The following is Part 5 of the entry on the Bagobo Tribe from Davao Region. The entry comes from the seminal work by American anthropologist Fay Cooper Cole who visited Mindanao at the beginning of the 20th Century. Part 4 closed with a discussion on the Bagobo's obsrssion with betel nut chewing and their method for producing fire. Patt 5 begins with a discussion on the tribe's hunting and fishing practices.
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Hunting and Fishing
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Since only a few domesticated animals and fowls are found in a settlement, the greater part of the meat supply is secured by hunting and fishing.
Deer and wild pig are taken by means of spears. The hunter either lies in wait near the runways of the game, or the animals are driven toward the spot where the huntsmen are concealed. For this purpose the ordinary lance is often used, but a more effective weapon is the spear known as "kalawat." In this the metal head fits loosely into a long shaft to which it is attached by rope. As soon as the weapon enters the body of the animal the head pulls out of the shaft, and this trails behind until it becomes entangled in the undergrowth, thus putting the game at the mercy of the hunter. Dead falls and pits are put in the runways, and the frightened animal is sometimes impaled on concealed sharpened bamboo sticks. Less frequently, large animals are secured by means of rope loops which hang from trees past which the game is accustomed to pass. Until recent years the "balatik," a trap which then sprung throws an arrow with great force against the animal which releases it, was much used nut so many domestic animals have been killed by it that this sort of trap is now in disfavor.
Wild chickens are captured by means of snares. A tame rooster is fastened in the jungle and around him is placed a snare, consisting of running knots attached to a central band. The crowing of this fowl soon attracts the wild birds which, coming in to fight, are almost sure to become entangled in one of the nooses. Slip loops, attached to a bent twig and released by disturbing the bait, are also employed in the capture of wild fowl.
Birds of all sizes are secured by use of bows and arrows, blow guns, or nets. Wooden decoys are tied to the branches of trees in which the hunters are concealed. The bows used are of "palma brava," in each end of which notches are cut to hold the rattan bow strings. The arrow shafts are of light reeds and are fitted with one or two bamboo points.These weapons are effective only for close range, and even then the Bagobo are far from being expert marksmen. Boys use a reed blow gun through which they shoot light darts tufted with cotton. The missile is not poisoned and is of little use at a distance of more than twenty feet.
By far the most effective means of securing birds is to stretch a net between trees or poles where the birds are accustomed to fly. Wooden decoys are attached to the net in order to attract the game which, once enmeshed, is easily caught.
Various devices are employed.in the capture of fresh water fish, but the most common is a torpedo-shaped trap of bamboo. Stone conduits lead the water from streams into the open end of these traps, thus carrying in fish and shrimp. The funnel-shaped opening has the sharpened ends set close together so that it is quite impossible for the prisoners to escape, although the water readily passes between the bamboo strips.
Along the coast the methods of the Christanized natives are used in salt water fishing. A hook and a line is employed for eels; while in clear pools fish are secured by means of a four-pointed spear which is thrust or thrown. Perhaps the most interesting device used is a lure, known as "boro." A live minnow is fastened at the end of the rod near to
to a rattan noose. A cord running from the noose to the end of the stick allows the fisherman to draw up the noose as he desires. The struggles of the captive fish soon attracts others, and when one enters the loop the line is drawn taut, securely binding the intruder. Several fish can be taken from a single pool by this method. A berry (anamirta coccithis L.) is used in the capture of fish. It is crushed to a powder, is wrapped with vines and leaves, and is thrown into.pools. The fish become stupified and float to the surface where they are easily captured. After being cooked they are eaten without any ill effects.
Occupations
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Mention has already been made of some of the daily occupations of the people. We have found the women caring for the home and preparing the rice and otger foods which are served in the house. At no time did the writer see a man, other than a slave, take any part in any such household duties; but when on the trail each would do his share in preparing the meals. In the village we found the women and children carrying the water and the wood and, at rare intervals, doing laundry work. Instead of soaping and rubbing soiled clothing, they soak the garments.in water, tgen place them on stones and beat them with wooden paddles or clubs. The articles are alternatively soaked and beaten until at least a part of the dirt has been removed. It is also the privilege of any woman to engage in the manufa ture of basketry, or to act as a potter.
In the manufacture of baskets the woman makes use chiefly of bamboo and rattan, though other materials such as "pandanus" are sometimes brought into service. Three weaves or their variants are employed. The first is the common diagonal or twilled weave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or more of the warp elements. In this way most of the rice winnowers, transportation baskets, knife sheaths, and the like are made. In the second weave the foundation of the basket is made up of parallel horizontal rods, or strips of bamboo. These are laced together by warp strips which pass alternately under one and over one of the foundation rods, crossing each other at an angle, one above the other below the rod. The trinket baskets carried by the women, the larger waterproof receptacles known as "binota," and the covers for wild chicken snares are in this technique. A variant of this weave is found in the rattan carrying frames and in some fish traps. Here the warp strips cross one another at an angle, at each meeting place enclosing the horizontal foundation strips. Unlike the second weave described, the warp strips do not pass, alternately above and below the horizontal foundation, but retain the same relation to it throughout the entire length of each strip. A coiled weave is used in the manufacture of tobacco boxes and in the rims of womens baskets. In this type the
foundation consists of a series of horizontal rattan strips or rods which are sewed.together in the following matter. A narrow strip "A" passes over two of these parallel rods "2" and "3" in left handed spiral. At the top of the loop the strip passes under a similar strip "B" which binds rod "2" to the one above. Passing downward inside the basket, the strip "A" goes beneath the strip "C" which binds the rods "3" and "4" together. These are drawn tightly while damp, thus forcing the foundation rods so closely together as to make the basket practically water-tight. Pitch from the "tabon tabon" nuts my also be rubbed over the outside surface, thus making the receptacle impervious to water.
In the great majority of baskets the surface is divided into three parallel zones or decorative bands. These are produced by making a slight variation in the weave, by the use of blackened strips of bamboo amd rattan, or by substituting in their place the black cuticle of a fern.
As a rule, the women of this ttibe are not good potters and take little pride in their work. In some districts the art has been entirely lost, and the people depend on the coast natives for their cooking utensils. At the village of Bansalanthe women were found to still to be proficient in their work. After the dampened clay had been carefully kneaded in otder to remove lumps and gravel, the bottom of the jar was molded with the fingers and placed on a dish which was turnrd on a bit of clothor a board and answered the purpose of a potter's wheel. As the dish was turned with a right hand tge operator shaped the clay with the fingers of the left adding fresh strips of material from time to.time until the desired size was obtained. The final shaping was done with a wooden paddle and the jar was allowed to dry, after which it was smoothed off with a stone. When ready for firing it was placrd in the midst of of a pile of rubbish, over whoch grewn leaves were placed to cause a slow fire.
Other dishes are made by splitting a coconut in half and removing the "meat." This is readily accomplished by the use of a scraper fitted with a rough iron blade, over which the concave side of the half nut is drawn. The coconut meat is used for food and oil.
A little later we shall describe the active part woman takes in the planting and care of the fields
Sunday, July 1, 2012
Thursday, June 28, 2012
MILF Armed Contacts for the Second Quarter of 2012, Part I: MILF Battles MNLF in North Cotabato Province, Again
With all the back slapping lately between the MILF and the MNLF it is easy for some to forget that the MILF was in fact born out of disgust with the MNLF. MILF founder, the late Hashim Salamat, saw MNLF figurehead Nur Misuari as aloof and close to dictatorial in his leadership style. In addition, Misuari was then a closet Marxist who only saw Islam as a useful vehicle with which to motivate the masses. Finally, despite the myth of the "Bangsamoro," a supposedly cohesive people, the thirteen ethno-linguistic groupings of Muslim Filipinos had practically nothing in common above and beyond a professed common faith. The MNLF, which had begun life as a Maranaw (Maranao)-dominated organization, quickly became Tausug-centric under Misuari's stewardship. Salamat, a Maguondanowan, saw no future for his tribe within Misuari's MNLF.
The MILF began life as a putsch against Misuari and his minions but by 1984 was undeniably a wholly seperate group, in form as well as substance. Since then, both groups have often been at odds. Although great strides have been made within the last year, these are entirely within the political echelons. On the ground, the military wings-BIAF for the MILF, and BMA, or Bangsamoro Army for the MNLF-are almost always at each others' throats. This latest incident, in North Cotabato Province, is just one of several currently taking place.
Just before daybreak, Sunday, June 24th, 2012, in the municipality of Carmen's Barangay Tonganon, the two organizations once again took it to the mat. MNLF Kumander Teo Minanimbong attacked Kumander "DTR" Mohammed of the BIAF 110 Base Command. The BIAF of course is the military wing of the MILF, the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces.
Roughly one thousand individuals from that barangay and the nearby barangays of Lapu Lapu and Lawili in the adjacent municipality of Aleosan were forced into fleeing their homes and livlihoods. Most of those "bakwit," or IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) have taken refuge in Aleosan's Barangay New Panay. As one might surmise by the names of concerned barangays, most of the refugees are Ilonggo, while the warring parties are Muslims. Lately that portion of the North Cotabato and Maguindanao Provincial borders has been beset by a very worrisome trend of ethno-religious warfare, though thankfully-if one can even be thankful in such circumstances- this particular incident is Muslim on Muslim, albeit over competition to rob Ilonggo land.
The 7IB (Infantry Battalion), based in Carmen, and the 40IB, based in Aleosan, have been doing nothing as usual. The AFP takes great pains not to engage any Islamic group in Central and Southern Mindanao, citing the fictitious ceasefire and the almost as fictitious Peace Process. Indeed, at a recent bilateral meeting that I will cover in an upcoming "GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Second Quarter" entry, much self congratulation was given over the meaningless statistic that has the AFP and MILF/BIAF with zero armed contacts since 2012 began. As the BIAF runs around tossing frag grenades and firing RPG-2s and 3s at hapless civilians-and other armed groups, lets hoodwink the public into thinking that the MILF/BIAF is serious about peace.
This paticular sub-conflict concerns nearly 50 contigious hectares of rice paddy and corn fields in Barangay Tonganon's Sitio Maputi. On March 25th, 2012, BIAF 110 Base Command sub-Kumander Karim Sagadan attacked MNLF Kumander Teo Minanimbong in that sitio. The MNLF quickly gained the upperhand and so BIAF sub-Kumander Sagadan sent for reinforcements. Kumander "Tarzan" Dagadas, the overall Kumander of the BIAF's newest Base Comand, the 118, responded in force.
As the sitio quickly emptied of civilians the fighting grew hot and heavy with twenty plus homes burned entirely and more than twenty four guerillas from both sides losing their lives before the 7IB was able to reign in the fighting with an effective cordon. When the fighting simmered down virtually all of Sitio Maputi and most of the adjacent Sitio Gawasan were in shambles and it took a week before residents felt confident enough to vacate the IDP centre on Aleosan's Barangay New Panay.
Then, on May 16th, a chance encounter between small groups from both sides led to a small and ineffectual firefight with no casualties in Barangay Tonganon. The next day, May 17th, larger groups engaged in a one hour firefight before the MILF Central Committee deployed a high ranking delegation to try and convince the 110 Base Command to stand down. The 118 Base Command did not interevene in this round of fighting owing to an untimely IED, or Improvised Explosive Device detonation on a pumpboat carrying Kumander Dagadas.
Dagadas was on a craft with four of his guerillas, the boat operator and none other than...Datu Anwar "Ipi" Ampatuan Jr., grandson of infamous local warlord Andal Ampatuan Sr. Grandpa is currently stewing with other clan members in Camp Bagong Diwa. In fact, young Datu Ipi was supposed to be sitting in a cell in that same facility along with the major players in the clan-and all the people they dragged down with them-to stand trial for the Maguindanao Massacre.
The fact that Ipi, or any member of the Ampatuan Clan was taking refuge with the BIAF is incredibly interesting. Andal Ampatuan Sr. gained most of his power by serving the Government as its proxy in its thirty year conflict with the MILF. The MILF has tried to assasinate Andal Sr. several times and succeded in killing his heir apparent. After the Massacre much of the Ampatuan paramilitary withdrew into the bush and initially continued doing battle with the MILF/BIAF.
The IED detonation that wounded Kumander Dagadas took place on March 26th, just a day after the initial battle in Barangay Tonganon, against the MNLF. It doesnt take a whole lot of expertise to connect the dots. Aside from Dagadas, all four of his guerillas and Datu Ipi were also wounded, Ipi being the most serious among them. The boat operator, a civilian, was killed.
The boat was approaching the shore of MILF controlled Barangay Daladap in the municipality of Mamasapano. While still off of Barangay Nabundas in the municipality of Shariff Saydona Mustapha, like Mamasapano, in Maguindanao Province, when the pumpboat ran aground. The IED had not been stowed properly and more to the point-amazingly-had already been primed. The jarring of the craft caused the device to detonate. Datu Ipi was sitting in the bow, the device not far behind him, at the foot of the boat operator. As a result, Ipi caught a gaping wound near his spine.
Datu Ipi was rushed to Notre Dame Hospital in Cotabato City where the AFP's MBLT-7 (Marine Battalion Landing Team #7) immediately put him under guard vis a vis his fugitive status. His clan's attorneys later tried to sell some fantasy about how the BIAF was escorting Ipi to a pre-arranged surrender. Suuuuuuuuure, without an attorney. What actually happened was, immediately after being wounded, Ipi had his mother contacted. Mom, a local politician, contacted Colonel Mayoralgo de la Cruz, Commanding Officer of the 1st Mechanized Brigade and offered the unconditional surrender of Ipi as long de la Cruz rushed Ipi to Cotabato City, site of Central Mindanao's best healthcare. Such a surrender earns Colonel de la Cruz accolades from his superiors as well as banking a large future favor with Mayor Ampatuan, Ipi's mother.
The 27 year old scion is the son of Andal Sr.'s son Anwar Ampatuan Sr., who was Mayor of Shariff Aguak, formerly the provincial capital of Maguindanao Province (the capital having been moved in spite by clan enemy and current Governor, Esnael "Toto" Mangudadatu, target of the Maguindanao Massacre). Anwar Sr. was himself arrested and is one of the clan members currently in stir. Replacing him as Mayor, was his wife-Ipi's mother-Bai Zahara Upam Ampatuan. Then, in the same 2010 Election that brought Bai Zahara to power as Mayor (and the same election that was behind the Massacre), Anwar Sr., despite being jailed, was elected Vice Mayor. Ipi, then a fugitive, was elected Municipal Councilor along with two sisters, Rowella and Anhara.
The MILF began life as a putsch against Misuari and his minions but by 1984 was undeniably a wholly seperate group, in form as well as substance. Since then, both groups have often been at odds. Although great strides have been made within the last year, these are entirely within the political echelons. On the ground, the military wings-BIAF for the MILF, and BMA, or Bangsamoro Army for the MNLF-are almost always at each others' throats. This latest incident, in North Cotabato Province, is just one of several currently taking place.
Just before daybreak, Sunday, June 24th, 2012, in the municipality of Carmen's Barangay Tonganon, the two organizations once again took it to the mat. MNLF Kumander Teo Minanimbong attacked Kumander "DTR" Mohammed of the BIAF 110 Base Command. The BIAF of course is the military wing of the MILF, the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces.
Roughly one thousand individuals from that barangay and the nearby barangays of Lapu Lapu and Lawili in the adjacent municipality of Aleosan were forced into fleeing their homes and livlihoods. Most of those "bakwit," or IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) have taken refuge in Aleosan's Barangay New Panay. As one might surmise by the names of concerned barangays, most of the refugees are Ilonggo, while the warring parties are Muslims. Lately that portion of the North Cotabato and Maguindanao Provincial borders has been beset by a very worrisome trend of ethno-religious warfare, though thankfully-if one can even be thankful in such circumstances- this particular incident is Muslim on Muslim, albeit over competition to rob Ilonggo land.
The 7IB (Infantry Battalion), based in Carmen, and the 40IB, based in Aleosan, have been doing nothing as usual. The AFP takes great pains not to engage any Islamic group in Central and Southern Mindanao, citing the fictitious ceasefire and the almost as fictitious Peace Process. Indeed, at a recent bilateral meeting that I will cover in an upcoming "GPH-MILF Peace Process for the Second Quarter" entry, much self congratulation was given over the meaningless statistic that has the AFP and MILF/BIAF with zero armed contacts since 2012 began. As the BIAF runs around tossing frag grenades and firing RPG-2s and 3s at hapless civilians-and other armed groups, lets hoodwink the public into thinking that the MILF/BIAF is serious about peace.
This paticular sub-conflict concerns nearly 50 contigious hectares of rice paddy and corn fields in Barangay Tonganon's Sitio Maputi. On March 25th, 2012, BIAF 110 Base Command sub-Kumander Karim Sagadan attacked MNLF Kumander Teo Minanimbong in that sitio. The MNLF quickly gained the upperhand and so BIAF sub-Kumander Sagadan sent for reinforcements. Kumander "Tarzan" Dagadas, the overall Kumander of the BIAF's newest Base Comand, the 118, responded in force.
As the sitio quickly emptied of civilians the fighting grew hot and heavy with twenty plus homes burned entirely and more than twenty four guerillas from both sides losing their lives before the 7IB was able to reign in the fighting with an effective cordon. When the fighting simmered down virtually all of Sitio Maputi and most of the adjacent Sitio Gawasan were in shambles and it took a week before residents felt confident enough to vacate the IDP centre on Aleosan's Barangay New Panay.
Then, on May 16th, a chance encounter between small groups from both sides led to a small and ineffectual firefight with no casualties in Barangay Tonganon. The next day, May 17th, larger groups engaged in a one hour firefight before the MILF Central Committee deployed a high ranking delegation to try and convince the 110 Base Command to stand down. The 118 Base Command did not interevene in this round of fighting owing to an untimely IED, or Improvised Explosive Device detonation on a pumpboat carrying Kumander Dagadas.
Dagadas was on a craft with four of his guerillas, the boat operator and none other than...Datu Anwar "Ipi" Ampatuan Jr., grandson of infamous local warlord Andal Ampatuan Sr. Grandpa is currently stewing with other clan members in Camp Bagong Diwa. In fact, young Datu Ipi was supposed to be sitting in a cell in that same facility along with the major players in the clan-and all the people they dragged down with them-to stand trial for the Maguindanao Massacre.
The fact that Ipi, or any member of the Ampatuan Clan was taking refuge with the BIAF is incredibly interesting. Andal Ampatuan Sr. gained most of his power by serving the Government as its proxy in its thirty year conflict with the MILF. The MILF has tried to assasinate Andal Sr. several times and succeded in killing his heir apparent. After the Massacre much of the Ampatuan paramilitary withdrew into the bush and initially continued doing battle with the MILF/BIAF.
The IED detonation that wounded Kumander Dagadas took place on March 26th, just a day after the initial battle in Barangay Tonganon, against the MNLF. It doesnt take a whole lot of expertise to connect the dots. Aside from Dagadas, all four of his guerillas and Datu Ipi were also wounded, Ipi being the most serious among them. The boat operator, a civilian, was killed.
The boat was approaching the shore of MILF controlled Barangay Daladap in the municipality of Mamasapano. While still off of Barangay Nabundas in the municipality of Shariff Saydona Mustapha, like Mamasapano, in Maguindanao Province, when the pumpboat ran aground. The IED had not been stowed properly and more to the point-amazingly-had already been primed. The jarring of the craft caused the device to detonate. Datu Ipi was sitting in the bow, the device not far behind him, at the foot of the boat operator. As a result, Ipi caught a gaping wound near his spine.
Datu Ipi was rushed to Notre Dame Hospital in Cotabato City where the AFP's MBLT-7 (Marine Battalion Landing Team #7) immediately put him under guard vis a vis his fugitive status. His clan's attorneys later tried to sell some fantasy about how the BIAF was escorting Ipi to a pre-arranged surrender. Suuuuuuuuure, without an attorney. What actually happened was, immediately after being wounded, Ipi had his mother contacted. Mom, a local politician, contacted Colonel Mayoralgo de la Cruz, Commanding Officer of the 1st Mechanized Brigade and offered the unconditional surrender of Ipi as long de la Cruz rushed Ipi to Cotabato City, site of Central Mindanao's best healthcare. Such a surrender earns Colonel de la Cruz accolades from his superiors as well as banking a large future favor with Mayor Ampatuan, Ipi's mother.
The 27 year old scion is the son of Andal Sr.'s son Anwar Ampatuan Sr., who was Mayor of Shariff Aguak, formerly the provincial capital of Maguindanao Province (the capital having been moved in spite by clan enemy and current Governor, Esnael "Toto" Mangudadatu, target of the Maguindanao Massacre). Anwar Sr. was himself arrested and is one of the clan members currently in stir. Replacing him as Mayor, was his wife-Ipi's mother-Bai Zahara Upam Ampatuan. Then, in the same 2010 Election that brought Bai Zahara to power as Mayor (and the same election that was behind the Massacre), Anwar Sr., despite being jailed, was elected Vice Mayor. Ipi, then a fugitive, was elected Municipal Councilor along with two sisters, Rowella and Anhara.
Wednesday, June 27, 2012
Kidnap for Ransom for the Second Quarter of 2012, Part III: Jordanian Journalist Baker Abdullah Atyani, Part 3
In parts 1 and 2 I touched upon the inherent risks journalists face when covering insurgent organizations. In the Southern Philippines, the story of an intrepid journalist trying to scoop his or her competitors with an interview of ASG, or Abu Sayyaf Group figures is an old one. Likewise, so is the story about said reporter thinking that that are above the fray, only to find themselves targetted by subjects that they planned on interviewing.
Although I used the example of Ces Drillon, I could just as easily picked one of literally dozens of names. I could have picked self serving media hack Arlyn de la Cruz, abducted in 2002. When not writing about Abu Sayaff for the Manila based "Inquirer," de la Cruz was engaged in a sexual relationship with the ASG's Khadaffy Janjalani. Such "familiarity" should have immunized Ms. de la Cruz from most-if not all damages...right?
I could have chosen Val Cuenca and Maan Macapagal in July of 2000. Indeed, the two were colleagues of Ms. Drilon at ABS-CBN and yet neither Arlyn de la Cruz OR Cuenca and Macapagal's experiences did anything to make Ms.Drilon step back from the abyss. If Phiippine journalists act like imbeciles, how can anyone really disparage an empty headed foreigner for making that same mistake? Whether it is the ten European journalists who thought they were getting the scoop of a lifetime when offered a chance to interview the abductors in the Sipidan Dive Resort KFR and ended up on the menu themselves..or...Andreas Lorenz of Germany's "Der Spiegel," who in 2000 begged to be kidnapped (literrally) only one month after being held with another group of foreign journalists for twelve hours, foreigners are even more likely to be victimized since their employers almost always carry seven figure KFR Insurance.
Which brings me, finally, to the case de jour, that of Jordanian citizen, Baker Abdullah Atyani. Atyani, Southeast Asia Bureau Chief for Dubai based Al Arabiya network is fairly well known to people such as myself. His claim to fame is one of those journalistic scoops that almost defy imagination. In June of 2001, while serving as Pakistan Bureau Chief, Atyani crossed the border into Afghanistan and travelled to the city of Khandahar. In Khandahar Mr.Atyani interviewed two men whose names were relatively unknown at the time, Osama bin Laden and Dr.Ayman al Zawahiri. Atyano claimed that during the unfilmed interview with the number one and number two (respectively)in al Qadah, both men dropped hints about 9/11.
Since that fateful interview, and the years of mileage Atyani generated out of it, the journalist has remolded himself into am authority on Islamic Terrorism. In fact, he has been to the Southern Philippines on a number of occasions and reportedly has extensive contacts within the ASG.
On June 11th, 2012, Baker Atyani and his local production crew arrived in Jolo City on a commercial flight. As is often the case, he was singled out by AFP Marines at the airport owing to his decidedly foreign appearance. Quickly brought to the Sulu Provincial Capital in the municipality of Patikul where he was subjected to the requisite arrival interview that all foreigners must endure in Sulu Province. As luck would have it, Governor Abdusakur "Sakur" Tan was in the building (basically, outside his armored vehicles it is the safest place for him to be) and so Atyani and his crew were quickly ushered into the Governor's inner sanctum and granted an interview.
Probably gritting his teeth as he wasted time discussing foreign aid and pork barrel nonsense (you know, I never thpught to ask whether politicians in Muslim Mindanao call pork barrel spending by some other moniker...maybe lamb?), Atyani lied when asked about his local itinerary, saying that he intended to cover the next day's Independence Day festivities in Jolo City. Instead, Atyani and his crew planned to interview local ASG members in an envisioned television documentary on Jihad in the Philippines. It is absolutely understandable then, that Atyani begged off when Govetnor Tan attempted to saddle with him with an AFP security detail.
Returning to Jolo City, Atyani and his two men crew checked into Jolo City's Sulu State College Hostel, on Martinez Street-co-incidentally, the very same hostel where Ces Drilon and her two man crew had checked into on their fated 2008 sojourn to Jolo. At 545AM the next day, June 12th, Atyani and his crew were seen entering a white multicab in front of the hostel. Aside from the driver, a woman was sitting in the passenger seat. Having told the desk clerk that they would be returning that same afternoon, Baker Abdullah Atyani, Ramelito Vela, and Rolando Letero drove off and disappeared.
Because of their mentioning a same day return the hostel staff naturally got nervous when, by the following day-June 13th, the three men failed to return OR contact the hostel. However, a peek into the two rooms the group had rented showed that they had neglected to take with them any of their personal belongings above and beyond their camera equipment, the staff decided to take a "wait and see" approach. By June 13th it became clear that something was wrong. Skittish hostel staff finally reported the failure of a foreign guest to return to their room for nearly two days. Elsewhere in the world perhaps, such things do not even deserve notice but in Jolo City, it almost certainly serves as a terrible omen.
The CPO, or City Police Office immediately notified PPO-Sulu, or the Police Provincial Office for Sulu Province and so the dominoes fell in short order, ending up with a messy pile in Manila. Interestingly, Government officials, usually very circumspect in KFRs, or Kidnap for Ransoms involving foreign nationals, went immediately for the jugular, accusing Atyani, in turns, of faking his own abduction-exactly the Government's tact in the Arlyn de la Cruz KFR...denied that Atyani had even been abducted at all since he got into the multicap outside his hostel by his own accord-a ploy the.Government used in the Ces Drilon KFR...threatened to have the BI, or Bureau of Immigration revoke Atyani's visa status and declare Atyani persona non grata-exactly what the Government did with Toshio Ito, alias Ameer Mamaito Katayama, whom the Government has also accused of having joined ASG simply because Ito is able.to move around ASG encampments unfettered at least part of the time*-another ploy used against Atyani.
When the Jordanian Government refused to stand for such nonsense all the Governmental shills who had been furiously pointing their fingers suddenly beckpedaled furiously.
Although I used the example of Ces Drillon, I could just as easily picked one of literally dozens of names. I could have picked self serving media hack Arlyn de la Cruz, abducted in 2002. When not writing about Abu Sayaff for the Manila based "Inquirer," de la Cruz was engaged in a sexual relationship with the ASG's Khadaffy Janjalani. Such "familiarity" should have immunized Ms. de la Cruz from most-if not all damages...right?
I could have chosen Val Cuenca and Maan Macapagal in July of 2000. Indeed, the two were colleagues of Ms. Drilon at ABS-CBN and yet neither Arlyn de la Cruz OR Cuenca and Macapagal's experiences did anything to make Ms.Drilon step back from the abyss. If Phiippine journalists act like imbeciles, how can anyone really disparage an empty headed foreigner for making that same mistake? Whether it is the ten European journalists who thought they were getting the scoop of a lifetime when offered a chance to interview the abductors in the Sipidan Dive Resort KFR and ended up on the menu themselves..or...Andreas Lorenz of Germany's "Der Spiegel," who in 2000 begged to be kidnapped (literrally) only one month after being held with another group of foreign journalists for twelve hours, foreigners are even more likely to be victimized since their employers almost always carry seven figure KFR Insurance.
Which brings me, finally, to the case de jour, that of Jordanian citizen, Baker Abdullah Atyani. Atyani, Southeast Asia Bureau Chief for Dubai based Al Arabiya network is fairly well known to people such as myself. His claim to fame is one of those journalistic scoops that almost defy imagination. In June of 2001, while serving as Pakistan Bureau Chief, Atyani crossed the border into Afghanistan and travelled to the city of Khandahar. In Khandahar Mr.Atyani interviewed two men whose names were relatively unknown at the time, Osama bin Laden and Dr.Ayman al Zawahiri. Atyano claimed that during the unfilmed interview with the number one and number two (respectively)in al Qadah, both men dropped hints about 9/11.
Since that fateful interview, and the years of mileage Atyani generated out of it, the journalist has remolded himself into am authority on Islamic Terrorism. In fact, he has been to the Southern Philippines on a number of occasions and reportedly has extensive contacts within the ASG.
On June 11th, 2012, Baker Atyani and his local production crew arrived in Jolo City on a commercial flight. As is often the case, he was singled out by AFP Marines at the airport owing to his decidedly foreign appearance. Quickly brought to the Sulu Provincial Capital in the municipality of Patikul where he was subjected to the requisite arrival interview that all foreigners must endure in Sulu Province. As luck would have it, Governor Abdusakur "Sakur" Tan was in the building (basically, outside his armored vehicles it is the safest place for him to be) and so Atyani and his crew were quickly ushered into the Governor's inner sanctum and granted an interview.
Probably gritting his teeth as he wasted time discussing foreign aid and pork barrel nonsense (you know, I never thpught to ask whether politicians in Muslim Mindanao call pork barrel spending by some other moniker...maybe lamb?), Atyani lied when asked about his local itinerary, saying that he intended to cover the next day's Independence Day festivities in Jolo City. Instead, Atyani and his crew planned to interview local ASG members in an envisioned television documentary on Jihad in the Philippines. It is absolutely understandable then, that Atyani begged off when Govetnor Tan attempted to saddle with him with an AFP security detail.
Returning to Jolo City, Atyani and his two men crew checked into Jolo City's Sulu State College Hostel, on Martinez Street-co-incidentally, the very same hostel where Ces Drilon and her two man crew had checked into on their fated 2008 sojourn to Jolo. At 545AM the next day, June 12th, Atyani and his crew were seen entering a white multicab in front of the hostel. Aside from the driver, a woman was sitting in the passenger seat. Having told the desk clerk that they would be returning that same afternoon, Baker Abdullah Atyani, Ramelito Vela, and Rolando Letero drove off and disappeared.
Because of their mentioning a same day return the hostel staff naturally got nervous when, by the following day-June 13th, the three men failed to return OR contact the hostel. However, a peek into the two rooms the group had rented showed that they had neglected to take with them any of their personal belongings above and beyond their camera equipment, the staff decided to take a "wait and see" approach. By June 13th it became clear that something was wrong. Skittish hostel staff finally reported the failure of a foreign guest to return to their room for nearly two days. Elsewhere in the world perhaps, such things do not even deserve notice but in Jolo City, it almost certainly serves as a terrible omen.
The CPO, or City Police Office immediately notified PPO-Sulu, or the Police Provincial Office for Sulu Province and so the dominoes fell in short order, ending up with a messy pile in Manila. Interestingly, Government officials, usually very circumspect in KFRs, or Kidnap for Ransoms involving foreign nationals, went immediately for the jugular, accusing Atyani, in turns, of faking his own abduction-exactly the Government's tact in the Arlyn de la Cruz KFR...denied that Atyani had even been abducted at all since he got into the multicap outside his hostel by his own accord-a ploy the.Government used in the Ces Drilon KFR...threatened to have the BI, or Bureau of Immigration revoke Atyani's visa status and declare Atyani persona non grata-exactly what the Government did with Toshio Ito, alias Ameer Mamaito Katayama, whom the Government has also accused of having joined ASG simply because Ito is able.to move around ASG encampments unfettered at least part of the time*-another ploy used against Atyani.
When the Jordanian Government refused to stand for such nonsense all the Governmental shills who had been furiously pointing their fingers suddenly beckpedaled furiously.
Monday, June 25, 2012
GPH-NDFP Peace Process for the Second Quarter of 2012, Part II: NDFP " Ten Point Proposal for a Concise Agreement for an Immediate and Just Peace"
The informal two day meeting between delegations from both the GPH, or Government of the Philippines, and the NDFP, or National Democratic Front of the Philippines on June 14th and 15th produced nothing but smoke and mirrors, but, at least the two sides are talking publicly again. As noted in "GPH-NDFP Peace Process for the Second Quarter of 2012, Part I," both sides exchanged wish lists. Topping the GPH list was a desire for a ceasefire, and the related "Landmine" issue (a totally bogus issue that serves as the cornerstone of the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines PSYOPS, or Psychological Operations/Psychological Warfare program). The NDFP response was to steer the Government back to a classified document it transmitted to President Aquino in January of 2011. Given the sleep inducing title, "Ten Point Proposal for a Concise Agreement for an Immediate and Just Peace," it will be hereafter referred to simply as, "Ten Point Proposal." Why the Government classified it is beyond me since that very same documrnt was given to to Arroyo Administration publicly in August of 2005.
The document's classification was nullified once constituent organizations within the NDFP began discussing its contents in depth. Without further ado, I present a verbatim copy of that document:
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
1) Unite the Filipino people through a broad alliance of patriotic and progressive forces and a clean and honest coalition government for genuine national independence and democracy against any foreign domination or control and against subsevience.
2) Empower the toiling masses of workers and peasants by respecting their democratic rights and providing for their significant representation in organs of the coalition government and for assistance to the organizations, programs and projects of the toiling masses.
3) Uphold economic sovereignity, carry out Filipino-owned national industrialization and land reform and oppose imperalist plunder and bureaucratic and military corruption in order to develop the national economy.
4) Cancel the foreign debt and reduce the appropriations for the military and other armed organizations of the GPH in order to provide adequate resources and savings for economic development, improvement of the means of livlihood, the alleviation of poverty, the realization of gender equality, promotion of children's rights and welfare and healthy environment.
5) Promote and support a patriotic, scientific and pro-people culture through the educational system, mass media and mass organizations, cherish the cultural heritage of the Filipino nation and all the ethno-linguistic communities in the nation.
6) Recognize the right to self-determination and autonomy of national minorities, ensure proportionate representation in the organs of the coalition government and institutions and provide for affirmative action to countervail longrunning discrimination and wrongs.
7) Investigate and try government officials who are liable for treason, corruption, and human rights violations.
8) Carry out a truly independent foreign policy for world peace and economic development, oppose imperialist acts of plunder and foreign aggression and intervention, and prevent the basing and stationing of foreign troops and weapons of mass destruction in the country.
9) Maintain normal trade and diplomatic relations with all countries and maintain the closest relations with other ASEAN countries, China, South and North Korea, Japan and Russia, emphasizing equitable exchange of goods, acquiring goods for industrialization and guaranteeing energy supply.
10) Inagurate a truce between the warring forces of the of the GHP and NDFP for the purpose of alliance and other constructive purposes as stated above.
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
The document's classification was nullified once constituent organizations within the NDFP began discussing its contents in depth. Without further ado, I present a verbatim copy of that document:
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
1) Unite the Filipino people through a broad alliance of patriotic and progressive forces and a clean and honest coalition government for genuine national independence and democracy against any foreign domination or control and against subsevience.
2) Empower the toiling masses of workers and peasants by respecting their democratic rights and providing for their significant representation in organs of the coalition government and for assistance to the organizations, programs and projects of the toiling masses.
3) Uphold economic sovereignity, carry out Filipino-owned national industrialization and land reform and oppose imperalist plunder and bureaucratic and military corruption in order to develop the national economy.
4) Cancel the foreign debt and reduce the appropriations for the military and other armed organizations of the GPH in order to provide adequate resources and savings for economic development, improvement of the means of livlihood, the alleviation of poverty, the realization of gender equality, promotion of children's rights and welfare and healthy environment.
5) Promote and support a patriotic, scientific and pro-people culture through the educational system, mass media and mass organizations, cherish the cultural heritage of the Filipino nation and all the ethno-linguistic communities in the nation.
6) Recognize the right to self-determination and autonomy of national minorities, ensure proportionate representation in the organs of the coalition government and institutions and provide for affirmative action to countervail longrunning discrimination and wrongs.
7) Investigate and try government officials who are liable for treason, corruption, and human rights violations.
8) Carry out a truly independent foreign policy for world peace and economic development, oppose imperialist acts of plunder and foreign aggression and intervention, and prevent the basing and stationing of foreign troops and weapons of mass destruction in the country.
9) Maintain normal trade and diplomatic relations with all countries and maintain the closest relations with other ASEAN countries, China, South and North Korea, Japan and Russia, emphasizing equitable exchange of goods, acquiring goods for industrialization and guaranteeing energy supply.
10) Inagurate a truce between the warring forces of the of the GHP and NDFP for the purpose of alliance and other constructive purposes as stated above.
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Sunday, June 24, 2012
GPH-NDFP Peace Process for the Second Quarter of 2012, Part I: Informal Meeting in Oslo
With the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) Peace Process hitting a wall over the continued detention of NDFP "consultants," it has been a year since anything substantiative has taken place between the two Peace Panels. Truth be told, the Aquino Administration's gameplan was primed for failure since day one. For starters, as I have noted in past entries, President Aquino has officially laid out his bets on the dual Peace Processe tracks, this and the GPH-MILF Peace Process. Internal documents, such as the "Philippine Development Plan 2010-2016" show that Aquino has no expectations of progress on the GPH-NDFP track. Instead he has placed all eggs in the GPH-MILF basket. With the NDFP, these same documents articulate a program of delaying the NDFP track to take advantage of any lulls gained, and to weaken the NDFP/CPP/NPA. Even if the documents had never been leaked, given the fact that Aquino has set a 36 month window for an FPA, or Final Peace Agreement, his endgame was clearly telegraphed, the so called "GPH-NDFP Peace Process" never had an inkling of a chance. Not wanting to be misconstrued as some sort of CPP/NPA/NDFP cheerleader, let me emphasize that the NDFP also re-entered the Peace Process in bad faith. Still, if we are measuring responsibility in degrees, the NDFP comes out of this imbroglio smelling like (red) roses.
The two Peace Panels last met, or rather the ONLY time they have met since the Process began again, was in February of 2011 (see "GPH-NDFP Peace Process for the First Quarter of 2011"). There were smiles, hand shakes and guffaws enough to go around, but nothing was really acccomplished. Of course, after a half decade of inactivity all that really mattered was that the two sides were in fact talking. Both sides agreed that the first item to be tackled would be CASER, or the Comprehensive Agreement on Socio-Economic Reforms. June of 2011 was set for the next Formal Round, at which point each side's RCW, or Reciprocal Working Committee (RCW-SER, or RCW on Socio-Economic Reform) would present their product, the Panels would then compare them, revise them, and send them back to the mill for a September of 2011 delivery date. At that point, CASER would be signed and the next CA, or Comprehensive Agreement would go to the mat.
Not long after the February Formal Round however, the NDFP threw a hissy fit over the continued incarceration, and GPH inactivity over, NDFP Peace Panel Consultants. JASIG, or the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunuty Guarantees is a 1995 bilateral agreement that ostensibly protects declared NDFP Peace Panel Consultants. Per JASIG, (JASIG Supplemental signed on June 26th, 1996), Consultants are issued ID documents under pseudonyms in order to facilitate travel in relation to their duties vis a vis the Peace Process. The NDFP is obligated to furnish a list of pseudonyms and their ID numbers, while maintaining a masterlist upon which each pseudonym is linked to a Consultant's legal name. In addition, a photograph of each Consultant was to be included. The identifying documents and photos were stored in a bank safety deposit box in Utrecht, the Dutch city that serves as the CPP/NPA/NDFP capital in exile.
After that Formal Round in February of 2011, the JASIG issue came to a head as the Government called the NDFP's bluff, asking it to prove its claims about listed incarcerated personalities being JASIG protected. On a cold winter's day, representatives from both sides met at the bank in question, in the presence of a representative from the Norwegian Government, the Facilitating entity in the Peace Process, as well as the Archbishop of Utrecht. When the envelope was opened not only were there no photos, but the masterlist was contained on floppy discs, having been compiled in 1996.
When the group attempted to verify the contents of the discs they found nothing but undecipherable gibberish. The NDFP muttered something about corrupted files while the Government clicked its heels and did a jig.
Naturally the Government was elated and rubbed the NDFP's face in it. Whereas the Government might have taken the high road and offered a conciliatory gesture, say, releasing five of the then eighteen "Consultants," and labeled it a Good Will Gesture, it simply belittled the NDFP for trying to hoodwink the "Philippine people," as if any Government has ever represented anyone but the rich antd powerful. The NDFP then had no choice but to throw up its blood soaked hands and cry foul.
The next Formal Round, as noted, had been scheduled for June of 2011 but ended up scrapped over the JASIG brouhaha. On September 6th, 2011, as the window for the signing of CASER closed, the Norwegian Ambassador to the Philippines, Knut Solem, brought each Peace Panel's Chairperson-Alexander "Alex" Padilla for the GPH and Luis Jalandoni for the NDFP-together at his Residence in Makati for an informal tet a tet in an attempt to break the then 7 month impasse. While the day went smoothly, it failed to do much of anything. Indeed, the Peace Process was once again dead in the water until NDFP Consultant Jaime Soledad was re-arrested, an incident that counter-intuitively broke the stalemate.
Originally, Soledad had been arrested in March of 2008 after a cousin of his wife Clarita Luego Soledad lured the couple to Cavite on Luzon. At the time Soledad was the NPA's Secretary (top commander) of the Southern Leyte Front, a provincial wide unit, and held a seat on the EXCOM, or Executive Committee for Eastern Visayas. Nabbed on murder charges relating to a mass grave in his town of residence, Inopacan, in Leyte. The grave, one of many, was from the orgiastic purges instituted the late 1980s by the NPA after an uber-rapid expansion in both the NPA, and its political wing, the Communist Party of the Philippines, or CPP. This expansion led to paranoia about so called DPAs, or Deep Penetration Agents. The warrant, under a case eventually docketed as CC#262163 (Regional Trial Court Branch #32 in Manila) was based solely upon a single affadavit from an alleged survivor of the particular purge which led to the Inopacan Killing Field. According to the witness, Soledad figured prominently in what the CPP/NPA tend to call a "People's Court."
As a concession on the JASIG stalemate, the GPH Peace Panel, via former Panelist, attorney Pablo Sanidad, effected Soledad's release in July of 2011. The joy Soledad must have experienced was no doubt diminished greatly when, on May 2nd, 2012, he was re-arrested on murder charges. Needless to say, this did nothing to help break the impasse.
Then, a month before, on April 3rd, 2012, an NDFP Consultant named Renante Gamara was nabbed by the PNP, or Philippine National Police CIDG-NCR (Criminal Investigation and Detection Group from PRO, or Police Regional Office National Capital Region). He and a friend, Santiago Balleta, were talking outside a mall parking garage when eight plain clothes opetatives quickly bundled the pair into an SUV and sped away. A co-founder of the labor movement Kilusang Mayo Uno (May 1st Movement), he was involved in above board labor activism. Yet, he was atrrested by virtue of a May of 2007 warrant taken out in the municipality of Mauban, in Quezon Province. That warrant for murder, was sworn out against a John Doe with thirty nine aliases. Only on March 23rd, 2012 was the warrant ammended to included Gamara's name.
Clearly, the GPH-NDFP Peace Process was tottering on the edge of the abyss. Norway, the Facilitating entity, once again held out its hands to pull both Peace Panels back from danger. Inviting both Chairpersons, Alex Padilla for the GPH, and Luis Jalandoni for the NDFP. Each Chairperson brought two Panelists:
GPH
1) Efren Moncupa
2) Jurgette Honculada
NDFP
1) Fidel Agcaoili
2) Julieta de Lima
In addition, each Panel brought two Consultants:
GPH
1) Paulyn "Meiling" Paredes Sicam, journalist and peace activist who in 1987 helped found the "Coalition for Peace" after the GPH-NDFP Peace Process hit its initial impasse under President Aquino's mother Corazon. Then, in the early 90s Ms.Sicam became the Commisioner on Human Rights, filling in when the previous Commissioner became Ombudsman. In February of 2005 then President Arroyo plucked her from relative obscurity and gave her aseat on the Peace Panel in the GPH (at that time it was "GRP," for "Government of the Republicof the Philippines)-NDFP Peace Process. When that track stalled out just a couple of months later, Ms.Sicam sank back into obscurity. Still, when the GPH Peace Panel was re-constituted, she was offered a consultancy and as we see, accepted it.
n2) Maria Carla Villarta, Director of the GPH Peace Panel Secetariat.
NDFP
1) Jose Maria "Joma" Sison, Political Consultant. Joma of course is the founder of the CPP, NPA, and NDFP and remains the movement's chief ideologue
2) Rachel F.Pastores, Legal Consultant, Director of the Public Interest Law Center and highly visible on the above board left in Metro Manila.
In addition, former Senator Wigberto "Bobby" Ebarle Tanada Sr. was there by invitation of the GPH Peace Panel. Tanada, usually referred to as "Ka Bobby" (Comrade Bobby), at least by his admiring colleagues on the Philippine Left. Tanada's father, Lorenzo "Tanny" Martinez Tanada, the Philippines' longest serving senator, is an iconic figure for both the above board Left, or in Philippine speak, "Legal Left, as well as the Nationalist Right. In 1978 Lorenzo became the General Campaign Manager for LABAN (the acronym means "Fight" but stands for "Lakas ng Bayan," or "Strength of the People").
That year was a pivotal year for the opposition to then dictator Ferdinand Marcos. In April the Congressional Election was beset by loud accusations of ballot rigging. Lorenzo was at the forefront of nearly 500 demonstrators who mobbed the Batasang Pambansa, as the Congressional Building in Metro Manila's Quezon City is known. That role earned Lorenzo an arrest by the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines. 1978 was the beginning of the end for Marcos and his henchmen. In 1985 Lorenzo went on to co-found Bagong Alyansa Makabayan (The New Patriotic Alliance).
Wigberto did not fall very far from the tree. Serving first as a Senator, and then as a Congressman representing the Fourth District of Quezon Province. In 2001 Wigberto attempted to regain his Senatorial seat but lost and thereafter has devoted his time to his lawfirm and to his executive leadership position in a concrete manufacturing concern. In 2004, his son Lorenzo "Erin" Reyes Tanada III assume that same Congressional seat in 2004. In the Philippines, even the Left is dominated by wealthy political dynasties.
Wigiberto Tanada recommended to both Peace Panels that one way in which to possibly build momentum might be to finally implenent a bilateral document entitled "Joint Agreement in Support of Socio-Economic Projects of Private Development Organizations," though both sides would essentially be starting from scratch since any NGOs willing to participate in this scheme when it was signed would have probably jumped ship during the fourteen year interim. Moreover, although both sides did sign it, neither one ever ratified it. Ergo, seeing as how CASER has become bogged down in perphreal issues-like JASIG-why would anyone imagine that the two Peace Panels now attempt to wade into yet ANOTHER Joint Agreement? Tanada should stick to concrete and leave absolutely crucial political dynamics alone.
With the conclusion of the two day meeting came more vague pronouncements about the need to meet again. With JASIG going nowhere, that is not likely to happen.
The two Peace Panels last met, or rather the ONLY time they have met since the Process began again, was in February of 2011 (see "GPH-NDFP Peace Process for the First Quarter of 2011"). There were smiles, hand shakes and guffaws enough to go around, but nothing was really acccomplished. Of course, after a half decade of inactivity all that really mattered was that the two sides were in fact talking. Both sides agreed that the first item to be tackled would be CASER, or the Comprehensive Agreement on Socio-Economic Reforms. June of 2011 was set for the next Formal Round, at which point each side's RCW, or Reciprocal Working Committee (RCW-SER, or RCW on Socio-Economic Reform) would present their product, the Panels would then compare them, revise them, and send them back to the mill for a September of 2011 delivery date. At that point, CASER would be signed and the next CA, or Comprehensive Agreement would go to the mat.
Not long after the February Formal Round however, the NDFP threw a hissy fit over the continued incarceration, and GPH inactivity over, NDFP Peace Panel Consultants. JASIG, or the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunuty Guarantees is a 1995 bilateral agreement that ostensibly protects declared NDFP Peace Panel Consultants. Per JASIG, (JASIG Supplemental signed on June 26th, 1996), Consultants are issued ID documents under pseudonyms in order to facilitate travel in relation to their duties vis a vis the Peace Process. The NDFP is obligated to furnish a list of pseudonyms and their ID numbers, while maintaining a masterlist upon which each pseudonym is linked to a Consultant's legal name. In addition, a photograph of each Consultant was to be included. The identifying documents and photos were stored in a bank safety deposit box in Utrecht, the Dutch city that serves as the CPP/NPA/NDFP capital in exile.
After that Formal Round in February of 2011, the JASIG issue came to a head as the Government called the NDFP's bluff, asking it to prove its claims about listed incarcerated personalities being JASIG protected. On a cold winter's day, representatives from both sides met at the bank in question, in the presence of a representative from the Norwegian Government, the Facilitating entity in the Peace Process, as well as the Archbishop of Utrecht. When the envelope was opened not only were there no photos, but the masterlist was contained on floppy discs, having been compiled in 1996.
When the group attempted to verify the contents of the discs they found nothing but undecipherable gibberish. The NDFP muttered something about corrupted files while the Government clicked its heels and did a jig.
Naturally the Government was elated and rubbed the NDFP's face in it. Whereas the Government might have taken the high road and offered a conciliatory gesture, say, releasing five of the then eighteen "Consultants," and labeled it a Good Will Gesture, it simply belittled the NDFP for trying to hoodwink the "Philippine people," as if any Government has ever represented anyone but the rich antd powerful. The NDFP then had no choice but to throw up its blood soaked hands and cry foul.
The next Formal Round, as noted, had been scheduled for June of 2011 but ended up scrapped over the JASIG brouhaha. On September 6th, 2011, as the window for the signing of CASER closed, the Norwegian Ambassador to the Philippines, Knut Solem, brought each Peace Panel's Chairperson-Alexander "Alex" Padilla for the GPH and Luis Jalandoni for the NDFP-together at his Residence in Makati for an informal tet a tet in an attempt to break the then 7 month impasse. While the day went smoothly, it failed to do much of anything. Indeed, the Peace Process was once again dead in the water until NDFP Consultant Jaime Soledad was re-arrested, an incident that counter-intuitively broke the stalemate.
Originally, Soledad had been arrested in March of 2008 after a cousin of his wife Clarita Luego Soledad lured the couple to Cavite on Luzon. At the time Soledad was the NPA's Secretary (top commander) of the Southern Leyte Front, a provincial wide unit, and held a seat on the EXCOM, or Executive Committee for Eastern Visayas. Nabbed on murder charges relating to a mass grave in his town of residence, Inopacan, in Leyte. The grave, one of many, was from the orgiastic purges instituted the late 1980s by the NPA after an uber-rapid expansion in both the NPA, and its political wing, the Communist Party of the Philippines, or CPP. This expansion led to paranoia about so called DPAs, or Deep Penetration Agents. The warrant, under a case eventually docketed as CC#262163 (Regional Trial Court Branch #32 in Manila) was based solely upon a single affadavit from an alleged survivor of the particular purge which led to the Inopacan Killing Field. According to the witness, Soledad figured prominently in what the CPP/NPA tend to call a "People's Court."
As a concession on the JASIG stalemate, the GPH Peace Panel, via former Panelist, attorney Pablo Sanidad, effected Soledad's release in July of 2011. The joy Soledad must have experienced was no doubt diminished greatly when, on May 2nd, 2012, he was re-arrested on murder charges. Needless to say, this did nothing to help break the impasse.
Then, a month before, on April 3rd, 2012, an NDFP Consultant named Renante Gamara was nabbed by the PNP, or Philippine National Police CIDG-NCR (Criminal Investigation and Detection Group from PRO, or Police Regional Office National Capital Region). He and a friend, Santiago Balleta, were talking outside a mall parking garage when eight plain clothes opetatives quickly bundled the pair into an SUV and sped away. A co-founder of the labor movement Kilusang Mayo Uno (May 1st Movement), he was involved in above board labor activism. Yet, he was atrrested by virtue of a May of 2007 warrant taken out in the municipality of Mauban, in Quezon Province. That warrant for murder, was sworn out against a John Doe with thirty nine aliases. Only on March 23rd, 2012 was the warrant ammended to included Gamara's name.
Clearly, the GPH-NDFP Peace Process was tottering on the edge of the abyss. Norway, the Facilitating entity, once again held out its hands to pull both Peace Panels back from danger. Inviting both Chairpersons, Alex Padilla for the GPH, and Luis Jalandoni for the NDFP. Each Chairperson brought two Panelists:
GPH
1) Efren Moncupa
2) Jurgette Honculada
NDFP
1) Fidel Agcaoili
2) Julieta de Lima
In addition, each Panel brought two Consultants:
GPH
1) Paulyn "Meiling" Paredes Sicam, journalist and peace activist who in 1987 helped found the "Coalition for Peace" after the GPH-NDFP Peace Process hit its initial impasse under President Aquino's mother Corazon. Then, in the early 90s Ms.Sicam became the Commisioner on Human Rights, filling in when the previous Commissioner became Ombudsman. In February of 2005 then President Arroyo plucked her from relative obscurity and gave her aseat on the Peace Panel in the GPH (at that time it was "GRP," for "Government of the Republicof the Philippines)-NDFP Peace Process. When that track stalled out just a couple of months later, Ms.Sicam sank back into obscurity. Still, when the GPH Peace Panel was re-constituted, she was offered a consultancy and as we see, accepted it.
n2) Maria Carla Villarta, Director of the GPH Peace Panel Secetariat.
NDFP
1) Jose Maria "Joma" Sison, Political Consultant. Joma of course is the founder of the CPP, NPA, and NDFP and remains the movement's chief ideologue
2) Rachel F.Pastores, Legal Consultant, Director of the Public Interest Law Center and highly visible on the above board left in Metro Manila.
In addition, former Senator Wigberto "Bobby" Ebarle Tanada Sr. was there by invitation of the GPH Peace Panel. Tanada, usually referred to as "Ka Bobby" (Comrade Bobby), at least by his admiring colleagues on the Philippine Left. Tanada's father, Lorenzo "Tanny" Martinez Tanada, the Philippines' longest serving senator, is an iconic figure for both the above board Left, or in Philippine speak, "Legal Left, as well as the Nationalist Right. In 1978 Lorenzo became the General Campaign Manager for LABAN (the acronym means "Fight" but stands for "Lakas ng Bayan," or "Strength of the People").
That year was a pivotal year for the opposition to then dictator Ferdinand Marcos. In April the Congressional Election was beset by loud accusations of ballot rigging. Lorenzo was at the forefront of nearly 500 demonstrators who mobbed the Batasang Pambansa, as the Congressional Building in Metro Manila's Quezon City is known. That role earned Lorenzo an arrest by the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines. 1978 was the beginning of the end for Marcos and his henchmen. In 1985 Lorenzo went on to co-found Bagong Alyansa Makabayan (The New Patriotic Alliance).
Wigberto did not fall very far from the tree. Serving first as a Senator, and then as a Congressman representing the Fourth District of Quezon Province. In 2001 Wigberto attempted to regain his Senatorial seat but lost and thereafter has devoted his time to his lawfirm and to his executive leadership position in a concrete manufacturing concern. In 2004, his son Lorenzo "Erin" Reyes Tanada III assume that same Congressional seat in 2004. In the Philippines, even the Left is dominated by wealthy political dynasties.
Wigiberto Tanada recommended to both Peace Panels that one way in which to possibly build momentum might be to finally implenent a bilateral document entitled "Joint Agreement in Support of Socio-Economic Projects of Private Development Organizations," though both sides would essentially be starting from scratch since any NGOs willing to participate in this scheme when it was signed would have probably jumped ship during the fourteen year interim. Moreover, although both sides did sign it, neither one ever ratified it. Ergo, seeing as how CASER has become bogged down in perphreal issues-like JASIG-why would anyone imagine that the two Peace Panels now attempt to wade into yet ANOTHER Joint Agreement? Tanada should stick to concrete and leave absolutely crucial political dynamics alone.
With the conclusion of the two day meeting came more vague pronouncements about the need to meet again. With JASIG going nowhere, that is not likely to happen.
Friday, June 22, 2012
Kidnap for Ransom for the Second Quarter of 2012, Part VI: Mayor Jeffrey Tan Lim of Salug
The Lim Clan on the Zamboanga Peninsula are one of Mindanao's most storied political dynasties. Migrating like so many Tsinoy, or Filipinos of Chinese descent, from China's Fujian Province, by way of Pagasinan on Luzon, the clan patriarch settled in Zamboanga City. It was his grandson, Luis G. Lim who became the peninsula's first civilian governor in 1914. His nephew, Roseller T. Lim, the man responsible for dividing the peninsula into two provinces, Zamboanga del Norte, and Zamboanga del Sur, is perhaps the peninsula's best know historical figure. The Lim Clan's presence on the Zamboangan political stage continues into the present.
The municipality of Salug, in Zamboanga del Norte Province, began life as an isolated sitio in what was then the municipality of Sindanngan's Barangay Liloy. Liloy became a full fledged town itself in 1951, within which Sitio Salug now became a barrio (the antecedent of today's "barangay"). Finally, Salug was itself emancipated as a full fledged municipality in 1979. The Lim Clan has played a significant role in the town since its creation. Current Mayor, Jeffrey Tan Lim, won election in 2010, suceeding his father, Jesus Nantes Lim. At age 36, Jeffrey Tan Lim was eager to make his own mark and come out from under his father's shadow.
The construction of a new municipal bus terminal in Barangay Poblacion was one accomplishment the new mayor was particularly fond of. In fact, most evenings found the Mayor and his immediate family enjoying their supper in one of the terminal's small eateries. After all, the terminal sits a mere 200 meters from his office in the municipal hall. On April 2nd, 2012, Mayor Lim had just enjoyed an afternoon tennis match with some longtime friends of his and was returning to the municipal hall to shower and change before once again joining his wife and children for a late evening supper in the bus terminal.
At just past 7PM a yellow minivan came to a stop in front of Mayor Lim. A man wearing camoflauge pants and a blue tshirt bearing the word "Pulis" (police) dismounted from the truck and quickly approached the Mayor. Carrying a manila folder the man then tersely informed him that he was serving an arrest warrant on him and warned Mayor Lim not to resist. Shocked, but in full possesion of his faculties, Mayor Lim asked to examine the warrant, saying he was going to confer with his own MPO, or Municipal Police Office. The "police officer" serving the warrant then gave a hand signal, at which point the four men in identical attire dismounted from the van and quickly moved in, grabbing Lim who was only then subdued after a fierce, albeit short struggle.
Naturally, word immediately reached the municipal hall, after all, three townspeople had been walking past Lim when it happened. A flurry of calls were made trying to ascertain the nature of the supposed arrest warrant. By the time Lim's colleagues realised that there was no warrant, the multicab had made its way into the town's Barangay Mucas where it quickly discharged Lim and his captors before it sped off into Barangay Caracol where it was burned as a diversion.
Dragged aboard one of two idling white pumpboats, Lim and his captors skirted the coast past the adjacent municipality of Labson, before veering off coast towards Sacol Island, an offshore territory belonging to Zamboanga City. Although Mayor Lim was undoubtedly clueless, he had become the latest KFR, or Kidnap for Ransom victim of the BIAF 113 Base Command. The BIAF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, are the armed wing of the MILF. Because the MILF provides precious little material support to the military wing, the nineteen Base Commands, analogous to a "brigade" in a conventional armed force, have had to become creative with regard to fund raising. The 113 Base Command, with operational control over the entire Zamboanga Peninsula, except for Zamboanga City, has become the leading Base Command in the KFR Industry. Ironically, the 113's overall commander, Alroy Alsree, was close to Lim when the Mayor was growing up. As luck would have it, Alsree died a week later of natural causes and Lim's existence became that much more precarious.
Mayor Lim had been kidnapped by a subordinate of Alsree's, sub-Kumander Latip "Rajamuda" Jamat, and Jamat's second in command, Latip Tatutan. Taken to Sacol Island Lim was then sold to the BIAF 114 Base Command which in turn transported Mayor Lim to Basilan Province. Once on Basilan, an island 17 kilometers off of Zamboanga City, Lim was transported to Barangay Baiwas in the municipality of Sumisip. There he was sold to the ASG, or Abu Sayyaf Group, and its leading faction on Basilan, that of Kumander Puruji Indama.
After being purchased by ASG Lim was seen in tandem with Australian KFR victim, Warren Rodwell, though the two were soon seperated to prevent the loss of both captives in the face of AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines "rescue operations."
The municipality of Salug, in Zamboanga del Norte Province, began life as an isolated sitio in what was then the municipality of Sindanngan's Barangay Liloy. Liloy became a full fledged town itself in 1951, within which Sitio Salug now became a barrio (the antecedent of today's "barangay"). Finally, Salug was itself emancipated as a full fledged municipality in 1979. The Lim Clan has played a significant role in the town since its creation. Current Mayor, Jeffrey Tan Lim, won election in 2010, suceeding his father, Jesus Nantes Lim. At age 36, Jeffrey Tan Lim was eager to make his own mark and come out from under his father's shadow.
The construction of a new municipal bus terminal in Barangay Poblacion was one accomplishment the new mayor was particularly fond of. In fact, most evenings found the Mayor and his immediate family enjoying their supper in one of the terminal's small eateries. After all, the terminal sits a mere 200 meters from his office in the municipal hall. On April 2nd, 2012, Mayor Lim had just enjoyed an afternoon tennis match with some longtime friends of his and was returning to the municipal hall to shower and change before once again joining his wife and children for a late evening supper in the bus terminal.
At just past 7PM a yellow minivan came to a stop in front of Mayor Lim. A man wearing camoflauge pants and a blue tshirt bearing the word "Pulis" (police) dismounted from the truck and quickly approached the Mayor. Carrying a manila folder the man then tersely informed him that he was serving an arrest warrant on him and warned Mayor Lim not to resist. Shocked, but in full possesion of his faculties, Mayor Lim asked to examine the warrant, saying he was going to confer with his own MPO, or Municipal Police Office. The "police officer" serving the warrant then gave a hand signal, at which point the four men in identical attire dismounted from the van and quickly moved in, grabbing Lim who was only then subdued after a fierce, albeit short struggle.
Naturally, word immediately reached the municipal hall, after all, three townspeople had been walking past Lim when it happened. A flurry of calls were made trying to ascertain the nature of the supposed arrest warrant. By the time Lim's colleagues realised that there was no warrant, the multicab had made its way into the town's Barangay Mucas where it quickly discharged Lim and his captors before it sped off into Barangay Caracol where it was burned as a diversion.
Dragged aboard one of two idling white pumpboats, Lim and his captors skirted the coast past the adjacent municipality of Labson, before veering off coast towards Sacol Island, an offshore territory belonging to Zamboanga City. Although Mayor Lim was undoubtedly clueless, he had become the latest KFR, or Kidnap for Ransom victim of the BIAF 113 Base Command. The BIAF, or Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, are the armed wing of the MILF. Because the MILF provides precious little material support to the military wing, the nineteen Base Commands, analogous to a "brigade" in a conventional armed force, have had to become creative with regard to fund raising. The 113 Base Command, with operational control over the entire Zamboanga Peninsula, except for Zamboanga City, has become the leading Base Command in the KFR Industry. Ironically, the 113's overall commander, Alroy Alsree, was close to Lim when the Mayor was growing up. As luck would have it, Alsree died a week later of natural causes and Lim's existence became that much more precarious.
Mayor Lim had been kidnapped by a subordinate of Alsree's, sub-Kumander Latip "Rajamuda" Jamat, and Jamat's second in command, Latip Tatutan. Taken to Sacol Island Lim was then sold to the BIAF 114 Base Command which in turn transported Mayor Lim to Basilan Province. Once on Basilan, an island 17 kilometers off of Zamboanga City, Lim was transported to Barangay Baiwas in the municipality of Sumisip. There he was sold to the ASG, or Abu Sayyaf Group, and its leading faction on Basilan, that of Kumander Puruji Indama.
After being purchased by ASG Lim was seen in tandem with Australian KFR victim, Warren Rodwell, though the two were soon seperated to prevent the loss of both captives in the face of AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines "rescue operations."
Kidnap for Ransom for the Second Quarter of 2012, Part III: Jordanian Journalist Baker Abdullah Atyani, Part 2
The choice to use Mayor Alvarez Isnaji of Indanan as negotiator had not been made by sub-Kumander Sulayman "Abu Haris" Patta. Although Professor Octavio Dinampo, Philippine newsanchor Ces Orena Drilon and her two man crew were held in Abu Haris's camp, Haris himself served under Gafur Jumdail (his name is often mangled by the shoddy Philippine media hacks as "Gapur Jundain"), who had laid claim to the jungle covered badlands lying between the iconic Bud Daho and Matanding Hill, two extinct volcanos. This forbidding expanse, known to the AFP, or Armed Forces of the Philippines as the Karawan Complex, a sector in which five of the island's municipalities converge. Jumdail, in turn, served as the right hand man to his brother, Kumander Gumbahali "Dr. Abu Pula" Umbra Jumdail, the leader of a strong faction within the ASG, or Abu Sayyaf Group. It was Gumbahali Jumdail, a veteran of the MNLF, who opted to use his well respected superior in the MNLF, Alvarez Isnaji.
Mayor Isnaji's son, Haider "Jun" Isnaji was quite close to several members of ASG serving under Abu Haris, the ASG minion charged with actually capturing and holding Ces Drilon and her three companions. In fact three of his cousins were among the kidnappers. Initially Drilon saw Isnaji as an ally, even a savior when-from Drilon's perspective-Isnaji intervened to save Drilon's cameraman Angelo Valderrama from what she believed to be certain decapitation. Although Drilon has presented herself as having been incredibly stoic and firmly resolute during her ordeal, the truth of the matter is, she remained on the verge of hysteria throught most of her captivity. When, on June 11th, her captor's opening ransom demand quickly devolved into Abu Haris reeling in a murderous rage, it was Isnaji whom Drilon begged to intervene.
Drilon had been speaking with her family's chosen negotiator, the Vice Governor of Sulu Province, Lady Anne Sahidula, and per ASG insistence, had had the call on the phone's loudspeaker. Responding to ASG's opening gambit of P20Million ($400,000), Vice Governor Sahidula explained that Drilon's family could only afford P2 Million ($40,000). Abu Haris had been listening intently, struggling to follow the conversation in Tagalog, a language rarely spoken fluently south of Luzon. Upon hearing that Drilon, the captive he had hoped would provide the lionsshare of the colkective ransom, could only generate a paltry P2 Million, he ordered his men to drag Drilon's two man crew-Angelo Valderrama and Jimmy Encarnacion-through the mud before having them kneel back to back. While screaming that he was going to have all four captives killed, he had the two men tied to one another, by their wrists. Now much calmer, but much more menacingly, Abu Haris told Drilon quite matter of factly, that if the entire ransom of P20 Million ($40,000) was not received by 2PM the following day, June 12th, Angelo Valderrama would be decapitated. As Ces Drilon once again slipped into hysteria one of the guerillas standing next to crew member Jimmy Encarnacion looked leeringly at Drilon and advised her to do her makeup so that she would look her best when her loved ones opened up the box containing her severed head.
After several minutes the fourth captive, Professor Octavio Dinampo, himself a Tausug like their captors, warned Drilon that if they did not do something quickly, Angelo Valderrama would certainly die. He quickly explained that in Tausug culture consensus ranks all important so that, having made a definitive threat, Abu Haris could not renege even if he wanted to. Because a consensus had been reached on that issue, it was now entirely out of his hands. Dinampo recommended that they make an acceptable counter-offer along the lines of something much more attractive than the aforementioned P2 Million serving as an advance payment on the P20 Million total. Dinampo recommended offering P10 Million in exchange for the release of one of the captives, and barring the delivery of that amount, accepting P5 Million to extend the deadline. This would allow Abu Haris to save face if he called off the 2PM deadline.
Drilon quickly nodded in agreement and Dinampo approached Abu Haris. Returning to Drilon's side he informed her that Abu Haris had agreed to discuss the counter-offer with his men and if the managed to reach another consensus on the issue, he would let Dinampo know.
As the sun sank below the horizon both Jimmy Encarnacion and Angelo Valderrama were led to seperate hammocks with one arm tied to one of the supporting trees. Dinampo and Drilon could do nothing more, so both watched and waited. Just after 9PM Abu Haris approached the plastic tarp where Dinampo and Drilon were laying restlessly. Grinning from ear to ear, Abu Haris informed the two that a consensus had been reached. A minimum downpayment of P5 Million ($100,000) would forstall Valderrama's impending decapitation. Drilon was handed a cellphone and instructed to make the ransom arrangements. Afraid that Vice Govenor Sahidullah's involvement might cause Abu Haris to once again become enraged, Drilon adressed the Vice Governor as "sister" and stated in no uncetrtain terms that P5 Million needed to be delivered to Mayor Isnaji Alvarez by 2PM the following afternoon.
That evening, Drilon's brother Frank left Manila aboard a private jet carrying a duffel bag with P5 Million ($100,000). Landing in Jolo City at just after 2AM he was met by Vice Governor Sahidullah and Senior Superintendent (SSupt) Winnie Quidato, who presented himself as pointman for the DILG, or Department of the Interior and Local Government. Frank got a quick update and handed off the money before climbing back aboard the jet for his flight home to Manila. Vice Governor Sahidullah and SSupt.Quidato then made their way to the municipality of Indanan where the money was given to Mayor Isnaji. It took Isnaji several hours to communicate receipt of the money but when he did, he explained that of the P5 Million earmarked for ASG, P2 Million would be needed to pay off a host of important personalities, including Vice Governor Sahidullah. An additional P1 Million was being taken by Isnaji himself, as his "commission." After all, he had just begun a costly run for the Governorship of the ARMM, or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. Factional leader Gumbahali Jumdail was in no position to argue, he had just received an effortless P1 Million for himself, and another to be divvied up by his brother Gafur and Abu Haris.
The next day, at 140PM, Abu Haris informed Drilon and Dinampo that Valderrama would not be dying. An hour later, barely able to contain himself, Haris again approached Dilon and informed her that the ransom was already with Mayor Isnaji and that he had been instructed to release Angelo Valderrama as a "present." That evening, as the guerillas celebrated their good fortune, Valderrama said his emotional goodbyes to his colleagues and Professor Dinampo. At just past midnite, June 13th, when Abu Haris and twelve of his men began escorting Valderrama out of the jungle. At 830PM that night, Valderrama was handed off to Mayor Isnaji's son Haider in the municipality of Talipao's Barangay Sinumaan. Taken to Isnaji's compound in Indanan, he was fed a good meal and then passed to the PPO-Sulu, or Police Provincial Office for Sulu Province for the requisite medical exam and debriefing.
Back in the Karawan Complex, the three remaining captives sat uneasily, the joy of Valderrama's release had quickly evaporated, if it had ever touched them at all. Still, with only ten guerrilas in the camp, and their leader gone, there was a more relaxing atmosphere, though "relaxing" is about as misplaced adjective as one could imagine. Whatever good cheer might have been had was hopelessly out of reach when, on the next day, June 14th, Abu Haris led his column of guerilas back into camp. When the group returned they joyfully passed out what amounted to six months wages there abouts, but even the guerillas' good cheer was fleeting as Abu Haris immediately gave the order to break camp.
As the guerillas began packing Abu Haris approached the three captives, now being kept together, and informed them that if at least half of the remaining P15 Million ($300,000) in outstanding ransom money was not delivered by June 16th, one of the three captives would be beheaded. Once again Ces Drilon segued from highly emotional into outright hysteria, causing a dismayed Abu Haris to add that Mayor Isnaji had requested, as a concession, that the deadline be extended until June 17th, and so it had been arranged.
As it turned out, the new encampment has a mere 30 minutes downhill, on the western slope of Matanding Hill, and after quickly settling in, Abu Harris rounded up the ten guerillas who had left behind when Angelo Valderrama had been released. They were now being given the same opportunity to quickly visit their home and distribute their share of the ransom to their loved ones.
The new camp consisted of "nipas," bamboo framed huts with palmleaf thatched walls. However, they lacked roofs and so once again, plastic tarps were spread over head to protect the captives from the elements. As if waiting for the new deadline of June 16th to pass was not difficult enough, on June 14th, the three captives had awoken to a lengthly mortar barrage as the AFP's 81MM mortar shells rained down upon an MNLF-EC15 (Executive Council of 15) came in the municipality of Indanan's Barangay Siyunugan. Of 25 rounds that dropped that morning in Sitio Timaho, four made direct hits on residential homes, wounding five civilians in addition to an undetermined number of MNLF guerillas:
1) Sitti Bia Bahara
2) Merna Abon
3) Wawan Ibni
4) Apa Atan
5) Ismael Idja
In addition, all of the nearly 200 families living in the sitio were made into "Bakwits," Philippine speak for "IDPs," or Internally Displaced Persons...refugees. MNLF-EC15 Kumander Sumimpal Khanain correctly noted that ASG stayed wel clear of his camp, and indeed, was rarely seen on that side of Bud Kapok, the dormant volcano upon which the camp sits. The AFP engaged in alot of double talk, claiming intermittingly that it was merely a drill...a long planned push for the year old OPlan Ultimatim...a surgical strike aiming to neutralize Jemayah Islamiyyah, or JI bombmaker Umar Patek...anything, as long as it wasnt the truth. In fact, it was a punative response aimed at Mayor Alvarez Isnaji, the highest ranking MNLF-EC15 figure in Sulu Province. The pointman for the DILG? SSupt.Winnie Quidato? He was actually a PNP, or Philippine National Police intelligence operative. During the delivery of the initial P5 Million,
Quidato had amassed enough circumstantial evidence to convince his superiors that Isnaji was neck deep in the Drilon KFR. The mortar volley on Bud Kapok was Isnaji's wakeup cal
As if a mortar attack isnt a miserable enough way to be woken up, after finally getting some much needed sleep later in the day, Drilon and her two companions were angrily woken up by screaming guerillas who accused them of mounting an escape attempt. Conditions worsened considerably when Drilon and her remaining crew member, Jimmy Encarnacion, each had their wrists tied together, with Encarnacion's wrists tied behind his back.
On June 16th the day began with the guerillas threatening to decapitate Jimmy Encarnacion and giving Drilon the phone, instructing her to contact her family for the next installment of the ransom. Instead Drilon called Senator Loren Legarda. The Senator, an opportunist if ever one existed, had obtained Drilon's cellphone number from Senator Franklin Drilon, related to Ces by her husband. Gaining the number, Legarda began texting Ces and so, just as she had with Mayor Alvarez Isnaji, Drilon began her over-reliance on yet another self-serving politician.
At just before noon Jimmy Encarnacion was prepared for beheading while Ces Drilon was once again instructed to pgone her family for an update on the ransom installment. Again Drilon sureptitiously phoned Senator Legarda and earned a hard slap in the face for her troubles. Drilon hit the floor hard, crying and moaning, she witnessed Jimmy being beaten with the stock of an M16. As Jimmy cried, begging for his life, the cellphone Drilon had just used began ringing. The guerilla that answered the call listened carefully, ended the call and began lauging joyously as he informed the shocked captives they were being released.
Unbeknownst to Ces Drilon and her fellow captives, while she had made her first phone call to Senator Legarda that motning, two duffel bags, each containing P7.5 Million ($175,000) had been leaving Manila aboard private jet. In Zamboanga City the bags were transferred to a chartered Southeast Asian Airlines (Seair) flight to Jolo City, in order to circumvent the extra-heavy media attention that could easily derail the ransom payoff. More to the point, Drilon's very high public profile had the Government extremely nervous over its "No Ransom Policy." Officialy, it is illegal to pay a ransom. Unofficialy, noone really cares EXCEPT when the media gets yet another golden opportunity to showcase Government hypocrisy. When the chartered plane landed in Jolo City the PNP Aviation Services Group was highly suscpicious seeing as how a charteted airline devoid of passengers had just landed and refiled a Flight Plan with almost no turn around time.
The PNP searched the plane and of course quickly discovered the two unaccompanied duffelbags full of cash. As the police prepared to steal...I mean "seize" the money, local attorney Nasser Inawat stepped forward inside the airport terminal with a written order from Vice Governor Sahidullah and was handed both bags. Inawat, a fomer member of the ARMM CLA (Consultative Regional Assembly) then delivered the money to Mayor Isnaji. Though he surely would have wished to do otherwise, Isnaji was now compelled by the ASG to turn over all the cash, his commision having been covered already.
Ces Drilon, Jimmy Encarnacion, and Professor Octavio Dinampo ended their nine day sojourn with a five hour walk into the municipality of Talipao's Barangay Kagay. There, Vice Governor Sahidullah accompanied disheveled but ecstatic Drilon and her companions to the Isnaji compound in Indanan. Fed, bathed and given a bed to sleep in, the three along with their hosts, Alvarez Isnaji and his son Haider, were driven into Jolo City very early the next morning and from there took an AFP Huey (UH-1H helicopter) to Zamboanga City. Professor Dinampo left them there and Drilon and Encarnacion boarded a private jet bound for Manila with the Isnajis
The Isnajis were arrested after two days of interrogation at PNP Headquarters, Camp Crame. By October everyone of the eight young men who initially took custody of Ces Drilon and her companions had been arrested but so what? aged.14 through 21, the most educated among them had a fifth grade education. less than P1,000 ($20) each, their lives were ruined by those tasked with leading them...people like Mayor Alvarez Isnaji. Isnaji and his son just had their cases re-filed on Money Laundering charges, after escaping the more serious Kidnapping charges but alas, I will have to get to that sordid tale in a "Political Developments" entry.
The operative lesson here is that a journalist, Ces Drilon, thought herself entirely above the fray. Even after being warned not to do so by her superior Ms.Drilon still saw fit to endanger her crew in hopes of sticking another feather into her cap. Her employer, the Manila-based network, ABS-CBN, merely gave her a 90 day suspension...while milking her faux paux for all it was worth in the ratings. The scary thing? Ces Drilon was the THIRD case of an interview with the ASG turned into a big money KFR. Just this month, June of 2012, four years almost to the day, yet another journalist thought themselves above the fray. In "Part 3" I will discuss that ongoing abduction.
Mayor Isnaji's son, Haider "Jun" Isnaji was quite close to several members of ASG serving under Abu Haris, the ASG minion charged with actually capturing and holding Ces Drilon and her three companions. In fact three of his cousins were among the kidnappers. Initially Drilon saw Isnaji as an ally, even a savior when-from Drilon's perspective-Isnaji intervened to save Drilon's cameraman Angelo Valderrama from what she believed to be certain decapitation. Although Drilon has presented herself as having been incredibly stoic and firmly resolute during her ordeal, the truth of the matter is, she remained on the verge of hysteria throught most of her captivity. When, on June 11th, her captor's opening ransom demand quickly devolved into Abu Haris reeling in a murderous rage, it was Isnaji whom Drilon begged to intervene.
Drilon had been speaking with her family's chosen negotiator, the Vice Governor of Sulu Province, Lady Anne Sahidula, and per ASG insistence, had had the call on the phone's loudspeaker. Responding to ASG's opening gambit of P20Million ($400,000), Vice Governor Sahidula explained that Drilon's family could only afford P2 Million ($40,000). Abu Haris had been listening intently, struggling to follow the conversation in Tagalog, a language rarely spoken fluently south of Luzon. Upon hearing that Drilon, the captive he had hoped would provide the lionsshare of the colkective ransom, could only generate a paltry P2 Million, he ordered his men to drag Drilon's two man crew-Angelo Valderrama and Jimmy Encarnacion-through the mud before having them kneel back to back. While screaming that he was going to have all four captives killed, he had the two men tied to one another, by their wrists. Now much calmer, but much more menacingly, Abu Haris told Drilon quite matter of factly, that if the entire ransom of P20 Million ($40,000) was not received by 2PM the following day, June 12th, Angelo Valderrama would be decapitated. As Ces Drilon once again slipped into hysteria one of the guerillas standing next to crew member Jimmy Encarnacion looked leeringly at Drilon and advised her to do her makeup so that she would look her best when her loved ones opened up the box containing her severed head.
After several minutes the fourth captive, Professor Octavio Dinampo, himself a Tausug like their captors, warned Drilon that if they did not do something quickly, Angelo Valderrama would certainly die. He quickly explained that in Tausug culture consensus ranks all important so that, having made a definitive threat, Abu Haris could not renege even if he wanted to. Because a consensus had been reached on that issue, it was now entirely out of his hands. Dinampo recommended that they make an acceptable counter-offer along the lines of something much more attractive than the aforementioned P2 Million serving as an advance payment on the P20 Million total. Dinampo recommended offering P10 Million in exchange for the release of one of the captives, and barring the delivery of that amount, accepting P5 Million to extend the deadline. This would allow Abu Haris to save face if he called off the 2PM deadline.
Drilon quickly nodded in agreement and Dinampo approached Abu Haris. Returning to Drilon's side he informed her that Abu Haris had agreed to discuss the counter-offer with his men and if the managed to reach another consensus on the issue, he would let Dinampo know.
As the sun sank below the horizon both Jimmy Encarnacion and Angelo Valderrama were led to seperate hammocks with one arm tied to one of the supporting trees. Dinampo and Drilon could do nothing more, so both watched and waited. Just after 9PM Abu Haris approached the plastic tarp where Dinampo and Drilon were laying restlessly. Grinning from ear to ear, Abu Haris informed the two that a consensus had been reached. A minimum downpayment of P5 Million ($100,000) would forstall Valderrama's impending decapitation. Drilon was handed a cellphone and instructed to make the ransom arrangements. Afraid that Vice Govenor Sahidullah's involvement might cause Abu Haris to once again become enraged, Drilon adressed the Vice Governor as "sister" and stated in no uncetrtain terms that P5 Million needed to be delivered to Mayor Isnaji Alvarez by 2PM the following afternoon.
That evening, Drilon's brother Frank left Manila aboard a private jet carrying a duffel bag with P5 Million ($100,000). Landing in Jolo City at just after 2AM he was met by Vice Governor Sahidullah and Senior Superintendent (SSupt) Winnie Quidato, who presented himself as pointman for the DILG, or Department of the Interior and Local Government. Frank got a quick update and handed off the money before climbing back aboard the jet for his flight home to Manila. Vice Governor Sahidullah and SSupt.Quidato then made their way to the municipality of Indanan where the money was given to Mayor Isnaji. It took Isnaji several hours to communicate receipt of the money but when he did, he explained that of the P5 Million earmarked for ASG, P2 Million would be needed to pay off a host of important personalities, including Vice Governor Sahidullah. An additional P1 Million was being taken by Isnaji himself, as his "commission." After all, he had just begun a costly run for the Governorship of the ARMM, or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. Factional leader Gumbahali Jumdail was in no position to argue, he had just received an effortless P1 Million for himself, and another to be divvied up by his brother Gafur and Abu Haris.
The next day, at 140PM, Abu Haris informed Drilon and Dinampo that Valderrama would not be dying. An hour later, barely able to contain himself, Haris again approached Dilon and informed her that the ransom was already with Mayor Isnaji and that he had been instructed to release Angelo Valderrama as a "present." That evening, as the guerillas celebrated their good fortune, Valderrama said his emotional goodbyes to his colleagues and Professor Dinampo. At just past midnite, June 13th, when Abu Haris and twelve of his men began escorting Valderrama out of the jungle. At 830PM that night, Valderrama was handed off to Mayor Isnaji's son Haider in the municipality of Talipao's Barangay Sinumaan. Taken to Isnaji's compound in Indanan, he was fed a good meal and then passed to the PPO-Sulu, or Police Provincial Office for Sulu Province for the requisite medical exam and debriefing.
Back in the Karawan Complex, the three remaining captives sat uneasily, the joy of Valderrama's release had quickly evaporated, if it had ever touched them at all. Still, with only ten guerrilas in the camp, and their leader gone, there was a more relaxing atmosphere, though "relaxing" is about as misplaced adjective as one could imagine. Whatever good cheer might have been had was hopelessly out of reach when, on the next day, June 14th, Abu Haris led his column of guerilas back into camp. When the group returned they joyfully passed out what amounted to six months wages there abouts, but even the guerillas' good cheer was fleeting as Abu Haris immediately gave the order to break camp.
As the guerillas began packing Abu Haris approached the three captives, now being kept together, and informed them that if at least half of the remaining P15 Million ($300,000) in outstanding ransom money was not delivered by June 16th, one of the three captives would be beheaded. Once again Ces Drilon segued from highly emotional into outright hysteria, causing a dismayed Abu Haris to add that Mayor Isnaji had requested, as a concession, that the deadline be extended until June 17th, and so it had been arranged.
As it turned out, the new encampment has a mere 30 minutes downhill, on the western slope of Matanding Hill, and after quickly settling in, Abu Harris rounded up the ten guerillas who had left behind when Angelo Valderrama had been released. They were now being given the same opportunity to quickly visit their home and distribute their share of the ransom to their loved ones.
The new camp consisted of "nipas," bamboo framed huts with palmleaf thatched walls. However, they lacked roofs and so once again, plastic tarps were spread over head to protect the captives from the elements. As if waiting for the new deadline of June 16th to pass was not difficult enough, on June 14th, the three captives had awoken to a lengthly mortar barrage as the AFP's 81MM mortar shells rained down upon an MNLF-EC15 (Executive Council of 15) came in the municipality of Indanan's Barangay Siyunugan. Of 25 rounds that dropped that morning in Sitio Timaho, four made direct hits on residential homes, wounding five civilians in addition to an undetermined number of MNLF guerillas:
1) Sitti Bia Bahara
2) Merna Abon
3) Wawan Ibni
4) Apa Atan
5) Ismael Idja
In addition, all of the nearly 200 families living in the sitio were made into "Bakwits," Philippine speak for "IDPs," or Internally Displaced Persons...refugees. MNLF-EC15 Kumander Sumimpal Khanain correctly noted that ASG stayed wel clear of his camp, and indeed, was rarely seen on that side of Bud Kapok, the dormant volcano upon which the camp sits. The AFP engaged in alot of double talk, claiming intermittingly that it was merely a drill...a long planned push for the year old OPlan Ultimatim...a surgical strike aiming to neutralize Jemayah Islamiyyah, or JI bombmaker Umar Patek...anything, as long as it wasnt the truth. In fact, it was a punative response aimed at Mayor Alvarez Isnaji, the highest ranking MNLF-EC15 figure in Sulu Province. The pointman for the DILG? SSupt.Winnie Quidato? He was actually a PNP, or Philippine National Police intelligence operative. During the delivery of the initial P5 Million,
Quidato had amassed enough circumstantial evidence to convince his superiors that Isnaji was neck deep in the Drilon KFR. The mortar volley on Bud Kapok was Isnaji's wakeup cal
As if a mortar attack isnt a miserable enough way to be woken up, after finally getting some much needed sleep later in the day, Drilon and her two companions were angrily woken up by screaming guerillas who accused them of mounting an escape attempt. Conditions worsened considerably when Drilon and her remaining crew member, Jimmy Encarnacion, each had their wrists tied together, with Encarnacion's wrists tied behind his back.
On June 16th the day began with the guerillas threatening to decapitate Jimmy Encarnacion and giving Drilon the phone, instructing her to contact her family for the next installment of the ransom. Instead Drilon called Senator Loren Legarda. The Senator, an opportunist if ever one existed, had obtained Drilon's cellphone number from Senator Franklin Drilon, related to Ces by her husband. Gaining the number, Legarda began texting Ces and so, just as she had with Mayor Alvarez Isnaji, Drilon began her over-reliance on yet another self-serving politician.
At just before noon Jimmy Encarnacion was prepared for beheading while Ces Drilon was once again instructed to pgone her family for an update on the ransom installment. Again Drilon sureptitiously phoned Senator Legarda and earned a hard slap in the face for her troubles. Drilon hit the floor hard, crying and moaning, she witnessed Jimmy being beaten with the stock of an M16. As Jimmy cried, begging for his life, the cellphone Drilon had just used began ringing. The guerilla that answered the call listened carefully, ended the call and began lauging joyously as he informed the shocked captives they were being released.
Unbeknownst to Ces Drilon and her fellow captives, while she had made her first phone call to Senator Legarda that motning, two duffel bags, each containing P7.5 Million ($175,000) had been leaving Manila aboard private jet. In Zamboanga City the bags were transferred to a chartered Southeast Asian Airlines (Seair) flight to Jolo City, in order to circumvent the extra-heavy media attention that could easily derail the ransom payoff. More to the point, Drilon's very high public profile had the Government extremely nervous over its "No Ransom Policy." Officialy, it is illegal to pay a ransom. Unofficialy, noone really cares EXCEPT when the media gets yet another golden opportunity to showcase Government hypocrisy. When the chartered plane landed in Jolo City the PNP Aviation Services Group was highly suscpicious seeing as how a charteted airline devoid of passengers had just landed and refiled a Flight Plan with almost no turn around time.
The PNP searched the plane and of course quickly discovered the two unaccompanied duffelbags full of cash. As the police prepared to steal...I mean "seize" the money, local attorney Nasser Inawat stepped forward inside the airport terminal with a written order from Vice Governor Sahidullah and was handed both bags. Inawat, a fomer member of the ARMM CLA (Consultative Regional Assembly) then delivered the money to Mayor Isnaji. Though he surely would have wished to do otherwise, Isnaji was now compelled by the ASG to turn over all the cash, his commision having been covered already.
Ces Drilon, Jimmy Encarnacion, and Professor Octavio Dinampo ended their nine day sojourn with a five hour walk into the municipality of Talipao's Barangay Kagay. There, Vice Governor Sahidullah accompanied disheveled but ecstatic Drilon and her companions to the Isnaji compound in Indanan. Fed, bathed and given a bed to sleep in, the three along with their hosts, Alvarez Isnaji and his son Haider, were driven into Jolo City very early the next morning and from there took an AFP Huey (UH-1H helicopter) to Zamboanga City. Professor Dinampo left them there and Drilon and Encarnacion boarded a private jet bound for Manila with the Isnajis
The Isnajis were arrested after two days of interrogation at PNP Headquarters, Camp Crame. By October everyone of the eight young men who initially took custody of Ces Drilon and her companions had been arrested but so what? aged.14 through 21, the most educated among them had a fifth grade education. less than P1,000 ($20) each, their lives were ruined by those tasked with leading them...people like Mayor Alvarez Isnaji. Isnaji and his son just had their cases re-filed on Money Laundering charges, after escaping the more serious Kidnapping charges but alas, I will have to get to that sordid tale in a "Political Developments" entry.
The operative lesson here is that a journalist, Ces Drilon, thought herself entirely above the fray. Even after being warned not to do so by her superior Ms.Drilon still saw fit to endanger her crew in hopes of sticking another feather into her cap. Her employer, the Manila-based network, ABS-CBN, merely gave her a 90 day suspension...while milking her faux paux for all it was worth in the ratings. The scary thing? Ces Drilon was the THIRD case of an interview with the ASG turned into a big money KFR. Just this month, June of 2012, four years almost to the day, yet another journalist thought themselves above the fray. In "Part 3" I will discuss that ongoing abduction.
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