It certainly has been a rollercoaster ride these last two months. From the brink of war at the end of July over the Government's interminable delays in turning over its long promised Draft Comprehensive Compact, to near fever pitch excitement (if you root for the MILF) and trepidation (if you hope to see the nation remain intact) just a few days later with the secret meeting in Japan, to the entire Peace Process hitting a brick wall on August 23rd as the GPH Peace Panel stormed out of the conference room in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia over MILF abuse after the latter finally got its paws on the aforementioned GPH Draft Comprehensive Compact the day before. From the ashes of August 23rd glimmers have since appeared and when, on September, 6th, 2011 Chairman of the MILF Peace Panel, Mohagher Iqbal travelled to Davao City for a warm up "Focus Forum," observers began paying careful attention to what Iqbal had to say. The Davao Forum was merely a dry run before travelling north to the Central Philippines in a short but very meaningful round of "Focus Forums" well outside the MILF comfort zone of Central Mindanao. By the time the Visayan sojourn finished, on September 10th, any doubt that the Peace Process was still in existence had dissipated.
The Visayan Round, consisting of a press conference and two forums on three Visayan islands of:
1) Cebu
2) Bohol
3) Negros
was sponsored by the Davao City-based NGO, Initiative for International Dialogue, or IID, in conjunction with various local partners. In the warm up forum in Davao City, Iqbal was joined by Irish Minister of Parliament, Dominick Hannigan. MP Hannigan does double duty as the Chairman of the Committee of Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. Signed in 1998 the document served as an FPA, or Final Peace Agreement between the IRA, or Irish Republican Army, Great Britain, and Britain's allies amongst the Protestant paramilitaries in Northern Ireland. Ireland is a traditionally Catholic nation but under domination from England mostly Scottish Protestants were transported into Ireland to help consolidate the English grip upon the land and its people. Shortly after the turn of the 20th Century the Irish rose up and eventually were able to achieve independence EXCEPT FOR for a northern portion that came to be called, "Northern Ireland."
Northern Ireland remained a British territory despite the vast majority of its inhabitants being indigenous Irish Catholics. The Scots-Irish, Protestants like the English, desired to remain one with England while virtually all Irish Catholics wanted either union with Ireland, or else indepence of its own. Britain doesn't relinquish land easily and so it was with Northern Ireland. Communal warfare ended up killing 3,000 under attacks that included a fair dose of terrorism on the part of the IRA and to a much lesser extent the Protestant paramilitaries. Finally, all three sides were able to reach the Good Friday Agreement satisfying all but a tiny iota of radicals in both the Catholic and the Protestant Communities.
The MILF has often looked towards the Good Friday Agreement as a working template for a Mindanowan peace agreement. To the laymen the conflict in Mindanao between the Government and the MILF certainly appears to be a conflict based upon ethno-religious sectarianism. In reality it is far more complicated. In Northern Ireland one can easily log the trajectory of the conflict from its baseline at the point where merry ole' England set its beady little eyes on poor old Ireland. One can observe all the incremental periods, all the issues neatly layered but what could one do with the MILF conflict in Mindanao? It isn't a case of proverbial "apples and oranges." It is much more like a case of "apples and goldfish."
In any event, MP Hannigan was spending three fun filled weeks in the Philippines fufilling a parliamentarian requirement to volunteer in charitable endeavours overseas. The programme, under the auspices of the NGO, Volunteers Overseas, or VSO, places skilled volunteers in the so called "Developing World." On the day in question, September 6th, MP Hannigan joined Chairman Iqbal, Peace Panelist, Professor Abhoud Syed Lingga, and Chairman of the MILF Peace Panel Secretariat, Jun Mantawil for the Forum in Davao, entitled, "Good Friday Agreement and the GPH Peace Agreement," at Ateneo de Davao University. The three hour programme at the school's Finster Building was moderated by Executive Director, Agusto "Gus" Miclat Jr. of the sponsoring NGO, the aforementioned IIC.
In Chairman Iqbal's speech he offered what he creatively labeled an "Update on the Peace Process," Iqbal gave a very condensed briefing about the "secret meeting" that took place between President Aquino and MILF Chairman al Haj Murad Iqbal on August 4th. Then, segueing into the August 22nd Government handover of its long awaited Draft Comprehensive Compact, where Iqbal spent the most time talking. No real suprises but a couple of interesting anecdotes. As Chairman of the MILF Peace Panel Iqbal met with his GPH counterpart, Mario Victor "Marvic" Leonen during the one hour Executive Session that took place first thing on August 22nd the two had a very heated exchange. According to Iqbal, Leonen tried to discuss the infamous Kumander Kato and his renegade military organisation, BIFF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters. Iqbal refused to discuss it, reminding Leonen that the first course of business was the scheduled submission of the GPH Draft Comprehensive Agreement. Chairperson Leonen wouldn't play ball. Everytime Iqbal reminded Leonen that the GPH Draft was supposed to have been submitted back in March of 2011, Leonen would get angrier and angrier. Finally, with assistance from Malaysian Facilitator Datuk Ab Tengku Ghafar Tengku Mohammed, Iqbal was able to remain focused enough so as to bend Leonen's considerable will and get his way.
With that highly contentious issue settled they immediately opened the door and quickly went into the prefunctory diplomatic niceties before getting to the meat and bones of the meeting, the GPH Draft. Iqbal and the MILF Peace Panel refused to comment and informed Leonen that they would adjourn and study the GPH Draft overnight and offer their take on it as the first order of business the next morning, August 23rd, in plenary session. From there it is just a rehash of the same information I have posted in other "GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Third Quarter of 2011" entries.
On September 8th, Iqbal, Lingga, and Mantawil flew from Davao City to Cebu Island where the group, accompanied by IID Executive Director Agusto "Gus" Miclat Jr. The next morning, September 9th, the group travelled to Cebu City's Barangay Lahug for a press confrence held at Pino Filipino Cuisine on Wilson Street. The conference lasted a bit more than 2 hours and was scantily attended by less than a dozen media outlets. After finishing at 1PM the group travelled to Mactan, a suburb of Cebu City, and boarded a speed boat for the ride to Bohol, the second stop on their Visayan Tour.
Arriving in Bohol's Tagbiliran City, site of the second Forum, entilted, "Civil Society Dialogue with the MILF Peace Panel," at the University of Bohol. After a ahort opening speech by the university's President, Iqbal once again stepped to the podium. The speech, entitled, "Peace is the Concern of All," began with Chairman Iqbal touching upon local history to pique the attention of the nearly 400 attendees. Iqbal mentiomed that Bohol is the site of two blood compacts between local chiefs and allied foreigners. As Iqbal noted, the first compact took place on March 16th, 1565 between Datu Sikatuna of Bo'ol, Datu Sigala of Loboc, and the Spanish Conquistador, Legazpi. The three vowed to regard each other peacefully. The second compact, according to Iqbal, took place between an unknown Boholano datu and Rajah Laut Buisan, the military commander of the Maguindanao Sultanate in what is today Central Mindanao, citing the claim of Cesar Majul.
Iqbal, in a congratulatory tone informed his listeners that Bohol was home to the Daguhoy Revolt, the longest single insurrection in the Philippines. Led by Francisco Daguhoy the rebellion lasted from 1744 to 1829. That is ironic given the Filipino Muslim spiel about how the Filipino Muslims are now engaged in a 500 year rebellion.
Next on the menu was the revolt led by Tamblot in 1621. Tamblot was a babaylan, or shaman, and led his warriors against the Spanish in a noble but failed effort to save his tribe's indigenous faith. Naturally Iqbal was attempting to draw parallels between Tamblon's efforts to save his religion and therefore his way of life and the Filipino Muslim's struggle to do the same. In another ironic twist, in my previous "GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Third Quarter of 2011" entry I discussed the MILF's incredibly silly, "Top 10 List of Spoilers of the Peace Process." On that list the MILF took Manila-based journalist Ramon "Mon" Tulfo to task for daring to maintain that the GPH-MILF conflict is religio-culturally based whereas the MILF is insistent that it is entirely political. The MILF, after 24 years, has still not managed to compose a coherent platform, nor a half-way believable historical narrative.
Finishing in Bohol the group returned to the speed boat and departed for the ride back to Cebu City where they retired for the evening. Very early the next morning, September 10th, the group hopped in the same speed boat for the long ride to Negros Island, the site of their third and last stop. Landing in Bacolod City they quickly met with the co-sponser of the Negros Forum, Director Rhoderick Samonte of the Negros-based NGO, Institute for Negros Development, before heading to Saint Lasalle University for their Forum at 130PM. Entitled, "Dialogue Mindanao," IIC Executive Director Gus Miclat gave a presentation on citizen participation in the Peace Process being absolutely vital to its success. Next up was Iqbal with a speech entitled, "The Collective Security of the Moros is Threatened."
Iqbal began an almost verbatim rendering of the arrogant nuttiness used by Peace Panelist, Datu Michael O.Mastura in just about every one of his speaking engagements. Iqbal stood there telling bold faced lie after bold faced lie. Some gems:
"A century ago Moros controlled 98% of Mindanao." OK, let us imagine that he wasn't referring to 1911 and instead take it back to the height of Islamic influence and/or power on Mindanao. IF so, Muslims controlled less than 15% of the entire island. From Cagayan del Oro City on the north coast, moving east, rounding the island onto its east coast and moving all the way to the southern coast, AND THEN, continuing along the southern coast as far as Sarangani Bay, ALL THAT was controlled by indigenous Bisaya. The Butuanons, the Suriganon, the Karaga, these were ALL Bisaya Tribes. Butuan was trading with China nearly 1,000 years before the Maguindanao Tribe entered existence, let alone formed the Maguindanao Sultanate.
"Today only 12% of Mindanao is controlled by Muslims." Yes indeed and that is all they have ever controlled. Seems quite fare to me.
"From 1903 to 1915, Moro Province with its five districts:
1) Cotabato (including North Cotabato, South Cotabato, Sarangani, Maguindanao, and Sultan Kudarat Provinces)
2) Lanao (including both Lanao del Norte and Lanao del Sur Provinces)
3) Zamboanga (including Zamboanga del Norte, Zamboanga del Sur, and Zamboanga Sibugay Provinces)
4) Davao (Davao del Sur, Davao del Norte, Davao Oriental, and Compostela Valley Provinces)
5) Sulu (Sulu, Basilan, and part of Tawi Tawi Province)
was 90% Moro and indigenous people." OK, even if we ignore how Iqbal slid "indigenous people" in as an afterthought, he still was 100% wrong. The Spanish never took a census outside of a couple of small settlements on the coast. Neither did the Americans, except for Christians and not including "los Conquistas," the Spanish term applied to first or second generation converts to Christianity. Examining the (US) Congressional Record, Edition #4791, "Report of the (Philippine) Commission," pp5 and 6, we find America extrapolating other data to come to a reasonable estimate of population in Moro Province, and demographically breaking it down. I will quote from pp5, verbatim, "There has never been an accurate census taken of the non-Christian population."
Within Moro Province there were, in 1904, 66,000 Christian Filipinos. The Americans state that the overall population of Moro Province was 500,000. It then says of the 444,0000 people tallied as "non-Christian," 290,000 were what we now call "Lumad," and what Iqbal creatively labeled "indigenous people." So, 290,000 Lumad, 66,000 Christian, and the remainder tallied as Muslims, less than 150,000. Of that less than 150,000 Muslims, they include the population of Sulu, Basilan, and Tawi Tawi. If we are discussing Mainland Mindanao there were just as many Christians as there were Muslims and Moro Province is but one of three provinces on Mindanao! Factor in Surigao and Misamis Provinces, both having zero Muslims at that time (even today Caraga Region, most of what was contained within Surigao Province, has less than 1,400 Muslims!). Iqbal, like the entire Bangsamoro narrative is a fraud.
Next Chairman Iqbal launched into an angry screed about Land Laws from the American Era; the Public Land Act #2874, of 1919 allowed land purchases up to a maximum of 24 hectares UNLESS one was Muslim in which case the maximum was 10 hectares. Sounds very unfair BUT one needs to be aware of the proper context before considering its fairness. Every Islamicised tribe in that era was ruled by potentates, whether a Datu, Rajah, OR Sultan who held each subject's life entirely in his hands. There was absolutely no private land ownership. The Datu, Rajah, OR Sultan owned 100% of the land in a given area. Slavery still existed but even so called "freemen" were bound to their ruler and had no choice in any matter, large OR small.
Since wresting the Southern Philippines from Spain in 1899 the Americans had been doing their best to subvert the power of the Datus, Rajahs, and the Sultans. The Americans correctly believed that if and when implementing private land ownership schemes, the Muslim Rulers would subvert the 24 hectare maximum limit simply by buying vast tracts of land in the names of their subjects. It wasn't that the Americans were trying to prejudice the system against Muslims but more like they were trying to offer an affirmative action type boost to disadvantaged non-Muslims.
Other than the Mastura-like diatribe I just related, both the Negros AND the Bohol speeches focused on two underlying themes:
1) The Peace Process began in 1997 and therefore has gone on far too long. Filipino-Muslims cannot negotiate forever.
2) The MILF has rejected four GPH entreaties to involve itself in the ARMM, or the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. It sees the ARMM as a failure and view it as being incompatible with the MILF vision and platform.
At least the MILF is still involving itself in the Peace Process. A lying and scheming MILF involved in Talks is still a whole lot better than an earnest and honest MILF rejecting the Peace Process as a waste of time.
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