a good 100 years if the plant tops out at its stated maximum capacity of 200 Megawatts.
TAMASCO is deeply concerned after SME's test pits,in Barangay Ned's Sitio Tafal have pretty much scarred the entire sitio.It goes without saying that South Cotabato has alot on its plot with the world's second largest gold field sitting under the province and that Tampakan Project pressing up against the Provincial Government to try and wrangle an open pit spanning parts of 3 provinces.If more LGUs (Local Government Units,as in towns,cities,and provincial governments) were like the South Cotabato Provincial Government perhaps Mindanao might actually have some hope of of real,sustainable prosperity that betters the lives of all involved.
Finally,on March 2nd,Trans Asia Oil and Energy Development Corporation filed plans to construct a 135 Megawatt coal fed plant in Northeast Mindanao.In their regulatory filing the corporation revealed they are already performing a Pre-Feasability Study and plan to pattern it on a plant currently operating in Batangas Province on Luzon.The Batangas facility,also rated at 135 Megawatts,in the town of Calaca,is currently under construction and primed to go on line in 2014.If the Mindanao facility reaches fruition it will go on line in 2015.It plans to utilise coal from the Semirara Coal Company,owned by the Cosunji Clan.Any shortfall will be offset by importation from Indonesia.
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