In discussing the carnage that took place on October 18th, 2011, when nineteen Army Scout Rangers were killed in the municipality of Al Barka on Mindanao's island province of Basilan, and the horrible mutilation that was commited against some of their bodies, my mind was naturally drawn back to an eerily similar incident that took place on July 10th, 2007, when, in that same town, in fact in that very same barangay, Guinanta, fourteen Marines met a similar tragic fate. Indeed, not only was it the same group, the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, or BIAF as the MILF military wing is more commonly known, that took center stage in both these incidents, we even have the very same BIAF "baddies" to boo and hiss at since the Government failed to handle it effectively the first time around.
In my entry "Prequel, Part 1," I discussed that July 10th, 2007 incident in minute detail. In the subsequent entry, "Prequel, Part 2," I discussed the jist of the joint Government and MILF investigatory report and wove it into the whole sordid affair and then closed that entry by noting how in November of 2009 one BIAF sub-Kumander, Haji Ustadz Asnawi Hassan "Laksaw" Addan Salah, the man we all know and love as "Dan Asnawi," but whose real playmates tend to call "Abu Mazen," was arrested for his reputed role in that 2007 bloodbath. In this, the third and final of my "Prequel" entries, I will discuss the events subsequent to Asnawi's arrest and how that arrest directly led to the October 18th, 2011 atrocities.
The pilgrimage to the Saudi Arabian cities of Mecca and Medina, known as "al Hajj" in Arabic, is one of the five "pillars" of Islam. If an adult is physically and financially able to do so, they must take this pilgrimage at least once in their lifetime. A prevalent folk belief holds that all who complete the pilgrimage are at the point of completion automatically absolved of all sins committed up until that point. Moreover, one who has completed this pilgrimage is entitled to claim the title of "Haji" (or "Hajah" if female), a mark of great distinction and respect in most of the Muslim World. In the Philippines the cost of Hajj is actually set by the Philippine Government who negotiates an all inclusive package with the Saudi Arabian Government. The cost? This last Hajj, in 2011, it ran above P160,000 ($3,400), equivalent to two years salary for a middle class Filipino and precious few Muslim Filipinos come anywhere near anyone's definition of "Middle Class." Therefore one can easily see that the pilgrimage is an important, life changing event, pivotal spiritually and financially in the life of a Filipino Muslim.
Sub-Kumander Dan Asnawi is the second in charge of the BIAF's 114 Base Command, the element with operation control over the entire province of Basilan. He himself had undertaken this pilgrimage many years ago but had long promised one of his wives that he would take her on that same pilgrimage ("one of his wives" because he is polygamous as Islam allows one man up to four wives). On November 7th, 2009, Asnawi and his wife joined Mayor Mohammed Kabukisan, the chief executive of Al Barka, the town Asnawi calls home, on the first leg of that all important life changing journey. Boarding a Pilippine Air jet in Zamboanga City International Airport the small group excitedly stowed their things and buckled in for the hour long flight to Manila where the small contingent from Basilan would link with contingents of other Filipino Muslims from all corners of the nation and together fly onward to Saudi Arabia in chartered craft from the Saudi flag carrier. The plane slowly moved away from the airport terminal and taxied to a staging platform before entering a runway for departure...and then abruptly shut its engines. Few aboard had ever flown before, let alone flown much, and so that abrupt engine shutoff didn't register with them as unusual.
As the excitement that comes with one's departure on a long planned journey began to wane in the stifling tropical heat the plane's passengers were shocked when the door of the craft suddenly opened and in rushed PNP SAF commandos (Philippine National Police Special Action Force), armed and in combat mode. Stalking the centre aisle and moving steadily but with caution, their rifles pointed directly at Asnawi, the lead officer ordered the shocked BIAF officer to slowly put his arms up, then rise before immediately moving into the aisle. Complying, Asnawi found himself being forced face down into the aisle and then hooded and handcuffed behind his back. Ignoring the questions coming from both Asnawi's wife as well as from Mayor Kabukisan, the police commandos frog marched Asnawi off of the plane, onto the tarmac, and directly into an unmarked minivan sitting in a small convoy of police vehicles before the motorcade quickly sped off for the farside of the airport. After a quick transfer into an SUV the line of police vehicles into the city proper en route to the Police Regional Headquarters at Camp Abendan.
Camp Abendan is also the headquarters of DIPO-West, or the Directorate of Integrated Police Operations for Western Mindanao, the entity which had staged the arrest of Asnawi, the SAF being merely a field unit of the Police Regional Command (PRO-9). When it became quite clear that Asnawi wouldn't be co-operating they quickly bundled him onto a waiting helicopter for the 18 kilometer ride back across the Basilan Strait and by the next morning, November 8th, Asnawi was lodged into the Basilan Provincial Jail in Isabela City's Barangay Sumagdang. Almost immediately Military Intelligence began picking up chatter in and around Zamboanga City about the MILF Central Command being asked to greenlight a "liberation mission" to free Asnawi. For once a Philippine security agency had done its job competently and effectively and instead of receiving positive re-inforcement for having done so, it was instead ignored...well, mostly anyway. The Army's 1st Infantry Division (1ID) quickly transmitted its scoop to the Provincial Police Office, or PPO. The Basilan PPO's Director, Superintendent Abubakar Tulawie then promptly informed the warden of the Basilan Provincial Jail, Jumaril Sali, who then...did nothing. When Director followed up on the matter he found that Warden Sali wouldn't even allow him to enter the facility's front gate.
After repeated inquiries went nowhere Director Tulawie deployed a six man detachment to a hastily created post directly in front of the jail. These six policemen were never allowed through the jail's first gate, even to use the "comfort room" (as the loo or bathroom is known hereabouts). Indeed this was a very strange response and all the more so for a warden that had through two jail breaks in the preceding three years. Still, there wasn't much that Director could do at the moment.
Basilan Provincial Jail sits on a one hectare parcel of land that backed by thick jungle. Separating the jail is a three meter tall wall. Constructed of common cinderblock and mortar, above the first meter it is strengthened with a mildly reinforced concrete exterior, but for some unexplicable reason the first meter itself is simply cinderblock with mortar to bond them.
On the night of December 7th, 2009, two BIAF detachments from the 114 Base Command approached Isabela City through the jungle. Ten meters from the treeline the detachment commander, sub-Kumander Long Sulaiman split his force into two seperate elements, ten guerillas fanned out along a line, with five of them moving up a strand of trees that skirted one side of the jail to the fromt gate, so as to provide cover to the operation detachment's fifty guerillas as well as to keep the police detachment and any possible re-inforcements in check. Approaching the three meter high wall two guerillas wielding sledgehammers began to beat against the bottom portion, far short of the reinforced concrete. Finally breaking through the cinderblocks the men widened a square hole measuring one and a half meters by one and a half meters through which the fifty guerillas then infiltrated the jail's yard.
Quickly making their way into the main building containing the communal cells then holding sixty-four inmates. Using a simple bolt cutter to pry off the common padlocks that were used to secure the cells the guerillas created enough noise so that two of the three guards on dutie came running. As Jail Officer Grade Three (JO3) Ron Nasser and JO1 Nozer Sali descended the stairs from the small office where all three guards had been sleeping they ran into a burst of fire from at least four M16s. Nasser and Sali, armed only with pump shotguns were both hit by several rounds each. Although Nasser died instantly Sali managed to hold on and eventually pulled through. One of the BIAF guerillas was himself hit by Friendly Fire when he had the misfortune to be posted as a guard in between the stairway and the cellblock. He too was killed but was buried without having had his identity discovered.
At the front gate the six police were immediately awakened and although they had been given two ladders by, their superiors, so that in the event of an emergency they might still be able to enter the jail's grounds since Warden Sali's steadfast refusal to grant them what should have been their unassailable right since they are responsible for law enforcement even inside the provincial jail. One of the six policemen did manage to enter the jail yard via one of those same ladders only to find himself pinned down by sniper fire from the strand of trees running parallel to the facility. His five comrades in arms faired no better all. The question of course then naturally becomes whi did Warden Sali refuse not only to co-operate but to even allow a single police officer to do a spot safety check on the aging facility.
Warden Sali and one of his guards, Danie Cumbo, were paid P300,000 ($6,400) which was split evenly between them . Warden Sali has managed to turn a pretty penny (or cutiepie centavo, as the case may be) when he colluded in three separate BIAF attacks on the same jail, events naturally blamed on the Philippine bogeymen, the Abu Sayyaf (and let us never forget Jemaah Islamiyya). In fact, each break out from the Basilan Provincial Jail was co-ordinated with the MILF, and committed by its military wing, the BIAF.
The December of 2009 break out was planned by the 114 Base Command's sub-Kumander Hud "Long" Limaya, commander of the 3rd Brigade. Limaya had a very personal stake in the matter seeing as how his own second in command- co-incidentally his nephew- sub-Kumander Kamsa Limaya was incarcerated alongside the aforementioned Dan Asnawi. Both men were being held on fourteen counts of murder and several counts of frustrated murder for that July 10th, 2007 bloodbath in Al Barka. Hud Limaya delegated the actual operation to a sub-Kumander named Long Solaiman but he himself handled the logistics including the bribes going to Warden Sali.
Of sixty-four inmates in the jail, thirty-one were broken out including, in addition to the two high ranking BIAF officers I have already mentioned, three members. Of the remaining twenty-six, were Abu Sayyaf guerillas while the rest were simply the usual variety of ne'er do wells, common criminals and so forth. Once clear of the rear wall the escapees and guerillas broke into small groups that each took different routes through the jungle. The Abu Sayyaf escapees planned to regroup in an Abu Sayyaf encampment in the municipality of Sumisip and all but one eventually made it. Of the five BIAF escapees, all made their way to the 3rd Brigade's camp in Barangay Guinanta, in the town of Al Barka.
Governor Jum Akbar was under incredible stress. After a highly contentious election seven months before Ms.Akbar had finally heaved a sigh of relief as she was sworn in as the province's first female governor. One of four wives of former Governor Wahab Akbar (see my 2010 entry, "Portrait of a Warlord, Part I: Wahab Akbar), a second wife, Cherry Lyn Santos Akbar had just become Mayor of Isabela City. Their husband Wahab had himself had also successfuly won a race to become the province's lone Congressman. Wahab, a former MNLF second in command was also a co-founder of Abu Sayyaf. From smuggling boatloads of cigarettes from Malaysia to large scale distribution of "shabu" (smokable methamphetamine), to owning a bakery and a fishpond Akbar was a man with his finger in many pies, all of them the same flavour: Money. Like anyone ruthlessly ambitious Wahab Akbar had made himself a host of enemies. On November 13th of that year one or more of those enemies killed Congressman Akbar.
The murder of Wahab Akbar was memorable in a land where murder is an everyday occurrence. On the day in question Congressman Akbar had just finished a long day in session and was leaving the Congressional building in Metro Manila's Quezon City. As he and his entourage left the south wing entrance an unoccupied motorcycle parked meters away and with a powerful IED (Improvised Explosive Device, as in "bomb") detonated. Akbar, a driver, and a staffworker were immediately killed. Others would die on the operating table that night but the jist of the incident is that Governor Jum Akbar, back in Basilan, was suddenly left dead in the water. Rudderless now that her political svengali had suddenly been erased, the more pressing issue was the host of political foes that would love to see her join Wahab. All this and now the jailbreak. Understandably the Governor was near the breaking point.
Immediately she pressured the Police Provincial Office Director, Abubakar Tulawie, to produce a tangible scapegoat to hang the bulk of the guilt upon. Of course the usual culprit is simply labeled, "Abu Sayyaf and Jemaah Islamiyya," no names necessary. Governor Akbar, being a political neophyte and having just lost her only political advisor suddenly, went against the grain and actually demanded results. When Director Tulawie tried to educate her on the finer points of political pattycake she indignantly responded by trying to get him fired, and then did the unthinkable by trying to get the Military to replace its top two commanders on the island. Technically, Governors and other local government executives do hold quite abit of power in terms of who is assigned to their jurisdictions. In Governor Akbar's case however, she was one, a female, and two, without a powerful local champion now that her husband had been removed from the equation. All her "requests" ended up doing was creating a posioned work environment. The result of course is that virtually all but a handful of the provincial jail escapees remained free and nobody lifted a finger to change that.
In the Autumn of 2010 a major shift took place in Basilan's security echelon as the Fleet-Marine protocol that had long held sway on the island was shunted aside in favor of a novel approach. SOCOM, or the Special Operations Command, had long lobbied the Military's Chief of Staff for a chance to flex its muscles. Heretofore SOCOM was used merely in lead tactical roles but never placed in overall command. On Basilan, SOCOM finally got its long awaited chance to shine. Task Force Basilan gave way to Special Operations Task Force-Basilan, or SOTF-B in shorthand. Aside from a single infantry battalion, the 32nd (32IB), all elements were SOCOM born and bred, with the 4th Scout Rangers Battalion in the lead role, supported by 3rd Special Forces Battalion, more popularly known as "Airborne." This radical shift in doctrine would turn out to be highly problematic as I will show in my upcoming entry, "MILF Armed Contacts for the Fourth Quarter of 2011, Part II: Ambush in Al Barka, October 18th, 2011."
Monday, October 31, 2011
The Davao Death Squad, Through the Eyes of HRW, Part 3
Whethere they use pistols, knives...and now super hero costumes and whips, Vice Mayor Rodrigo "Roddy" Duterte of Davao City is always on the job and always sure that his minions are terrorising the "scum" of society. Glue sniffing twelve year olds and men who dare to walk the dangerous path of marijuana addiction better watch out cause Righteous Roddy is waiting and ready to smite them in all their inequity. Having watched a bootleg copy of "The Star Chamber" a bit too often Daffy Duterte decided that smacking jeepney drivers and dropping political opponents head firts out of helicopters over Davao Bay just wasn't cutting it and so he decided to dress up as "McGruff the Crime Dog" and take a bite of crime.
Since at least the late 1990s Vice Mayor Duterte has been stading idly by as literally hundreds of constituents have been murdered on his city streets, in broad daylight and yet Duterte is portrayed as being rabidly effective at cutting crime. Those that laud him ignore these hundreds of murders while placing Davao City's mad dog mayor on a pedestal. Standing idly by is all Duterte can do because he is neck deep in blood since he plays a central role in many of these killings. Indeed Duterte makes no secret that the buck stops with him. Whether on his Sunday morning ego-laden extravaganza, "Gikan sa Masa, Para sa Masa" (From the Masses to the Massed) or his Tuesday, not quite ready for prime time, "Ato ni Bay" ( Duterte readily admits to killing kidnappers, "terrorists," drug dealers and so on.
Unfortunately the Human Rights Watch report that I am posting verbatim in this three part series of entries, "You Can Die at Anytime: The Davao Death Squad," (Human Rights Watch, April, 2009) does a terrible job at investigating this dynamic. Focusing on twenty-eight killings that mostly took place in Davao City (several occurred in Digos City and General Santos City, aka GenSan), it veers into lunacy when it purports to link the stabbings of gang members to Duterte's 45 caliber pistole wielding thugs. Never the less, it is worth posting if only to draw a modicum of light unto this rarely discussed side of Davao City.
In this, the third and last part of my posting I stop midwat through page 11, out of 15 pages, because at the point at which I stop the investigation, if one can even call it that, ends and HRW's explanation about the roles that the police, prosecutors, Ombudsman's Office, and the Commission on Human Rights are SUPPOSED to play according to Philippine Law. Also, it includes HRW recommendations to those entities, such intellectually stimulating tidbbits like, "should do their job" repeated several times over. I don't feel that inclusion of that materiel will add anything, now would omitting it reduce the substance of what really ends up being nothing but fluff, above and beyond factoids such as names and dates which are always helpful.
I begin here midway thru page 10. A reminder, the word "Amo" used in the report signifies a "handler," or "supervisor."
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pp10 (continued)
Confirming eyewitness accounts to killings and the statistics gathered by CASE, Ramon said that, in recent years, the DDS started using knives more often. He said that his friend showed him two knives that he received after joining the DDS- one was a so-called Rambo Knife (a mid size, double bladed saw tooth knife) and the other was a long knife, approximately 4Cm (about 16 inches) in length. He said that the DDS started using knives more extensively because they are cheaper and attract less attention. Moreover, stab wounds make it easier for the police to claim that the victim has been killed by gang members or ordinary criminals.
The motorcycles provided to death squad members often do not have liscence plates, which is a traffic law violation in Davao City. According to Ramos, the police do not stop drivers of such motorcycles because "they have connections to the police." Fernando said that DDS members sometimes use red "governmental" liscence plates, which allow unimpeded movement through checkpoints and road police posts, and then members "simply take them off before the hit."
According to Ramon, while the group does not have any uniform, they usually wear jackets (even during hot weather) or buttoned shirts, to hide firearms or knives underneath, as well as baseball caps. Ramon said that masks are rare, and usually worn when a hitman operates alone, driving a motorcycle himself.
"Maria," who said an uncle of hers was a DDS member, told Human Rights Watch:
"My uncle owned two guns, one of which appeared to be a 45-caliber gun. He carried them hidden inside his jacket or inside a compartment underneath his XRM motorcycle seat. When he went outside at night, he would wear a black basebal cap, a black or khaki camouflage jacket, and often sunglasses. He would go out two or three times per week, and when he came back home, he would have cash."
Recruitment and Training
Individuals whose friends or relatives were allegedly members of the DDS told Human Rights Watch that people they knew had joined the group to make easy money, but they did not seem to feel any remorse about the victims, claiming that those killed were the "scum of society anyway."
Apparently, some also believed that the execution of criminals is the only solution when the legal system is unable to prosecute them. Ramon told Human Rights Watch:
"My friend (the DDS member) used to say that while the police sometimes arrest drug dealers or rugby sniffers, eventually they release them, and they go back to their usual business and way of life. They are repeat offenders- so this is simply the 'final solution' for them."
Older recruits who come to the DDS with what is considered relevant experience apparently do not receive any additional training. But young recruits, according to Ramon, go through an initiation ritual and training upon joining the DDS, just like school fraternities and military academies. He described the initiation ritual to Human Rights Watch:
"Memebers who have been with the group for awhile beat you and ask you, 'Why do you want to join the group? What are you going to do with the money you get?' You are supposed to say, 'I want to help my family and I want to help Davao City get rid of criminals'."
The training for new recruits, according to Ramon, takes place in a "DDS compound." Ramon said he visited the compound once, in January 2008, along with a friend of his and several other DDS members. They drove there on two motorcycles, one of which did not have a liscence plate.
At the compound they joined another group of DDS members who arrived there on two motorcycles and two cars. The group's amo was also there- Ramon described him as a short man with "big tummy" who arrived at the compound in his Toyota pickup truck.
The compound is located in a secluded section in the Calinan area, south of Davao City. Ramon described a big house, which he said he did not enter, and a small hut where they were having a drinking session. The compound was surrounded by a concrete fence with a steel gate. Ramon said he did not notice any sign on the gate.
At the compound, Ramon saw a makeshift shooting range with some wooden installations, soda cans, and coconuts that were being used as targets for shooting practice. Ramon told Human Rights Watch what he knew about the training process:
"(The) amo and older recruits conducted the training. The amo explained the goals of the group- to get rid of the criminals in the city- but the training mostly focused on how to stab and how to shoot...For the stabbing instruction, the amo had a poster with a picture of the human body projected on the wall. He showed the vital points on the human body, which have to be targeted to cause fatal wounds- The amo also showed how to hold the knife and how to strike to ensure most impact. There was also a stuffed dummy there to practice on."
Ramon's account was accompanied by expressive gestures that imitated the process of instruction. He showed the "right" and "wrong" ways to hold the knife, and pointed to different parts of the body where the strikes had to be directed.
Identifying the Targets
In many of the cases reported to Human Rights Watch, victims' families had learned one way or another that their relatives had been on a "list," or an "order of battle" or OB, before they were murdered.
Accounts of persons familiar with current operations of the DDS confirm that police and barangay officials still take the initiative to compile the "lists."
One DDS insider told Human Rights Watch that he currently works as an informant for the barangay police chief who is also a DDS member. He said that his job was to inform the police chief about "suspicious individuals" in the barangay, some of whom would be then added to the "order of battle."
Another insider, a local official, said he used to receive the "order of battle" from the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA). Hisjob was to convince the people on the list to surrender, and those who did not later fell victim to killings. Before the 2007 general election in the Philippines, barangay officials requested that he compile and submit a list of drug users and other individuals involved in criminal activities.
Accounts of other insiders confirmed the existence of these lists, which are ultimately used to determine the targets for the DDS. A well respected man in his barangay told Human Rights Watch:
"Once, my motorcycle got stolen. A barangay intelligence official quickly contacted me, saying they have found the guy who stole it. He said that the man has been on the DDS list already and barangay officials suggested that now they should 'get him.' The intelligence official, however, advised them against it, knowing that I wouldn't approve of the killing. He said they would arrest the guy, but eventually he managed to flee."
Several other insiders also believe that, in recent years, death squad handlers have started to demonstrate more initiative in determining targets, rather than just going through the lists compiled by police or barangay officials. Knowing the general categories of persons sought, (drug dealers, thieves, repeat offenders, gang members, and the like), the handlers now more actively identify specific individuals as targets.
Ramon said that handlers use an "errand runner" in each group to collect information from the police and barangay officials on individuals involved in criminal activities.
The amo then calls for a meeting where he assigns the targets to different cells. Such meetings usually take place in unofficial "safe houses." Human Rights Watch obtained a description of one such safe house in Davao City. According to "Grace," in October 2007, her father visited a DDS safe house to deliver certain items for the DDS members. Some of her family members had fallen victim to DDS killinga, and her father had genuine interest in finding out as much as possible about the DDS, Grace said:
"He saw lists with photos posted on the wall, some with 'X' marks, others with future dates marked. He also stumbled on a list that contained names of victims, killers, and the amount of money paid for each killing. He wrote down the information about (his relatives)- it said, for one of them, 30,000 Pesos (about US265) were paid. For the other- 10,000 Pesos (about US208). Outside the hideout, there were quite a few motorcycles of different kinds, including XRM and DT-types, mostly without liscence plates."
According to Ramon, each cell usually gets three nanes every "quincina" (15 days). That does not mean, however, that all three would be killed in this period of time. First, Ramon explained, "you have to work like a policeman- gather intelligence, ask around, conduct surveillance, and maybe even pay an informant in the community if you don't know the target."
Other insiders indicated that the targets are assigned through a "bidding" process. During the meeting, an amo announces names of targets and corresponding prices for each, and the cells "bid" to determine who gets to carry out which operation. Usually, the cell that already knows the target, or at least has access to the community, gets "the job." Fernando described the "bidding" process to Human Rights Watch:
"The handler calls a meeting for the group- usually, one representative from each cell. The handler announces the names and the bidding price, and then a cell offers its services. If several cells want the job, they would discuss which cell can do it better- for example, based on their knowledge of the area or familiarity with the target."
Anthony provided a similar account:
"When choosing a hitman for a particular operation, the handler does that based on the classification of the target, determining what kind of skills the operation would require. If the subject is a low level criminal, thet don't really care, they can do it openly, and the hitman can be less experienced. But if the target is high profile, maybe has bodyguards- it becomes more complicated and covert, and requires more people and better skil.
Fernando said that when the target has a long record of criminal activity, the cell is instructed to carry out the killing immediately. However, if it is a first time offender, they communicate a warning to the target or the family first.
Operations
According to Ramon, upon assigning an operation to one of the cells, the amo gives them the name of the target, sometimes the address or other available intelligence, and even a photo. He said that during his visit to the DDS compound he saw one of these photos- which happened to be, to his horror, one of his friends who had been killed sometme before. Ramon said that the photo was a standard police mugshot with his friend's name and the crime for which he was accused.
Anthony also confirmed that his friends' amo "gives them names, some intelligemce, and partial payment."
An "operation" or a "hit" is usually carried out by three people. According to Ramon, one person drives the motorcycle and acts as a lookout, while the other two carry out the killing. Anthony said:
"It depends on the classification of the target. If it is a 'big fish,' there will be more support- a lookout, or sometimes, several of them. If it's a 'small fish' it can be two people, a driver and a hitman, or even one person who would drive a motorcycle and carry out the hit."
Angela, whose uncle was allegedly a DDS member, described to Human Rights Watch how her uncle usually left for "operations":
"Everytime they had an operation, they would pick him up from our house or my aunt's store at the market. That was usually twice a month. My father and uncle used to drink together and then some men would arrive on a big motorcycle. They were armed with 45-caliber pistols. My father used to ask, 'Where are you going?' And in response my uncle would make a throat cutting gesture with his hand."
According to Ramon, once the group arrives at their destination on their motorcycle, they try to make themselves visible to police mobile units patrolling the area. This serves as a signal that the operation is about to begin and the police should leave the area, which they do.
Ramon said that cells tend to rotate from one area to another, trying to avoid carrying out two consecutive hits in the same place. Most operations take place in Davao City, although, according to Ramon, they also reach other locations, including Digos City, General Santos City, and Tagum City, and locations in Davao Oriental Province. Ramon mentioned that these cities now have their own death squads, so the DDS members only go there in pursuit of a target who has left Davao City for one of those places, especially if the target is a "big fish."
The insiders believe that most of the killings in General Santos City and Digos City are carried out by local groups using the Davao Death Squad as a model. One of the insiders in Digos City noted that the DDS used to come to Digos City to carry out killings, but then a local death squad was formed with training provided by the gunmen from the DDS.
Financing
According to various insiders, the payment for each "successful" operation ranges from 5,000 to 50,000 Pesos (about US104 to US1,041) and may go as high as 100,000 Pesos (about US2,082). The money is divided between members of the cell who carry out the operation. One of the journalists interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that, according to his sources, the price for an "operation" depends on the target, with larger rewards promised for more serious criminals, known gangsters, and leaders of drug distribution networks.
For working class Filipinos, the payment offered to DDS members is a huge amount of money, which, according to several insiders, is one of the main reasons why people join the DDS.
Ramon for example, believes that it was the money that made his friend join the DDS. He said that the friend, a car washer, used to make 70 to 200 Pesos (about US 1.50 to 4.00) a day, while his work with the DDS paid him almost ten times that. Ramon, who also worked as a car washer, admitted tat when the DDS tried to recruit him, he found the offer very tempting, but decided to "continue earning an honest living."
Angela said that her uncle also joined the DDS to make money. She explained:
"They made, I think, 50,000 Pesos (about US1,042) per operation, split between those involved. I know because my uncle once asked my brother to drive the motorcycle, so that they could split the money just between them, without having to share with someone else. But my brother refused. My uncle knew he was doing the wrong thing, but he said he had no other job."
Killings of Death Squad Members
Death Squad members themselves fall victim to targeted killings. Several persons familiar with DDS operations said that the members are sometimes killed by their own men "when they make a mistake and target a wrong person, fail to carry out an operation, or when they get to know too much.
A local journalist told Human Rights Watch that he interviewed many relatives of the early recruits to the DDS- former NPA rebels who surrendered to the Government- who had been killed because they "have been with the group for awhile and knew too much." He added that some DDS members move to another area or leave Davao City altogether after six or so hits to avoid being killed.
Ramon also said that the fear of being eventually executed was one of the reasons he decided to refuse the DDS recruitment offer. He explained:
"I heard that after you work there for some time, you also get executed. That is because you know too much, and the amo doesn't want to be implicated later on, in case you get caught or decide to quit. There are lots of stories about hitmen being executed."
Human Rights Watch documented at least two cases of Death Squad killings where the victims- according to their families, were members of the DDS. One such case was that of Rolando Jimenes, 50, a retired member of CAFGU who lived in Davao City. According to a family member, shortly after his release from prison on a murder conviction in July 2007, Jimenes joined the DDS and took part in killings. He did not try to hide his affiliation with the DDS from his family. On June 15, 2008, he was shot dead by another DDS member, who apparently knew him.
pp11
X.Failure to Investigate and Prosecute the Perpetrators
"When the police arrived at the scene, they didn't try to find any witnesses. They just kept asking me, 'What happened? Who killed your son?' I was hysterical, and kept telling them, 'Why are you asking me? You are the policemen- ask witnesses around here!' "
-Clarita Alia, Davao City, July 19, 2008
Human Rights Watch's investigation in Davao City, General Santos City, and Digos City found that local police are not conducting serious investigations into the killings. Many families of victims told Human Rights Watch that the police always arrived at the scene of the crime too late to arrest the perpetrators, even when the killings took place very close to a police station.
The police often did not talk to eyewitnesses of the killings, neglected to collect the most obvious pieces of evidence, such as spent bullet casings, and later failed to inform the families of victims of any progress in their investigation. Instead, they often pressured the families of victims to identify the perpetrators, but when they offered leads, the police ignored such information.
In none of the 28 killings documented by Human Rights Watch were families of victims aware of any arrests or prosecutions of perpetrators.
Since at least the late 1990s Vice Mayor Duterte has been stading idly by as literally hundreds of constituents have been murdered on his city streets, in broad daylight and yet Duterte is portrayed as being rabidly effective at cutting crime. Those that laud him ignore these hundreds of murders while placing Davao City's mad dog mayor on a pedestal. Standing idly by is all Duterte can do because he is neck deep in blood since he plays a central role in many of these killings. Indeed Duterte makes no secret that the buck stops with him. Whether on his Sunday morning ego-laden extravaganza, "Gikan sa Masa, Para sa Masa" (From the Masses to the Massed) or his Tuesday, not quite ready for prime time, "Ato ni Bay" ( Duterte readily admits to killing kidnappers, "terrorists," drug dealers and so on.
Unfortunately the Human Rights Watch report that I am posting verbatim in this three part series of entries, "You Can Die at Anytime: The Davao Death Squad," (Human Rights Watch, April, 2009) does a terrible job at investigating this dynamic. Focusing on twenty-eight killings that mostly took place in Davao City (several occurred in Digos City and General Santos City, aka GenSan), it veers into lunacy when it purports to link the stabbings of gang members to Duterte's 45 caliber pistole wielding thugs. Never the less, it is worth posting if only to draw a modicum of light unto this rarely discussed side of Davao City.
In this, the third and last part of my posting I stop midwat through page 11, out of 15 pages, because at the point at which I stop the investigation, if one can even call it that, ends and HRW's explanation about the roles that the police, prosecutors, Ombudsman's Office, and the Commission on Human Rights are SUPPOSED to play according to Philippine Law. Also, it includes HRW recommendations to those entities, such intellectually stimulating tidbbits like, "should do their job" repeated several times over. I don't feel that inclusion of that materiel will add anything, now would omitting it reduce the substance of what really ends up being nothing but fluff, above and beyond factoids such as names and dates which are always helpful.
I begin here midway thru page 10. A reminder, the word "Amo" used in the report signifies a "handler," or "supervisor."
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pp10 (continued)
Confirming eyewitness accounts to killings and the statistics gathered by CASE, Ramon said that, in recent years, the DDS started using knives more often. He said that his friend showed him two knives that he received after joining the DDS- one was a so-called Rambo Knife (a mid size, double bladed saw tooth knife) and the other was a long knife, approximately 4Cm (about 16 inches) in length. He said that the DDS started using knives more extensively because they are cheaper and attract less attention. Moreover, stab wounds make it easier for the police to claim that the victim has been killed by gang members or ordinary criminals.
The motorcycles provided to death squad members often do not have liscence plates, which is a traffic law violation in Davao City. According to Ramos, the police do not stop drivers of such motorcycles because "they have connections to the police." Fernando said that DDS members sometimes use red "governmental" liscence plates, which allow unimpeded movement through checkpoints and road police posts, and then members "simply take them off before the hit."
According to Ramon, while the group does not have any uniform, they usually wear jackets (even during hot weather) or buttoned shirts, to hide firearms or knives underneath, as well as baseball caps. Ramon said that masks are rare, and usually worn when a hitman operates alone, driving a motorcycle himself.
"Maria," who said an uncle of hers was a DDS member, told Human Rights Watch:
"My uncle owned two guns, one of which appeared to be a 45-caliber gun. He carried them hidden inside his jacket or inside a compartment underneath his XRM motorcycle seat. When he went outside at night, he would wear a black basebal cap, a black or khaki camouflage jacket, and often sunglasses. He would go out two or three times per week, and when he came back home, he would have cash."
Recruitment and Training
Individuals whose friends or relatives were allegedly members of the DDS told Human Rights Watch that people they knew had joined the group to make easy money, but they did not seem to feel any remorse about the victims, claiming that those killed were the "scum of society anyway."
Apparently, some also believed that the execution of criminals is the only solution when the legal system is unable to prosecute them. Ramon told Human Rights Watch:
"My friend (the DDS member) used to say that while the police sometimes arrest drug dealers or rugby sniffers, eventually they release them, and they go back to their usual business and way of life. They are repeat offenders- so this is simply the 'final solution' for them."
Older recruits who come to the DDS with what is considered relevant experience apparently do not receive any additional training. But young recruits, according to Ramon, go through an initiation ritual and training upon joining the DDS, just like school fraternities and military academies. He described the initiation ritual to Human Rights Watch:
"Memebers who have been with the group for awhile beat you and ask you, 'Why do you want to join the group? What are you going to do with the money you get?' You are supposed to say, 'I want to help my family and I want to help Davao City get rid of criminals'."
The training for new recruits, according to Ramon, takes place in a "DDS compound." Ramon said he visited the compound once, in January 2008, along with a friend of his and several other DDS members. They drove there on two motorcycles, one of which did not have a liscence plate.
At the compound they joined another group of DDS members who arrived there on two motorcycles and two cars. The group's amo was also there- Ramon described him as a short man with "big tummy" who arrived at the compound in his Toyota pickup truck.
The compound is located in a secluded section in the Calinan area, south of Davao City. Ramon described a big house, which he said he did not enter, and a small hut where they were having a drinking session. The compound was surrounded by a concrete fence with a steel gate. Ramon said he did not notice any sign on the gate.
At the compound, Ramon saw a makeshift shooting range with some wooden installations, soda cans, and coconuts that were being used as targets for shooting practice. Ramon told Human Rights Watch what he knew about the training process:
"(The) amo and older recruits conducted the training. The amo explained the goals of the group- to get rid of the criminals in the city- but the training mostly focused on how to stab and how to shoot...For the stabbing instruction, the amo had a poster with a picture of the human body projected on the wall. He showed the vital points on the human body, which have to be targeted to cause fatal wounds- The amo also showed how to hold the knife and how to strike to ensure most impact. There was also a stuffed dummy there to practice on."
Ramon's account was accompanied by expressive gestures that imitated the process of instruction. He showed the "right" and "wrong" ways to hold the knife, and pointed to different parts of the body where the strikes had to be directed.
Identifying the Targets
In many of the cases reported to Human Rights Watch, victims' families had learned one way or another that their relatives had been on a "list," or an "order of battle" or OB, before they were murdered.
Accounts of persons familiar with current operations of the DDS confirm that police and barangay officials still take the initiative to compile the "lists."
One DDS insider told Human Rights Watch that he currently works as an informant for the barangay police chief who is also a DDS member. He said that his job was to inform the police chief about "suspicious individuals" in the barangay, some of whom would be then added to the "order of battle."
Another insider, a local official, said he used to receive the "order of battle" from the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA). Hisjob was to convince the people on the list to surrender, and those who did not later fell victim to killings. Before the 2007 general election in the Philippines, barangay officials requested that he compile and submit a list of drug users and other individuals involved in criminal activities.
Accounts of other insiders confirmed the existence of these lists, which are ultimately used to determine the targets for the DDS. A well respected man in his barangay told Human Rights Watch:
"Once, my motorcycle got stolen. A barangay intelligence official quickly contacted me, saying they have found the guy who stole it. He said that the man has been on the DDS list already and barangay officials suggested that now they should 'get him.' The intelligence official, however, advised them against it, knowing that I wouldn't approve of the killing. He said they would arrest the guy, but eventually he managed to flee."
Several other insiders also believe that, in recent years, death squad handlers have started to demonstrate more initiative in determining targets, rather than just going through the lists compiled by police or barangay officials. Knowing the general categories of persons sought, (drug dealers, thieves, repeat offenders, gang members, and the like), the handlers now more actively identify specific individuals as targets.
Ramon said that handlers use an "errand runner" in each group to collect information from the police and barangay officials on individuals involved in criminal activities.
The amo then calls for a meeting where he assigns the targets to different cells. Such meetings usually take place in unofficial "safe houses." Human Rights Watch obtained a description of one such safe house in Davao City. According to "Grace," in October 2007, her father visited a DDS safe house to deliver certain items for the DDS members. Some of her family members had fallen victim to DDS killinga, and her father had genuine interest in finding out as much as possible about the DDS, Grace said:
"He saw lists with photos posted on the wall, some with 'X' marks, others with future dates marked. He also stumbled on a list that contained names of victims, killers, and the amount of money paid for each killing. He wrote down the information about (his relatives)- it said, for one of them, 30,000 Pesos (about US265) were paid. For the other- 10,000 Pesos (about US208). Outside the hideout, there were quite a few motorcycles of different kinds, including XRM and DT-types, mostly without liscence plates."
According to Ramon, each cell usually gets three nanes every "quincina" (15 days). That does not mean, however, that all three would be killed in this period of time. First, Ramon explained, "you have to work like a policeman- gather intelligence, ask around, conduct surveillance, and maybe even pay an informant in the community if you don't know the target."
Other insiders indicated that the targets are assigned through a "bidding" process. During the meeting, an amo announces names of targets and corresponding prices for each, and the cells "bid" to determine who gets to carry out which operation. Usually, the cell that already knows the target, or at least has access to the community, gets "the job." Fernando described the "bidding" process to Human Rights Watch:
"The handler calls a meeting for the group- usually, one representative from each cell. The handler announces the names and the bidding price, and then a cell offers its services. If several cells want the job, they would discuss which cell can do it better- for example, based on their knowledge of the area or familiarity with the target."
Anthony provided a similar account:
"When choosing a hitman for a particular operation, the handler does that based on the classification of the target, determining what kind of skills the operation would require. If the subject is a low level criminal, thet don't really care, they can do it openly, and the hitman can be less experienced. But if the target is high profile, maybe has bodyguards- it becomes more complicated and covert, and requires more people and better skil.
Fernando said that when the target has a long record of criminal activity, the cell is instructed to carry out the killing immediately. However, if it is a first time offender, they communicate a warning to the target or the family first.
Operations
According to Ramon, upon assigning an operation to one of the cells, the amo gives them the name of the target, sometimes the address or other available intelligence, and even a photo. He said that during his visit to the DDS compound he saw one of these photos- which happened to be, to his horror, one of his friends who had been killed sometme before. Ramon said that the photo was a standard police mugshot with his friend's name and the crime for which he was accused.
Anthony also confirmed that his friends' amo "gives them names, some intelligemce, and partial payment."
An "operation" or a "hit" is usually carried out by three people. According to Ramon, one person drives the motorcycle and acts as a lookout, while the other two carry out the killing. Anthony said:
"It depends on the classification of the target. If it is a 'big fish,' there will be more support- a lookout, or sometimes, several of them. If it's a 'small fish' it can be two people, a driver and a hitman, or even one person who would drive a motorcycle and carry out the hit."
Angela, whose uncle was allegedly a DDS member, described to Human Rights Watch how her uncle usually left for "operations":
"Everytime they had an operation, they would pick him up from our house or my aunt's store at the market. That was usually twice a month. My father and uncle used to drink together and then some men would arrive on a big motorcycle. They were armed with 45-caliber pistols. My father used to ask, 'Where are you going?' And in response my uncle would make a throat cutting gesture with his hand."
According to Ramon, once the group arrives at their destination on their motorcycle, they try to make themselves visible to police mobile units patrolling the area. This serves as a signal that the operation is about to begin and the police should leave the area, which they do.
Ramon said that cells tend to rotate from one area to another, trying to avoid carrying out two consecutive hits in the same place. Most operations take place in Davao City, although, according to Ramon, they also reach other locations, including Digos City, General Santos City, and Tagum City, and locations in Davao Oriental Province. Ramon mentioned that these cities now have their own death squads, so the DDS members only go there in pursuit of a target who has left Davao City for one of those places, especially if the target is a "big fish."
The insiders believe that most of the killings in General Santos City and Digos City are carried out by local groups using the Davao Death Squad as a model. One of the insiders in Digos City noted that the DDS used to come to Digos City to carry out killings, but then a local death squad was formed with training provided by the gunmen from the DDS.
Financing
According to various insiders, the payment for each "successful" operation ranges from 5,000 to 50,000 Pesos (about US104 to US1,041) and may go as high as 100,000 Pesos (about US2,082). The money is divided between members of the cell who carry out the operation. One of the journalists interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that, according to his sources, the price for an "operation" depends on the target, with larger rewards promised for more serious criminals, known gangsters, and leaders of drug distribution networks.
For working class Filipinos, the payment offered to DDS members is a huge amount of money, which, according to several insiders, is one of the main reasons why people join the DDS.
Ramon for example, believes that it was the money that made his friend join the DDS. He said that the friend, a car washer, used to make 70 to 200 Pesos (about US 1.50 to 4.00) a day, while his work with the DDS paid him almost ten times that. Ramon, who also worked as a car washer, admitted tat when the DDS tried to recruit him, he found the offer very tempting, but decided to "continue earning an honest living."
Angela said that her uncle also joined the DDS to make money. She explained:
"They made, I think, 50,000 Pesos (about US1,042) per operation, split between those involved. I know because my uncle once asked my brother to drive the motorcycle, so that they could split the money just between them, without having to share with someone else. But my brother refused. My uncle knew he was doing the wrong thing, but he said he had no other job."
Killings of Death Squad Members
Death Squad members themselves fall victim to targeted killings. Several persons familiar with DDS operations said that the members are sometimes killed by their own men "when they make a mistake and target a wrong person, fail to carry out an operation, or when they get to know too much.
A local journalist told Human Rights Watch that he interviewed many relatives of the early recruits to the DDS- former NPA rebels who surrendered to the Government- who had been killed because they "have been with the group for awhile and knew too much." He added that some DDS members move to another area or leave Davao City altogether after six or so hits to avoid being killed.
Ramon also said that the fear of being eventually executed was one of the reasons he decided to refuse the DDS recruitment offer. He explained:
"I heard that after you work there for some time, you also get executed. That is because you know too much, and the amo doesn't want to be implicated later on, in case you get caught or decide to quit. There are lots of stories about hitmen being executed."
Human Rights Watch documented at least two cases of Death Squad killings where the victims- according to their families, were members of the DDS. One such case was that of Rolando Jimenes, 50, a retired member of CAFGU who lived in Davao City. According to a family member, shortly after his release from prison on a murder conviction in July 2007, Jimenes joined the DDS and took part in killings. He did not try to hide his affiliation with the DDS from his family. On June 15, 2008, he was shot dead by another DDS member, who apparently knew him.
pp11
X.Failure to Investigate and Prosecute the Perpetrators
"When the police arrived at the scene, they didn't try to find any witnesses. They just kept asking me, 'What happened? Who killed your son?' I was hysterical, and kept telling them, 'Why are you asking me? You are the policemen- ask witnesses around here!' "
-Clarita Alia, Davao City, July 19, 2008
Human Rights Watch's investigation in Davao City, General Santos City, and Digos City found that local police are not conducting serious investigations into the killings. Many families of victims told Human Rights Watch that the police always arrived at the scene of the crime too late to arrest the perpetrators, even when the killings took place very close to a police station.
The police often did not talk to eyewitnesses of the killings, neglected to collect the most obvious pieces of evidence, such as spent bullet casings, and later failed to inform the families of victims of any progress in their investigation. Instead, they often pressured the families of victims to identify the perpetrators, but when they offered leads, the police ignored such information.
In none of the 28 killings documented by Human Rights Watch were families of victims aware of any arrests or prosecutions of perpetrators.
Sunday, October 30, 2011
The Davao Death Squad through the Eyes of HRW, Part II
In Part I, I explained how little I respect the NGO Human Rights Watch, or HRW. However, as I also noted that in this report, having taken the proper time and attention to vet the entire report I find no serious factual errors. At worst they make some very minor errors such as offering the outdated definition for the acronym "CAGFU," and by describing the SPARU, the NPA's assassination element as the "Sparrow," but then the Philippine Media does these empty headed things on a daily basis. On that cheerful note here is the second of three parts from that April of 2009 HRW report.
"You Can Die at any Time: The Davao Death Squad"
pp5
Targeted Killings in Mindanao and Beyond
While the focus of the report is on alleged death squad activities in Davao City, Human Rights Watch also conducted field
research in Digos City and General Santos City. The research demonstrated that targeted killings in these cities partly started out of efforts by the Davao Death Squad to track down individuals who had left Davao City for the presumed safety of neighboring locales. But such targeted killings-that now involve locally based killers-appears to reflect local government support and possible direct participation in politically popular if highly abusive anti-crime measures.
Human Rights Watch is also worried by the news of targeted killings of suspected criminals in cities outside of Mindanao. Among the cities of particular concern is Cebu City. The media in Cebu City treat the existence of a death squad in the city as a matter of fact, just as their counterparts in Davao City do. News archives from as early as 2003-2004 show articles on apparent targeted killings of suspected criminals.
In his response to a letter from Human Rights Watch, Cebu City Mayor Tomas R.Osmena described a pattern of killings in Cebu similar to those in Davao City. In relation to 202 cases registered in the city from December 2004 to September 2008, he noted:
"The majority are categorized as 'summary/vigilante style of killings' for the perpetrators are usually unknown, ridung in motorcycles and wearing masks, bonnets, or helmets. Information gathered during the investigation revealed that most of the victims are either having crimin records or ex-convicts, fraternity members or suspected to be involved in (a) drug syndicate."
Osmena emphasized the efforts of law enforcement to investigate and prosecute the cases, but did not provide details of these efforts beyond noting that "some cases were filed in court and now (are) pending...resolution for the suspects (who) were identified and arrested."
pp6
V.Pattern of Killings
"It is very hard to believe there is no death squad. There is a clear pattern, including the profile of victims, the choice of weapons, the use of motorcycles without liscence plates, and police failure in investigating the cases.". Reah de la Cruz, reporter with Radyo Totoo, DxCP-CMN, General Santos City, July 18, 2008
For over a decade, death squad killings have plagued Davao City on the southeastern coast of Mindanao. In recent years, similar targeted killings have been reported in General Santos City, Digos City, and Tagum City in Mindanao and even Cebu City in the central island of Cebu. While the exact number of victims of such killings is hard to establish, available data suggest an alarming trend.
According to the Coalition Against Summary Execution (CASE) and the Tambayan Center for the Care of Abused Children (Tambayan), the number of death squad killings of alleged drug dealers, petty criminals, and street children in Davao City that started in the mid-1990s, has increased dramatically in recent years.
CASE documented 814 death squad killings in Davao City from August 19, 1998 to February 1, 2009, 116 of which happened in 2007, 124 in 2008, and 33 in January 2009 alone. CASE distinguished death squad killings from other killings based on several factors, including whether the victim received a previous warning, the profile of the victim, and the method of killing.
A prominent local journalist who has researched Extra-Judicial Killings in Davao City since 1999 told Human Rights Watch that in the course of a month from mid-June to mid-July 2008, he documented sixty killings and an additional eight attempted murders. Data by CASE showed a steadily upward trend in the number of killings in recent years from sixty-five in 2006 to 116 in 2007 and 124 in 2008.
The reasons for the apparent rise in death squad killings are unclear, although the sharp increase in the number of illicit drug groups identified by the authorities in 2007 may offer one explanation, as many victims are alleged drug dealers or users (see Chapter IV). Local activists offer other possible explanations: first, long lasting impunity may have emboldened death squad killers, encouraging them to expand their operations, and second, the recent economic downturn may have led more poor people to resort to drug dealing and other criminal activities as it becomes more difficult to find or keep stable jobs, giving death squad members more potential targets.
However, the authorities in Davao and other cities, including Davao City Mayor Duterte, continue to deny the existence of any death squad. For example, Davao City police Director, Senior Superintendent Ramon Apolinario, told local media that the DDS does not exist, adding that, "there is no community or city that will allow these groups to do things beyond legal means. As a law enforcement officer, I stick to my mandate to observe due process, respect Human Rights of the suspect and the victim."
The City Prosecutor of Davao, Raul D.Bendigo, wrote to Human Rights Watch that his office has "no hard evidence...on the existence of the so-called Davao Death Squad (DDS)." These claims contradict consistent, detailed accounts by many individuals who have witnessed such killings, as well as information provided by "insiders" as detailed below.
The killings documented by Human Rights Watch and by local Humam Rights groups reveal a pattern in the perpetrators' modus operandi, including commonalities in the profile of the individuals targeted for killings, advance warnings to victims that they would be targeted, the types of vehicles and weapons used by the assailants, and the locations of the killings.
Warnings and Intimidation
Most victims of targeted killings in Davao City, General Santos City, and Digos City receive warnings prior to the killings. The victims (or their families) first hear that their names are on a presumed list of people slated to be killed-the so-called "Order of Battle" or OB. Such lists have long been used by the Philippine Military and police to target suspected NPA members and supporters.
As noted above, Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte personally used to announce the names of suspected criminals on local TV or radio in 2001-02, and visited communities to warn delinquent youth and their parents. Local residents say Duterte stopped this practice several years ago, but the practice generated a widely held belief that there was a connection between those publicly named and supposed lists of potential targets.
For instance, prior to the killing of Conrad Dequina in October 2007, a barangay official told Dequina's family that his name was on a "list" and advised that he leave town. According to a friend of Dequina's:
"Everybody knew whose names were on the list. I have not seen the list, but a barangay official had the names on a pievce of paper, and carried it with him when he visited each house to inform the families."
Accounts of insiders to DDS operations suggest that the police and barangay officials collect the names of drug users, people with a criminal record, and the like. Family members and others personally familiar with the victims of death squad killings consistently told Human Rights Watch that the victim had received clear threats or warnings to stop their criminal activities or other behavior-or face the consequences. Usually, the police or barangay officials delivered the warning, but neighbors and friends also passed on the message. In some cases, people were advised to leave the neighborhood, and a number of people fled after the warning. Others ignored the warnings or returned to the neighborhood after spending some time 1ay, with dire consequences.
For example, Cyrus Gitacaras, a man in his early 20s with a long criminal record, had been jailed as a suspect in a robbery case but was released in August 2007. Gitacaras told friends that a police officer had warned him that, "if he didn't watch out, he might be killed on the street." Five days after his release, unidentified assailants murdered Gitacaras in Davao City.
According to Clarita Alia, whose four sons were murdered one after another between July 2001 and April 2007, a locak policeman had warned her shortly before the first of her sons to be killed-18 year old Richard-was stabbed to death. A couple of weeks before his murder, the police tried to arrest him, but his mother resisted, demanding a warrant. Clarita Alia said:
"A policeman who introduced himself as Senior Police Oficer (NAME WITHELD BY HRW), told me, 'OK, you don't want to give your child to me, then watch out because your sons will be killed, one by one!' I was really shocked he mentioned the other sons as they were just little kids then, but he was very angry because I was pushing him out."
Just as the police officer threatened, Christopher Alia, 17, was murdered in October 2001, Bobby Alia, 14, in Nove$ber 2003, and Fernando Alia, 15, in April 2007.
Locations
Most targeted killings documented by Human Rights Watch were committed in broad daylight ub public places. Victims were targeted in front of theit houses or in nearby street, in bars and cafes, in jeepneys or tricycles, and in busy markets and shopping areas. In Davao City, death squad killings often occur in certain areas, such as a crowded market in Baankerohan, slums in the Agdao District, and along Bolton Street, a bust street lined with resturants and cafes.
According to data collected by CASE, out of 814 killings commited in Davao City from Augist 19, 1998 to February 1, 2009, 57 percent of the incidents took place in areas under the jurisdiction of three police stations: the Santa Ana police station rhat covers Agdao and Chinatown (21 percent), the Talomo police station that covers communities south of Davao City (20 percent), and the San Pedro police station that covers Davao City's downtown area including Bolton and Bankerohan (16 percent).
Perpetrators
The perpetrators of targeted killings in Mindanao typically make greater efforts to conceal their weapon than their identity. They are often seen wearing jackets or buttoned-down shirts-apparently to conceal their weapons. Baseball caps are common. In a very small number of cases, eyewitnesses say thar the gunmen wear "bonnets" (skimasks) or sunglasses. "Ramon," a DDS insider, told Human Rights Watch thar masks are rare, and usually worn when a hitman operates alone, driving a motorcycle himself.
The presence of multiple eyewitnesses does not seem to restrain the perpetrators. For example, 15 year-old Adon Manfagir qas shot dead around 3PM one day in July 2007 on Bolton Street in Dabao City, near a popular Jollubee fast-food outlet.
His friend, who witnessed the killing, told Human Rights Watch:
"There were many people in the street-after shooting Adon, the men waived their guns at the crowd, telling people to disperse. Women were shouting, some people hit the ground, and some were running away. I also got scared and hid behind a fruit stand. I could see everything from there."
Witnesses often clearly see the perpetrators. While perpetrators often wear baseball caps, as noted above, they do not try to hide their faces. In some cases they threaten bystanders before fleeing from the crime scene, waving their guns and telling them to be quiet.
The UN Special Rapporteur on Extra-Judicial Executions, Philip Alston, found the lack of effort by perpertrators of such kiLlings to disguise themselves noteworthy. He stated in his 2008 report:
"One fact points very strongly to the officially-sanctioned character of these killings, Noone involved covers his face. The men who warn mothers that their children will be next to die unless they make themselves scarce turn up on doorsteps undisguised. The men who gun down or, and this is becoming more common, knife children in the streets almost never cover their faces."
The gunmen usually arrive on motorcycles, in groups of two or three. In most reported cases, the motorcycles do not have liscence plates. The most commonly used motorcycles are XRM Honda or a larger, DR-type off-road motorcycle. In most of the documented cases by Human Rights Watch, the gunmen left on their motorcycles immediately after the attack and usually long before the police arrived.
Until 2006, perpetrators primarily used firearms-specifically, 45 caliber handguns, and in some cases, 38 caliber or 9MM handguns. The use of such firearms is a strong indicator that the murders were not perpetrated by common gang members. The 45 caliber handguns, for example, cost about P30,000 each (about US625) each. The vast majority of gang members cannot afford such expensive weapons, and mostly use knives or homemade pistols instead.
Several individuals familiar with DDS operations told Human Rights Watch that since 2006, some DDS members have started using knives instead of handguns, and have received training to this end. They say that the DDS now often favours knives because they are cheaper, attract less attention, and stab wounds make it easier for the police to claim that the victim was killed by gang members.
Data compiled by CASE confirms the increasing use of knives in alleged death squad attacks. In 2006, 38 victims were shor and 26 were stabbed. In 2007, 56 were shot, and 59 were stabbed. In 2008, 73 were shot while 50 others were stabbed (in one case each in 2006, 2007, and 2008, the method of killing was not given). Although the use of knives decreased slightly in 2008, the data still shows an overall upward trend in the use of knives. In 2005, for example, the number of victims killed with handguns reached 117, but only 9 were killed with knives.
pp7
(Map of Davao City)
pp8
VII.Victims
Targeted Victims
Most victims of death squad killings have been alleged drug dealers, petty criminals, or street children. Mistaken identity victims, bystanders, and family members or friends of intended targets have also been killed in death squad attacks. Data collected by CASE from August 19, 1998 to February 1, 2009 suggest that more than 90 percent of victims in Davao City are male. Of the 28 killings Human Rights Watch documented, all but one were male.
In the majority of cases documented by Human Rights Watch, the victims were young men or youths who had been known in their community for involvement in small scalw drug dealing or petty crimes, such as stealing cell phones, and using drugs. Those targeted included gang members, alleged drug dealers, street children (some of whom are youth gang members), and low income blue collar workers such as informal car washers, jeepney and tricycle drivers, construction workers, and fishermaen.
Of the 671 cases collected by CASE from the period between August 1998 and May 2008 in Davao City, 295 victims, or 44 percent, are believed to have been gang members or otherwise involved in criminal activities, such as using or dealing drugs, theft, or robbery. CASE notes that 13 are believed to have been "mistaken identity" cases. At least two victims were killed by stray bullets, while one was killed shielding the victim. In 363 cases, or 54 percent, there was no information available on the victim's involvement in crime.
In a number of cases documented by Human Rights Watch, police had arrested victims on suspicion of commiting a crime and then released them when they did not have sufficient evidence to bring charges. Shortly after their release, these individuals were then shot or stabbed by apparent death squad members.
For example, on November 20, 2005, police arrested 22 year old Rodolfo More, Jr. for trespassing and theft. They released him two days later, apparently because the evidence against him was not strong enough ti prosecute. Soon after a relative picked him up from the police station, an unknown assailant stabbed him to death in a jeepney that was taking them home.
The CASE data also suggest that about a third of the 814 victims in Dacai City were young adults, ages 18 to 25, and at least 9 percent were children. In 2008 alone, out of 124 victims, 46 were young adults, and another 14 were children. Another 45 were 26 or older, while there was no information on the age of 20 others. In the cases documented by Human Rights Watch, the majority if victims were teenagers or young men in their 20s.
Unintended Victims
In at least three cases documented by Human Rights Watch, the families believed that the victims were killed because they were mistaken for somebody who had been the intended target.
In one of the cases, 24 year old Gabriel Sintasas from General Santos City was shot dead on March 19, 2008. His family told Human Rights Watch that the perpetrators seemed to be looking for Gabriel's cousin, Frederick, an alleged drug dealer whom he resembled. Sintassas' mother, who witnessed the killing, told Human Rights Watch:
" I cried (to the gunman), 'You idiot! This is not Eko (Frederick's nickname)! You got the wrong man!' I know that these people were looking for Frederick- they just mistook my son for him! The killer didn't say anything in response, but he looked at Gabriel in shock, apparently realizing that he had made a mistake."
After Gabriel's murder, Frederick surrendered to the police, who told him he would have been the "next one" if he had not promptly surrendered.
On January 14, 2008, two gunmen in General Santos City shot dead Allen Conjorado, 23, and his brother Ronaldo, 15, inside a store owned by the brothers' aunt. The aunt's 6 year old daughter was also shot, but survived despite a head injury. A relative told Human Rights Watch that Allen was known in the neighborhood for selling drugs, but Ronaldo was not, and never received any warning prior to the killing.
Death Squad Members
Another category of victims includes death squad members themselves- who may be targeted because they acquired too much information about the squad's operations, because they fail to perform their tasks, or because they are particularly exposed.
Other Victims
Local activists also say that an increasing number of people are being murdered because some death squad members have become "guns for hire" and are killing people in exchange for payment. A rights activist in Davao explained:
" It costs only 5,000 pesos (about US140) to hire an assasin. If you owe more than 5,000 pesos to someone, would you pay back, or would you hire a killer to take care of the lender? If you have a dispute, it's so easy to and cheap to eliminate the other."
"Now the DDS moonlights, and work as 'guns for hire' for pretty much anyone willing to pay the price. The targets used to be criminals but now they include non-criminals. The DDS is expanding their business. The creation of the DDS has made killing a very profitable business. You are not safe, even if you did not commit any crome. You can still become a victim."
pp9
VIII.Targeted Killings
The following cases, involving 28 targeted kilings, were documented by Human Rights Watch during our research in Davao City, General Santos City, and Digos City in July, 2008.
Davao City
Jaypee Larosa, 20, killed on July 17, 2008
Jaypee Larosa, 20, had no criminal record and lived in Lanang, a quiet residential neighborhood in Davao.
At around 6PM on July 17, 2008, Larosa left home, saying he was going to a neighborhood internet cafe. A relative told Human Rights Watch that around 7PM the family heard six gunshots. A neighbor then rushed to their house and said that the "twin" had been shot, which the family immediately realized meant Jaypee, as he had a twin brother.
Family members rushed to the internet cafe, and found Larosa with several bullet wounds in front of the cafe. They took him to a hospital, but he was declared dead on arrival.
According to family members, eyewitnesses told them that Larosa had been shot by three men wearing black and dark blue jackets who arrived on a Honda Wave motorcycle. After they shot him, one of them removed the baseball cap Larosa was wearing, and said, "Son of a bitch. This is not the one," and they immediately left the scene. The police recovered an empty cartridge from a 9-mm handgun.
The family believes that Larosa was mistaken for someone else.
Shortly before the killing, the family had heard that some twin brothers had committed a robbery in the neighborhood where they used to live. A police officer had mentioned to members of the community the names of the Larosa brothers as potential suspects.
Convinced that the Larosa brothers could not have been involved in the robbery, the family confronted the police officer. On July 15, the police officer filed a libel complaint against the family. On July 16, the Larosa family filed a counter-complaint. The following day, Larosa was killed.
Adon Managit, 15, killed in July, 2007
Adon Mandagit, 15, used to live in Calinan, south of Davao City, with his family. Several years before he was killed, local police arrested Adon and beat him once for sniffing "rugby" (an industrial solvent commonly used by Filipino youth as an intoxicant) and for an alleged theft. "Ricardo," a close friend of the Mandagit family, told Human Rights Watch that Adon's mother then filed a complaint against a Calinan Police Precinct policeman for mistreating her son. As a result, the policeman was removed from the station and the police paid damages to the Mandagit family.
According to Ricardo, after the incident, the Calinan police warned Adon's mother that unless her son changed his behavior, "Something may happen to him." The mother then asked Ricardo to take her son to Davao City, and Adon moved there in early 2007.
In Davao City, Adon started working with Ricardo as an informal car washer in the Bolton area of the city.
Ricardo told Human Rights Watch that they were always together, and he tried to keep an eye on Adon, fearing for his safety. Adon's mother told him that some "men on motorcycles" were looking for Adon in Calinan, coming to the house, and asking the mother for his whereabouts.
In July 2007, Adon was shot dead in front of Ricardo. Ricardo told Human Rights Watch:
"It was around 3PM. Adon and I were on Bolton Street, washing cars near a Jollibee resturant. I went to buy cigarettes but the moment I left Adon, I heard gunshots and immediately turned around. I saw two men firing at Adon. One of them, short and heavy-built, was two or three meters away from Adon. I believe he fired the first shot. Adon stumbled, and another, taller man finished him off with another two gunshots....There were many people in the street-after shooting Adon, the men waved their guns at the crowd, telling people to disperse. Women were shouting, some people hit the ground, and some were running away. I got scared and hid behind a fruit stand. I could see everything from there."
According to Ricardo, the short man was in jeans and black jacket, and the tall one was wearing jeans, an off-white polo shirt, and a baseball cap. After shooting Adon, the men jumped on a waiting motorcycle and took off. Ricardo noticed that the motorcycle was a DT sports model, and the driver had long hair. The gunmen were armed with 45 caliber handguns.
After the gunmen left, Ricardo approached Adon. The boy was already dead- two wounds were visible in his head (one in his forehead and a second in the back of his head), and another bullet wound in the neck. Ricardo then quickly left the scene, fearing for his own life- Adon's killing was not the first one in the area and he was afraid he might be targeted as well.
Ricardo believes that Adon might also have been killed because a month before the shooting he had witnessed the murder of another car washer in the same area. As a witness to the killing, Adon was then questioned by the police. He also had given an interview about the murder on a local television channel.
Rolando Jimenes, 50, killed on June 15, 2008
Rolando Jimenes was a retired member of the CAFGU militia and lived in Davao City. In 2003, police arrested him for murder and he served time in prison until July 2007. According to a relative, shortly after his release, Rolando joined the Davao Death Squad and took part in death squad raids along with other members. He did not try to hide his affiliation with the death squad from his family.
On June 15, 2008, Jimines was drinking with a friend in a bar. An individual present in the bar later told a member of Jimines' family that a death squad member, who apparently knew Jimines, arrived on a motorcycle and came into the bar and told the customers to leave. He then approached Jimines and shot him several times, first in the side, then in the neck, twice in the head- in the middle of the forehead and in the right cheek- and then in the chest.
After the shooting, the gunman ran out of the bar where an accomplice waited on a motorcycle, and they sped off.
The police arrived at the scene about 30 minutes after the killing and conducted a basic examination of the crime scene, fingerprinting the victim and collecting bullet cartridges. The family did not file a case because, according to the witness interviewed by Human Rights Watch, "They knew about his job and thought it was useless to file." The witness was not aware of any action taken by the police to further investigate the case.
Nerito Calimbo, 42, killed on May 22, 2008; Jocelyn Calimbo, 44, killed on May 22, 2008; Aaron Sumitso, 26, killed on May 22, 2008
Nerito Calimbo, 42, was a self-employed businessman working in the mining industry, and a former New People's Army fighter who surrendered to the Government and was granted amnesty after serving two months in prison. After his surrender, he held different jobs, including as a bodyguard. Jocelyn Calimbo, 44, Nerito's wife, was a nurse.
A relative of the Calimbos told Human Rights Watch that on May 21, 2008, dozens of members of the Criminal Investigations and Detection Group (CIDG) from the Davao City Police, armed with 45-caliber handguns and wearing bullet-proof vests, entered the Calimbo residence. They searched the house without a warrant.
The officers took Nerito Calimbo to their office for questioning. They accused him of kidnapping and murder, and of being a leader of a well known gang. The next day, May 22, he was released on bail.
Calimbo's wife, Jocelyn, and his brother-in-law, Aaron Sumitso, picked him up at the barracks of the Davao City Police Office. They got into a taxi, which soon stopped because of traffic. Two men on a motorcycle approached them, shot the Calimbos and Aaron Sumitso, and fled from the scene. The taxi driver, who was unharmed, drove them to a hospital, but all three were declared dead on arrival.
The Calimbo family decided not to pursue the case with the police, fearing retribution.
In late May 2008, Chief Inspector Antonio Rivera, Chief of the Investigation Division and Management Section of the Davao City Police, told journalists that they had released a composite sketch of one of the suspects. Senior Superintendent Jaime Morente reportedly said the San Pedro Police were investigating the case, and looking at all possible motives behind the killing. Local media reported that Nerito Calimbo was a suspected leader of a well known gang called the Chigo Robbery Group.
Before Calimbo was released, CIDG-Southern Mindanao Chief Jose Jorge Corpuz allegedly had warned the victim that he was being targeted for assassination, but later clarified that his warning was based upon the presumption that Calimbo's enemies would take advantage of his release from CIDG detention.
At this writing in February 2009, the police had not reported the arrest of any suspect in the case.
Conrad Dequina, early 20s, killed on October 10, 2007
Conrad Dequina, in his early 20s, lived in Davao City. According to a friend, he was known to sniff rugby and was a suspect in a murder case. Prior to the killing, a barangay official had warned Dequina's family that his name was "on the list," and advised that he leave town.
At around 10PM, on October 10, 2007, Dequina was hanging out with friends in his neighborhood, when neighbors heard gunshots. Dequina's friend, who witnesed the killing, told Human Rights Watch that he saw three men wearing baseball caps and denim jackets.
He said that the assailants shot Dequina six times with what appeared to be 45-caliber handguns. They also shot and killed another man who was standing next to Dequina- possibly by accident.
The friend said that after the shooting, the gunmen drove around for some time, as if looking for someone else, but left just before the police arrived. He told Human Rights Watch:
"Nobody said anything, because they were all afraid. The police asked who the victim was, and laughed as if they liked what they saw. They didn't talk to any of the witnesses. And then they left, leaving behind the body and empty shells. They didn't do anything. They didn't seem to care about any evidence."
The friend does not believe the police followed up on the case. With regard to the other victim, the friend said:
"We knew the second guy was a mistake, because his name was not on the list. Everybody knew whose names were on the list. I have not seen the list, but a barangay official had the names on a piece of paper, and carried it when he visited each house to inform the families."
Dequina's friend said that three other friends of his were killed in the neighborhood between June and July 2008. He said that they were gang members and all had received warnings before the killings. All three were killed in the same manner as Dequina, and he knew of no police follow up in any of the cases.
Jumael Maunte, 24, killed in August 2007; Cyrus Gitacaras, age unknown, killed in August 2007
On August 12, 2007, Jumael Maunte and Cyrus Gitacaras went missing. On August 16, Maunte's family saw on the TV news that two bodies had been found in Mawab, Davai del Norte, about 90 kilometers northeast of Davao City. Maunte's mother went to the funeral parlor and identified one of the bodies as her son's. The body bore many bruises, a large blackened wound in the head, and three gunshot wounds in the chest. The wrists and ankles were tied with thin metal wire. The family, who are Muslims, immediately buried the body.
The second body belonged to Cyrus Gitacaras, a friend of Maunte's. The body, which had been found beside a highway by a jeepney driver, had gunshot wounds to the right eye and the chest, as well as bruises on the head. The wrists and ankles were tied.
According to Maunte's relative, Gitacaras had a long history of trouble with the law, including theft, drug use, and robbery. He was a suspect in a robbery case, and the authorities had released him from a city jail only five days before he went missing. Neighbors and barangay officials had told him his name was on a "list." Gitacaras told his friends that a police officer had warned him to watch out or he might be "killed on the street."
Maunte was a drug user. To his relative's knowledge, he had never received any warnings that his name was on a list or that his life was in danger. Fearing for his safety, his family told him to avoid Gitacaras, but Maunte would not listen, as they were close friends.
After the discovery of the bodies, Maunte's family located an individual who had been with Maunte and Gitacaras at the time of their abduction, but had managed to escape. He told the family that on August 12, the three of them were in Butuan City, which is about 220 kilometers northeast of Davao City, when a group of armed men approached them and took the two away.
The police never contacted Maunte's family about the case. According to Maunte's relative, when Maunte's mother asked the police if they had any leads in the case, they said they could not pursue the case because they did not know who was responsible for the killing. The survivor refused to make a statement to the police, as he was scared for his life.
Danilo Macasero, early 30s, killed in late May 2007
Daniel Macasero was a known drug dealer. According to a neighbor, a barangay official told Macasero that his name was on the "list." Neighbors tried to convince him to stop dealing drugs, but he continued.
Macasero's neighbor who witnessed the killing, told Human Rights Watch that in late May 2007, four men wearing baseball caps and jackets arrived in Macasero's neighborhood on two Honda XRM motorcycles. The men appeared to be staking another know drug dealer's house, and at around 8PM, Macasero walked past them.
One of the men then followed Macasero and stabbed him without warning, Macasero tried to run away, but another assailant caught up with him and stabbed him again. The man stabbed him 12 times in total.
The men then pulled out handguns that, according to Macasero's neighbor, appeared to be 38-caliber silver pistols, and pointed them to those gathered around. Macasero's neighbor said that one of them said, "Don't do anything. You are not part of this." Another one then kicked Macasero's face as he lay on the ground, and said, "Don't follow this guy, He's an addict."
Macasero's family took him to the hospital, but he was declared dead on arrival.
Richard Alia, 18, killed on July 21, 2001; Christopher Alia, 17, killed on October 20, 2001; Bobby Alia, 14, killed on November 3, 2003; Fernando Alia, 15, killed on April 13, 2007
From July 2001 to April 2007, the four Alia brothers from the Bankerohan area in Davao City fell victim to apparent death squad killings- they were stabbed to death one after the other, by unidentified perpetrators.
Richard Alia, 18, was a member of the "Notoryus" gang in Bankerohan and police had arrested him several times for petty crimes. In 2000, he survived a murder attempt when an unidentified perpetrator shot at him.
In early July 2001, the police tried to arrest him again, but his mother resisted. She told Human Rights Watch:
"The police from the San Pedro Police Station came to our house to pick him up for an alleged rape, but they didn't have a warrant. I asked for one, but they didn't have it and said they didn't need it. I protested, and then a policeman, who introduced himself as Senior Police Officer (name witheld), told me, 'OK, you don't want to give your child to me, then watch out because your sons will be killed, one by one!' I was really shocked he mentioned the other sons as they were just little kids then, but he was very angry because I was pushing him out."
On July 17, 2001, at around 4PM, Richard left his house to have a drink with a friend. Several hours later, a neighbor, who witnessed the killing, informed his mother that Richard had been stabbed to death. According to Clarita Alia, when she arrived at the scene, Richard was already dead, having sustained a fatal wound on his right side. She was unsure whether police ever opened an investigation into the killing, and she did not try to pursue the case, fearing for the safety of her other children.
Three months later, on October 20, 2001, Richard's younger brother, Christopher, 17, was also stabbed to death. Clarita Alia said:
"When somebody informed me that Christopher had been stabbed, I was startled, shocked- I realized they had started killing my kids one by one. When I got to the market where the killing happened, I saw Christopher being held by his older brother, Arnold. I think that Arnold was probably the target because he is my oldest son. People at the market said that two men were following Arnold that morning, but then apparently lost him and targeted Christopher instead. Christopher suffered one fatal wound in the chest, and had some smaller wounds on his arms- apparently, he was trying to protect himself...When the police arrived at the scene, they didn't try to find any witnesses, they just kept asking me, 'What happened? Who killed your son?' I was hysterical, and kept telling them, 'Why are you asking me? You are the policemen- ask winesses around here!'"
After Christopher's killing, his mother filed a case with the Commission on Human Rights, but she was not aware of any action taken by the Commission. Human Rights Watch sent a letter to the Commission with inquiries on the case of the Alia brothers along with some other murder victims in September 2008, and re-sent the letter a month later, but received no response.
On Nomvember 3, 2003, Bobby Alia, 14, was stabbed to death in the Bankerohan Market, the same place where Christopher had been killed. Shortly before his killing, police had arrested him for allegedly stealing a cellphone. His mother managed to secure his release- she said Bobby complained about police torture as they tried to obtain a confession from him. Two days after he was released, Bobby was stabbed in the back with a butcher's knife.
This time, witnesses to the incident said they could identify the perpetrator, a known local hitman, allegedly with close ties to the police. Clarita Alia decided not to share this information with the police. "I didn't tell them," she said, "Because this person is very close to the police, and the police know full well who the killers of my children were." She did not know whether the police had investigated Bobby's killing.
Fearing for the life of her other son, Fernando Alia, Clarita Alia tried to keep him away from Davao City. Fernando attended a boarding school away from Davao City, but according to Clarita Alia, unidentified people kept approaching Fernando there, saying, "He would be next." In 2006, Fernando returned to Davao, and soon thereafter was arrested for the first time, for sniffing rugby. He survived one murder attempt in November 2006, but unidentified assailants stabbed him to death on April 13, 2007. His mother told Human Rights Watch:
"I always kept him at home, never allowed him to go out alone. But that night I was so tired, I went to sleep early and told my daughter to keep an eye on Fernando. But apparently, he told her that he would just go to a neighbor's house, and she allowed him to leave. Next thing we knew was that he had been stabbed in the morning, by two perpetrators, on a bridge near the market. He did not die on the spot- an ambulance took him to the hospital, and when my daughter got there, the doctors were trying to revive him. But they dis not succeed, and several hours later he was pronounced dead."
Clarita Alia said that two minors who allegedly witnessed the killing from a distance were too scared to testify. As with the three other killings, the mother had no information from the police about the progress of the investigation, and to date none of the perpetrators have been arrested.
Jesus Ormido, 18, killed on October 10, 2004; Jay-ar Omido, 20, killed on June 1, 2006
Jesus Ormido, 18, was a tricycle dispatcher in Davao City. In the past he had been jailed for several months for sniffing rugby and stealing cellphones. A barangay official once told Jesus' grandmother that Jesus should be careful, adding that he would not want anything to happen to "any of the family members."
At around 4PM on October 5, 2004, two men wearing black skimasks and black jackets approached Jesus Ormido at the tricycle terminal where he worked. Without warning, they stabbed him once and shot him four times. According to a relative (who had talked to witnesses), the men rode a black and white DT type Yamaha motorcycle. Jesus' relative said the witnesses heard them saying, "You will not be the last. We will get another in your family." Police officers were in the vicinity, but they did not chase the assailants. Scene of Crime Operations (SOCO) officers arrived and collected spent shell casings. The police later told the family that they could not file a case because no witness could describe the gunmen.
Jesus Ormidio did not die on the spot, and police took him to a hospital. His condition stabilized, but five days later, as his family was waiting outside his ward, they were suddenly called in. By the time they arrived at the ward, Jesus was bleeding profusely from his earlier wound. The doctors performed CPR, but were unable to save him.
A patient on the adjacent bed told the family that a big man had come in, wearing a black shirt and a white doctor's gown with its hem stuck on his waistband on the backside, "as if he had put it on hastily." He had squeezed Jesus' wound until it bled. Jesus kicked around, but he could not yell, because a tube was blocking his airway. After some time he was still, and did not move again. The police who arrived at the hospital concluded it was murder, but according to the relative, did not follow up with an investigation.
Jesus' younger brother, Jay-ar Ormido, 20, also worked as a tricycle dispatcher. On June 1, 2006, Jay-ar went to a neighbor's wake where he met an acquaintance who was a police officer. Jay-ar stayed overnight, but as he was leaving the next morning, the police officer and another man driving a green DT-type motorcycle approached him.
According to Jesus' relative, an eyewitness said the policeman shot Jay-ar once, without saying anything. Jay-ar fell on the ground, tried to get up and run, but could not. The policeman then shot Jay-ar, who was lying on the ground, five more times. The witness said that the policeman and the other man drove away aboard the motorcycle.
SOCO officers recovered spent bullet casings from the crime scene, examined the wounds, and talked to witnesses. They also took. Jay-ar's body to a funeral parlor.
After learning from a witness that a police officer had been on the motorcycle with the other assailant, Jay-ar's family filed a complaint against the police officer, only to discover that he was no longer in service and had left Davao City. The family was unaware of any further action being taken on the case.
Rodolfo More Jr., 22, killed on November 10, 2005
Rodolfo More Jr. lived in a neighborhood in the Agdao District in Davao City known as "Barrio Patay" (Place of Death), because of the numerous killings that have occurred there over many years.
According to a relative, More's family heard that he had been "on the list." On November 20, 2005, More was arrested for trespassing and theft- it was his third arrest. On the afternoon of November 22, a relative picked him up at the Santa Ana Police Station in Davao. They got into a jeepney a few meters away from the station. The relative sat with her back against him, and turned around when she suddenly heard his scream. Rodolfo was lying on the bench of the jeepney. More had been stabbed in the chest. She saw a man jump out and walk away, as if nothing happened. The driver seemed too shocked to stop the vehicle, and since More's relative was also in shock, and didn't know what to do, she just asked the driver to take them home.
When they arrived at More's home, his father took him to a hospital, where he was declared dead on arrival. To the family's knowledge, the police did not investigate the case. The More family did not go to the police as they were concerned they would have to pay to file a complaint and could not afford it.
Kim "Keno" Garcia, 20, killed on November 11, 2005
Kim "Keno" Garcia had been a gang member in Davao City since he was 13 years old. He was jailed several times for theft, rugby sniffing, and other petty crimes. According to Garcia's friend, who learned of the details of the killing from an eyewitness, on November 11, 2005, Garcia was waiting for a friend in front of a convenience store when two men on a motorcycle approached him and stabbed him to death. Garcia sustained 14 stab wounds. Prior to the killing, he had once left the city after receiving an anonymous warning. The friend told Human Rights Watch:
"In 2004, he received a letter warning him that unless he left, he would be killed. He came back in June 2005 because he wanted to be with his gang. He was handed over to the police by a village watchman shortly after his return. The police asked, 'It's you again? Weren't you warned already and haven't you left the place?'...That's why we concluded that there was some cooperation between the DDS and the police. Of course, it wasn't the police that warned him, but they knew about it very well."
Garcia's friend dis not know whether the police ever opened an investigation into the killing.
Romeo Jaca, 17, killed on May 26, 2003
Romeo Jaca, 17, was a leader of a youth gang with several dozen members. The gang members drank and used drugs together, were involved in theft and prostitution, and fought with rival youth gangs. A few months before Jaca's killing, his mother heard that the barangay office was collecting names of gang members. She tried to convince him and his older brother to leave the neighborhood.
According to Romeo's relative who learned of the circumstances of the killing from eyewitnesses, late on night on May 26, 2003, a neighbor told Jaca that an official with the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency wanted to see him. Jaca left home to meet the official, walked past a small alley, and stopped in the middle of the street when he saw someone standing on the other side. He then turned and ran back into the alley but the asailant followed, shooting him while three other men cornered him. He was shot three times, in the head, back, and leg. The gunman and three others fled immediately. Two of them rode in a white van without a liscence plate. The other two drove a DT-type offroad motorcycle with no liscence plate.
The police later told the family the cause of death was a gunshot wound in the head inflicted by a 45-caliber handgun. But, according to Jaca's relative, the family did not file a case and the police did not follow up with any further investigation. The relative said:
"A lot of kilings happen. Nothing gets resolved. Nobody gets convicted. There is no point in filing a case (complaint). If we file a case, we are afraid other men in the family would be targeted next.
General Santos City
Danilo Auges, 38, killed on May 26, 2008; Aldrin Alba, 22, killed on June 10, 2008; Dodon Borga, 17, killed on July 2008; "Kawaylan" 20, killed on July 17, 2008
Danilo Augues, a construction worker in General Santos City, was a drug user who used to hang out with local drug dealers. His relatives say that he had been arrested once for stealing a cellphone, but released once the phone was returned to the owner. They say he did not deal drugs himself, although the media tried to portray him that way after the killing.
On May 26, 2008, Auges was grilling fish in the yard of his house with a friend and a nephew. At around 430PM, a relative of Augue's came home. She told Human Rights Watch:
"I went into the house, and when I came back into the yard some time later, I saw Danilo face to face with a gunman. The gunman had dark skin and long hair, and was wearing basketball shorts and a loose t-shirt. I saw his companion on a motorcycle parked a couple of meters away- it was a black XRM motorcycle, and the driver was wearing a military hat...The gunman, who had a pistol in his hand, was asking Danilo about some other man, Jon-Jon. I came forward and said that there was no one with such a name in our block. But the gunman didn't leave. Danilo apparently sensed something was wrong and tried to get inside the house, but at that moment the gunman shot him. He first shot him in the back, and then, when Danilo fell on the ground, the gunman kneeled next to him and shot him twice more, in the head, behind both ears....I was in shock, and kept shouting, 'Dan! Dan! Dan!' The gunman then jumped on the motorcycle that pulled by and they drove away."
According to the relatives, the police did not arrive until about 30 minutes after the killing even though the police station is located very close to the house and neighbors immediately reported the incident to them. Auges' relatives provided the police with a description of the gunman. A Scene of Crime Operatives team took pictures of the crime scene, collected Auge's fingerprints, and retrieved one of the cartridges, telling the family that the bullet was from a 45-caliber handgun.
At the time they spoke to Human Rights Watch, the relatives were not aware of any progress in the investigation and were scared to inquire with the police, fearing retribution.
Shortly after Augue's killing, at least three of his close acquaintances also became victims of apparent death squad killings.
According to Augue's relatives, shortly after her brother's killing, the family of his friend Aldrin Alba received a text message on a cellphone, which read, "The person who receives this message will be the next one to be killed after Danilo."
Aldrin Alba was killed on June 10, 2008. Three armed men arrived at Alba's house on a motorcycle. They first shot him in the legs and then shot him four more times as he was trying to run into the street. Two other friends of Auges,' Dodon Borga and "Kawalyan," were shot dead in a similar manner in the first week of 2008. Auges' relatives told Human Rights Watch that her brother and Alba were killed, the two men fled the town and went into hiding. However, their families later said that armed men on motorcycles found Borga and Kawalyan and shot them both dead.
Gabriel Sintasas, 24, killed on March 19, 2008
The family of Gabriel Sintasas, a charcoal trader from General Santos City, shared a house with his cousin, Frederick Lanuy. On January 2008, the neighbors told Sintasas' family that several men on a motorcycle had started coming to the neighborhood looking for Lanuy, who then left town and went into hiding.
In March 2008, Sintasas and his pregnant wife moved to her mother's house so that the mother could look after the wife.
At around 7AM on March 19, 2008, the family was having breakfast. Gabriel, who finshed his meal first, went out to the street and stood near a fence. Almost immediately, an unidentified perpetrator shot him desd. The family believes he was mistaken for Lanuy, whom he resembles. His mother described the incident to Human Rights Watch:
"I went outside after him. He was outside with hid two year old son, helping the child put his shoes on. I turned for a second to go back to the house, but I just made two steps when I heard gunshots. When I turned around, I saw a man holding a gun directed at Gabriel- he was lying on the ground, and my grandson was standing next to him...The man with the gun was about 25 years old, handsome, and was wearing a blue baseball cap, blue shorts, and a jacket. I cried, 'You idiot! This is not Eko (Frederick's nickname)! You got the wrong man!' I knew that these people were looking for Fredrick- they just mistook my son for him! The killer didn't say anything in response, but he looked at Gabriel in shock, apparently realizing he's made a mistake...There was a motorcycle parked some eight meters away. It was a blue XRM, and the driver was wearing a black jacket, black pants, and a black helmet with white stripes. He pulled over and urged the killer to get away...Gabriel was still alive when I approached him. He tried to speak and his eyelashes were fluttering. But he was turning pale very fast. There was a bullet hole behind his ear. Just one. But there was a lot of blood...We were trying to ask the child what happened to his father, but he couldn't say anything. He was just pointing his finger behind his left ear. There was nothing we could do. We just stayed there, crying."
Sintasas' relatives told Human Rights Watch that when the police arrived at the crime scene, he was already dead. The police examined the wound and the position of the body, and picked up the spent bullet casings. Sintasa's wife said that the Scene of Crime Operatives investigators questioned her but did not take down her statement. The police told the family that Sintasas had been shot with a 45-ciber handgun.
Because it was Muslim holy weel the family hurriedly buried the body. Since then the family has had no further interaction wuth the police. Sintasas' wife:
"We didn't go to the police to inquire about the case, because we had a strong suspicion that the people who killed my husband were either policemen themselves or well known to the police. A wife of an officer from the Fermin Lira Police Camp told me some 10 days after the killing that this murder caused some trouble in the police- they called a meeting when they discovered that it was a mistake and that they felt sorry."
According to relatives, Frederick Lanuy surrendered to the police shortly thereafter and was charged with drug dealing. When Sintasas' wife came to visit him in detention, Lanuy said that when he turned himself in the policeman told him he was lucky he surrendered on time otherwise he "would have been the next one."
At the time they spoke to Human Rights Watch, the relatives had no further information on any progress in the investigation.
Allen Conjorado, 23, killed on January 14, 2008; Ronaldo Conjorado, 15, killed on January 14, 2008; "Malaya," shot on January 14, 2008
Allen Conjorado was a fisherman, and his younger brother, Ronaldo Conjorado, worked as a laborer at a company that manufactured fishing boats. Both lived in General Santos City
A relative who witnessed the killings told Human Rights Watch that Allen was known in the neighborhood for selling drugs. Neighbors told the family that he was on the list of "people to be executed." The neighbors repeatedly warned the family that Allen should leave, but he did not take the warning seriously. The family never had any warning regarding their 15 year old son Ronaldo.
The relative told Human Rights Watch that on January 14, 2008, Allen and Ronaldo were at a amall store owned by their aunt. At around 11AM, three men on a red and white Honda XRM 200 Honda motorcycle appeared outside the store. They parked the motorcycle, and two of them entered the store and shot Allen and Ronaldo, as well as their aunt's six year old daighter. When they walked out, the third man, who was waiting outside, shouted that someone was still alive, and the two gunmen returned and shot Ronaldo again.
According to the relative, the motorcycle had no liscence had no liscence plate and the two gunmen wore baseball caps, khaki camouflage shirts, and jeans. The police later told the family that the gunmen had used a 45-caliber and a 9MM handgun.
Immediately after the shooting, their relatives took Allen and Ronaldo to the hospital, but both were pronounced dead on arrival. The aunt's daughter, who was also taken to the hospital with a head injury, survived.
According to the relative, the police have not contacted the family since, and the family has not been informed whether the police had opened a case.
Digos City
Marco Angelo, 16, killed on March 27, 2003
On March 27, 2003, in Digos City, the family of highschool student Marco Angelo waited for his return from school. When he did not come home in the evening, they thought he might have stayed with a friend, but in the morning the family got worried and started searching for him.
At around 8AM on March 28, an acquaintance informed the family that Marco's body had been found outside the city, and that he had been "salvaged" (Philippine slang for a 'Targeted Killing").
According to the family, Marco's body bore marks of torture- burns on his chest, teeth knocked out- and one bullet wound, under his chin. The body was tied with a rope. The body was found in a secluded place, and the family did not manage thr family did not manage to find any direct witnesses to the killing.
The family said that despite their requests, the police did not conduct a thorough investigation into the killing, and instead kept saying that Marco had been killed by members of the gang from his school.
A local community leader, who has been following Extra-Judicial Killings in Digos City, provided Humam Rights Watch with further details of the case. He believed that Marco was a suspected drug user and had been killed by the Digos Death Squad after his classmate, a Death Squad member, delivered him to the place where the execution took place. The classmate, according to this source, was the son of a policeman who was one of the Death Squad handlers in the area. Marco may have been tortured because the Death Squad was trying to get the names of drug dealers from him. A local official, familiar with the Digos Death Squad operations, confirmed to Human Rights Watch that this was likely a motive for the killing.
Abdul Naser Diamad, 30, killed in 2001
According to a relative, Abdul Naser Diamad dealt drugs and had been arrested before for selling drugs.
Diamad's relative, who talked to eyewitnesses, told Human Rights Watch that on April 1, 2000, two gunmen aboard a motorcycle shot him twice, on his cheek and neck, in front of his house. He required hospitalisation for several weeks, but survived. When the family inquired with the police, the police said he had beeb shot by other drug dealers, but didn't explain how they knew that.
Eyewitnesses told the family that the assailants used what appeared to be one 45-caliber handgun and another 9MM handgun, and were riding an XRM Honda motorcycle. One was wearing a baseball cap, the other a khaki army hat. The family told police what they heard from witnesses, including that the shooter appeared to be a known police officer, but the police ignored this information.
Diamad's relative said the police neither conducted a forensic investigation nor talked to witnesses. The police told the family that they did not file a case because they could not identify. The gunmen.
About a year later, Diamad was finally shot. The relative told Human Rights Watch thar he had witnessed the killing. He sand that the gunmen, at least one of whom had an automatic rifle, shot Diamad in front of his house. He was first shot in the stomach, and when he fell on the ground, the gunmen shot him again. Diamad's father rushed him to the hospital, but this time the doctors did not manage to save his life.
The relative told Human Rights Watch that the family was unaware of any progress in the investigation. He mentioned, however, that a police intelligence officer, who was a family friend, told them that Diamad had been shot by members of a death squad.
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IX.The Perpetrators: Inside the Davao Death Squad
" Neither of (my friends in the death squad) has education, so there aren't that many choices out there for them. They prefer this job to being involved in ordinary crime because this is the safest illegal activity that also pays well. They are not afraid because the person who would be the one to arrest them is usually their boss, and the rest is coordinated with the police."
-"Anthony" describing friends who are members of the DDS, Davao City, July 27, 2008
In our research, we spoke with nine persons with insider knowledge of the structure and functioning of the so-called Davao Death Squad (DDS). Some of these "insiders" were relatives or friends of current or former DDS members, others had directly talked to members of the DDS, or had dealings with them. Some of the sources also provided information on other similar groups. Their accounts were detailed, internally consistent, and credible, and provide insight into the inner workings of the DDS. This chapter is based on those accounts.
The most detailed account provided to Human Rights Watch was from a young man, Ramon, who claimed that his closest friend has been an active member of the DDS since 2005, Ramon also asserted that he had, on one occaison visited a DDS training compound and on another occaison socialized with a large squad of death squad members. Human Rights Watch also interviewed two barangay officials who had detailed knowledge of the functioning of the DDS in their part of Davao City, and explained the role of the police and barangay officials in the killings.
Membership, Structure, Equipment
Corroborated accounts by several persons interviewed by Human Rights Watch suggest that in recent years that the DDS has developed into a well structured force.
Most members of the DDS fall into two main groups. According to several insiders, the older members, some of whom were recruited back in the early 2000s, were primarily members of the so-called "Sparrow Units" of the NPA who surrendered to the Government, as well as some former military and police personnel.
One insider said that a high ranking DDS member in his area had been a member of a "Sparrow Unit" who surrendered directly to Davao City Mayor Duterte. He then ran a private business while at the same time working for the DDS. In October 2007, this man won an election into a barangay council and became the head of the Peace and Order Committee in the barangay.
"Cecilia" talked to Human Rights Watch about a neighbor of hers- an alleged long time death squad member. She said:
"He was also an employee at the City Hall, and a member of "Guardian." Its a fraternal organization for former and current military and police officers, plus some civilians. He told me he had been a driver for the DDS for eight years. Sometimes he was tasked to kill, and he had killed a few peiple."
"Angela" said that an uncle of hers was a retired member of the CAFGU militia. In 2003, he was arrested on murder charges and sentenced to 12 years in prison. However, after serving less than 5 years, he was released on probation and joined the DDS two months later. Angela said, "My uncle told us he was hired as a tirrador (hitman)."
Other recruits are young men and boys, many of whom habe no job and no place to live. They often have a criminal record, and were themselves at one time "on the list." Thus, for them the choice was between being a potential victim of the DDS, or joining the ranks. Ramon told Human Rights Watch that some members of the DDS are as young as 17 years old, although, they are used as look outs rather than hitmen. A local community leader in Digos City told Human Rights Watch how a high school student, the son of an alleged death squad member, "delivered" a classmate to the squad for the latter's torture and execution, suggesting that at least in some cases children play a more active role.
Another insider, "Anthony," said that four DDS members he knew, between 25 and 35 years old, were all jobless and involved "in a bit of drug pushing" before joining the DDS.
The DDS, which according to Ramon currently has more than 500 members, is run by handlers. Such a handler is called an Amo (boss).
The amo is usually a policeman or ex-policeman, and un some cased, a barangay official. Ramon mentioned that his friend's amo was a former policeman.. He said that this man lived in the Catitipan area of Davao City, which has housing for police officers near a police camp. Two other insiders, "Fernando" and "Anthony," who knew two and four death death squad members respectively, also said that all of their friends' handlers were acting police officers.
A local journalist, who has been investigating Extra-Judicial killings in Davao City for almost ten years, believed that all handlers report to the police precinct commander in their area who distributes money for "operations" and reports, in turn, to an official in the City Government- "the big boss." Anthony also said that he was aware of of a three tier system- high ranking police officials, regular police officers ("handlers")), and the "personnel" (hitmen, drivers, and lookouts).
Two local barangay officials interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that in their area, the two handlers were the Chief of Barangay Police ("chief of operations") and a barangay council member currently the head of the barangay Peace and Order Committee.
In one illustrative case, a few months before 21 year old Noel Mindoza was shot dead, the local barangay captain told his mother that he should stop taking drugs, because the "Davao Death Squad" was on the watch. The barangay captain told the mother, "If Noel does not stop, I will give you a coffin."
Insider accounts suggest that, depending on the area, each amo handles ten to twelve members, sometimes divided into cells of two, three, or four men. For example, Ramon said that his friend was part of a cell of four people, and his amo handled three such cells, which often met together as a group. Fernando also said that each of the cells his friends belong to had three people- a hitman, a lookout, and a driver. They switch roles from operation to operation.
According to Ramon, the handlers provide members of the group with weapons- handguns and knives- as well as motorcycles for transportation. They also sometimes provide housing and food- especially when new recruits are youth who ran away from home or when members need a temporary hideout.
All insiders interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that the firearms issued to DDS members were mostly 45-caliber handguns. On occasion, DDS members use 38-caliber or 9MM handguns, typically because they owned the guns prior to joining the DDS. In the cases reported to Human Rights Watch, the perpetrators typically used 45-caliber or 38-caliber handguns.
Ramon explained that the use of 45-caliber handguns makes it easy to distinguish the killings committed by the DDS from ones perpetrated in the course of gang wars. He said that the vast majority of gang members cannot afford 45-caliber handguns, which cost about 30,000 Pesos (about US625) each. At best, gang members can afford 38-caliber handguns, but would use homemade guns called "sumpak." Ramon added, "My friend's amo once said that the guns they received were purchased by the city government for the police and then distributed among the (handlers)"- an assertion Human Rights Watch could not verify.
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As I haven't included unnecessary annotations from the report I need to mention at least one here; The purported victim in Davao City, Jaypee Larosa, the first of all twenty-eight victims listed above, is the nephew of Leonilo Larosa. Larosa is himself a well known hitman in the Davao Region. In December of 2007 he murdered radio disc jockey Ferdie Lintuan so that that connection is of course very important in considering the innuendo made in the Jaypee Larosa killing. Indeed, most of the cases HRW chose to focus on are bogus. Stabbings? First let me say that there is indeed a fair amount of highly organised Extra-Judicial Execution and Killing there is of course an operative difference between "killing" and "executing") and most of it is coming from the Big Kahuna himself, the sociopathic Vice Mayor of Davao City, Rodrigo Duterte. However, imagine that you are putting together a group to undertake such an endeavor. Would you have the assailant shoot or stab? If you pull a knife on someone they need only be armed themselves and it is all over for your killer, and after unmasking his identity, probably you as well. There is far too much room for error with bladed weapons.
Of course, within the last 6 months old Ruthless Roddy has put together a new group of orgiastic bloodletting psychopaths known as the "Latigo Squad." The group of lovelies travel the city's poorest barangays at night looking for young teens violating the city's curfew for teenagers and children, and/or engaging in minor vices like drinking and smoking and instead of killing them, has been horribly humiliating them by whipping them- yep, whipping them- until they collapse in a bloodied heap. Indeed, most often this has been done by men wearing superhero-like capes and masks (I am serious mind you). Lest anyone fear that Ratchety Roddy is facing a new, even more insane competitor, on the October 4th, 2011 edition of Vice Mayor Rodrigo's Tuesday TV show, "Ato Ni Bay," the Vice Mayor once again came within a milimeter of outing himself when he looked at the camera and asked critics if they prefer he shoot such children in the head. Then he dared CHR, the Commission on Human Rights to investigate him yet again. He said instead people should be criticising parents who allow their children to run around the city's streets at all hours of the night. Ahhhh, who needs movies and books when Davao City's own Benevolent Dictator is on the airwaves?
So, who is to say that Jolly Rodrigo might not want a few slicing and dicing kills just for good measure? Either way, HRW could have found very compelling cases to feature instead of highly questionable ones that they instead focused on. Each ome only has a "relative," almost always unnamed, making accusations absolutely devoid of any kind of proof, even circumstantial. Makes me wonder if it was even an authentic attempt at tackling the issue. Had I been Duterte's Public Relations hack (egad, perish the nightmare), I couldn't have hoped for a lamer "investigation." Still, factually it passes muster and offers at least an entrypoint for someone who truly wants to look into the subject.
I will conclude the report in "Part 3."
"You Can Die at any Time: The Davao Death Squad"
pp5
Targeted Killings in Mindanao and Beyond
While the focus of the report is on alleged death squad activities in Davao City, Human Rights Watch also conducted field
research in Digos City and General Santos City. The research demonstrated that targeted killings in these cities partly started out of efforts by the Davao Death Squad to track down individuals who had left Davao City for the presumed safety of neighboring locales. But such targeted killings-that now involve locally based killers-appears to reflect local government support and possible direct participation in politically popular if highly abusive anti-crime measures.
Human Rights Watch is also worried by the news of targeted killings of suspected criminals in cities outside of Mindanao. Among the cities of particular concern is Cebu City. The media in Cebu City treat the existence of a death squad in the city as a matter of fact, just as their counterparts in Davao City do. News archives from as early as 2003-2004 show articles on apparent targeted killings of suspected criminals.
In his response to a letter from Human Rights Watch, Cebu City Mayor Tomas R.Osmena described a pattern of killings in Cebu similar to those in Davao City. In relation to 202 cases registered in the city from December 2004 to September 2008, he noted:
"The majority are categorized as 'summary/vigilante style of killings' for the perpetrators are usually unknown, ridung in motorcycles and wearing masks, bonnets, or helmets. Information gathered during the investigation revealed that most of the victims are either having crimin records or ex-convicts, fraternity members or suspected to be involved in (a) drug syndicate."
Osmena emphasized the efforts of law enforcement to investigate and prosecute the cases, but did not provide details of these efforts beyond noting that "some cases were filed in court and now (are) pending...resolution for the suspects (who) were identified and arrested."
pp6
V.Pattern of Killings
"It is very hard to believe there is no death squad. There is a clear pattern, including the profile of victims, the choice of weapons, the use of motorcycles without liscence plates, and police failure in investigating the cases.". Reah de la Cruz, reporter with Radyo Totoo, DxCP-CMN, General Santos City, July 18, 2008
For over a decade, death squad killings have plagued Davao City on the southeastern coast of Mindanao. In recent years, similar targeted killings have been reported in General Santos City, Digos City, and Tagum City in Mindanao and even Cebu City in the central island of Cebu. While the exact number of victims of such killings is hard to establish, available data suggest an alarming trend.
According to the Coalition Against Summary Execution (CASE) and the Tambayan Center for the Care of Abused Children (Tambayan), the number of death squad killings of alleged drug dealers, petty criminals, and street children in Davao City that started in the mid-1990s, has increased dramatically in recent years.
CASE documented 814 death squad killings in Davao City from August 19, 1998 to February 1, 2009, 116 of which happened in 2007, 124 in 2008, and 33 in January 2009 alone. CASE distinguished death squad killings from other killings based on several factors, including whether the victim received a previous warning, the profile of the victim, and the method of killing.
A prominent local journalist who has researched Extra-Judicial Killings in Davao City since 1999 told Human Rights Watch that in the course of a month from mid-June to mid-July 2008, he documented sixty killings and an additional eight attempted murders. Data by CASE showed a steadily upward trend in the number of killings in recent years from sixty-five in 2006 to 116 in 2007 and 124 in 2008.
The reasons for the apparent rise in death squad killings are unclear, although the sharp increase in the number of illicit drug groups identified by the authorities in 2007 may offer one explanation, as many victims are alleged drug dealers or users (see Chapter IV). Local activists offer other possible explanations: first, long lasting impunity may have emboldened death squad killers, encouraging them to expand their operations, and second, the recent economic downturn may have led more poor people to resort to drug dealing and other criminal activities as it becomes more difficult to find or keep stable jobs, giving death squad members more potential targets.
However, the authorities in Davao and other cities, including Davao City Mayor Duterte, continue to deny the existence of any death squad. For example, Davao City police Director, Senior Superintendent Ramon Apolinario, told local media that the DDS does not exist, adding that, "there is no community or city that will allow these groups to do things beyond legal means. As a law enforcement officer, I stick to my mandate to observe due process, respect Human Rights of the suspect and the victim."
The City Prosecutor of Davao, Raul D.Bendigo, wrote to Human Rights Watch that his office has "no hard evidence...on the existence of the so-called Davao Death Squad (DDS)." These claims contradict consistent, detailed accounts by many individuals who have witnessed such killings, as well as information provided by "insiders" as detailed below.
The killings documented by Human Rights Watch and by local Humam Rights groups reveal a pattern in the perpetrators' modus operandi, including commonalities in the profile of the individuals targeted for killings, advance warnings to victims that they would be targeted, the types of vehicles and weapons used by the assailants, and the locations of the killings.
Warnings and Intimidation
Most victims of targeted killings in Davao City, General Santos City, and Digos City receive warnings prior to the killings. The victims (or their families) first hear that their names are on a presumed list of people slated to be killed-the so-called "Order of Battle" or OB. Such lists have long been used by the Philippine Military and police to target suspected NPA members and supporters.
As noted above, Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte personally used to announce the names of suspected criminals on local TV or radio in 2001-02, and visited communities to warn delinquent youth and their parents. Local residents say Duterte stopped this practice several years ago, but the practice generated a widely held belief that there was a connection between those publicly named and supposed lists of potential targets.
For instance, prior to the killing of Conrad Dequina in October 2007, a barangay official told Dequina's family that his name was on a "list" and advised that he leave town. According to a friend of Dequina's:
"Everybody knew whose names were on the list. I have not seen the list, but a barangay official had the names on a pievce of paper, and carried it with him when he visited each house to inform the families."
Accounts of insiders to DDS operations suggest that the police and barangay officials collect the names of drug users, people with a criminal record, and the like. Family members and others personally familiar with the victims of death squad killings consistently told Human Rights Watch that the victim had received clear threats or warnings to stop their criminal activities or other behavior-or face the consequences. Usually, the police or barangay officials delivered the warning, but neighbors and friends also passed on the message. In some cases, people were advised to leave the neighborhood, and a number of people fled after the warning. Others ignored the warnings or returned to the neighborhood after spending some time 1ay, with dire consequences.
For example, Cyrus Gitacaras, a man in his early 20s with a long criminal record, had been jailed as a suspect in a robbery case but was released in August 2007. Gitacaras told friends that a police officer had warned him that, "if he didn't watch out, he might be killed on the street." Five days after his release, unidentified assailants murdered Gitacaras in Davao City.
According to Clarita Alia, whose four sons were murdered one after another between July 2001 and April 2007, a locak policeman had warned her shortly before the first of her sons to be killed-18 year old Richard-was stabbed to death. A couple of weeks before his murder, the police tried to arrest him, but his mother resisted, demanding a warrant. Clarita Alia said:
"A policeman who introduced himself as Senior Police Oficer (NAME WITHELD BY HRW), told me, 'OK, you don't want to give your child to me, then watch out because your sons will be killed, one by one!' I was really shocked he mentioned the other sons as they were just little kids then, but he was very angry because I was pushing him out."
Just as the police officer threatened, Christopher Alia, 17, was murdered in October 2001, Bobby Alia, 14, in Nove$ber 2003, and Fernando Alia, 15, in April 2007.
Locations
Most targeted killings documented by Human Rights Watch were committed in broad daylight ub public places. Victims were targeted in front of theit houses or in nearby street, in bars and cafes, in jeepneys or tricycles, and in busy markets and shopping areas. In Davao City, death squad killings often occur in certain areas, such as a crowded market in Baankerohan, slums in the Agdao District, and along Bolton Street, a bust street lined with resturants and cafes.
According to data collected by CASE, out of 814 killings commited in Davao City from Augist 19, 1998 to February 1, 2009, 57 percent of the incidents took place in areas under the jurisdiction of three police stations: the Santa Ana police station rhat covers Agdao and Chinatown (21 percent), the Talomo police station that covers communities south of Davao City (20 percent), and the San Pedro police station that covers Davao City's downtown area including Bolton and Bankerohan (16 percent).
Perpetrators
The perpetrators of targeted killings in Mindanao typically make greater efforts to conceal their weapon than their identity. They are often seen wearing jackets or buttoned-down shirts-apparently to conceal their weapons. Baseball caps are common. In a very small number of cases, eyewitnesses say thar the gunmen wear "bonnets" (skimasks) or sunglasses. "Ramon," a DDS insider, told Human Rights Watch thar masks are rare, and usually worn when a hitman operates alone, driving a motorcycle himself.
The presence of multiple eyewitnesses does not seem to restrain the perpetrators. For example, 15 year-old Adon Manfagir qas shot dead around 3PM one day in July 2007 on Bolton Street in Dabao City, near a popular Jollubee fast-food outlet.
His friend, who witnessed the killing, told Human Rights Watch:
"There were many people in the street-after shooting Adon, the men waived their guns at the crowd, telling people to disperse. Women were shouting, some people hit the ground, and some were running away. I also got scared and hid behind a fruit stand. I could see everything from there."
Witnesses often clearly see the perpetrators. While perpetrators often wear baseball caps, as noted above, they do not try to hide their faces. In some cases they threaten bystanders before fleeing from the crime scene, waving their guns and telling them to be quiet.
The UN Special Rapporteur on Extra-Judicial Executions, Philip Alston, found the lack of effort by perpertrators of such kiLlings to disguise themselves noteworthy. He stated in his 2008 report:
"One fact points very strongly to the officially-sanctioned character of these killings, Noone involved covers his face. The men who warn mothers that their children will be next to die unless they make themselves scarce turn up on doorsteps undisguised. The men who gun down or, and this is becoming more common, knife children in the streets almost never cover their faces."
The gunmen usually arrive on motorcycles, in groups of two or three. In most reported cases, the motorcycles do not have liscence plates. The most commonly used motorcycles are XRM Honda or a larger, DR-type off-road motorcycle. In most of the documented cases by Human Rights Watch, the gunmen left on their motorcycles immediately after the attack and usually long before the police arrived.
Until 2006, perpetrators primarily used firearms-specifically, 45 caliber handguns, and in some cases, 38 caliber or 9MM handguns. The use of such firearms is a strong indicator that the murders were not perpetrated by common gang members. The 45 caliber handguns, for example, cost about P30,000 each (about US625) each. The vast majority of gang members cannot afford such expensive weapons, and mostly use knives or homemade pistols instead.
Several individuals familiar with DDS operations told Human Rights Watch that since 2006, some DDS members have started using knives instead of handguns, and have received training to this end. They say that the DDS now often favours knives because they are cheaper, attract less attention, and stab wounds make it easier for the police to claim that the victim was killed by gang members.
Data compiled by CASE confirms the increasing use of knives in alleged death squad attacks. In 2006, 38 victims were shor and 26 were stabbed. In 2007, 56 were shot, and 59 were stabbed. In 2008, 73 were shot while 50 others were stabbed (in one case each in 2006, 2007, and 2008, the method of killing was not given). Although the use of knives decreased slightly in 2008, the data still shows an overall upward trend in the use of knives. In 2005, for example, the number of victims killed with handguns reached 117, but only 9 were killed with knives.
pp7
(Map of Davao City)
pp8
VII.Victims
Targeted Victims
Most victims of death squad killings have been alleged drug dealers, petty criminals, or street children. Mistaken identity victims, bystanders, and family members or friends of intended targets have also been killed in death squad attacks. Data collected by CASE from August 19, 1998 to February 1, 2009 suggest that more than 90 percent of victims in Davao City are male. Of the 28 killings Human Rights Watch documented, all but one were male.
In the majority of cases documented by Human Rights Watch, the victims were young men or youths who had been known in their community for involvement in small scalw drug dealing or petty crimes, such as stealing cell phones, and using drugs. Those targeted included gang members, alleged drug dealers, street children (some of whom are youth gang members), and low income blue collar workers such as informal car washers, jeepney and tricycle drivers, construction workers, and fishermaen.
Of the 671 cases collected by CASE from the period between August 1998 and May 2008 in Davao City, 295 victims, or 44 percent, are believed to have been gang members or otherwise involved in criminal activities, such as using or dealing drugs, theft, or robbery. CASE notes that 13 are believed to have been "mistaken identity" cases. At least two victims were killed by stray bullets, while one was killed shielding the victim. In 363 cases, or 54 percent, there was no information available on the victim's involvement in crime.
In a number of cases documented by Human Rights Watch, police had arrested victims on suspicion of commiting a crime and then released them when they did not have sufficient evidence to bring charges. Shortly after their release, these individuals were then shot or stabbed by apparent death squad members.
For example, on November 20, 2005, police arrested 22 year old Rodolfo More, Jr. for trespassing and theft. They released him two days later, apparently because the evidence against him was not strong enough ti prosecute. Soon after a relative picked him up from the police station, an unknown assailant stabbed him to death in a jeepney that was taking them home.
The CASE data also suggest that about a third of the 814 victims in Dacai City were young adults, ages 18 to 25, and at least 9 percent were children. In 2008 alone, out of 124 victims, 46 were young adults, and another 14 were children. Another 45 were 26 or older, while there was no information on the age of 20 others. In the cases documented by Human Rights Watch, the majority if victims were teenagers or young men in their 20s.
Unintended Victims
In at least three cases documented by Human Rights Watch, the families believed that the victims were killed because they were mistaken for somebody who had been the intended target.
In one of the cases, 24 year old Gabriel Sintasas from General Santos City was shot dead on March 19, 2008. His family told Human Rights Watch that the perpetrators seemed to be looking for Gabriel's cousin, Frederick, an alleged drug dealer whom he resembled. Sintassas' mother, who witnessed the killing, told Human Rights Watch:
" I cried (to the gunman), 'You idiot! This is not Eko (Frederick's nickname)! You got the wrong man!' I know that these people were looking for Frederick- they just mistook my son for him! The killer didn't say anything in response, but he looked at Gabriel in shock, apparently realizing that he had made a mistake."
After Gabriel's murder, Frederick surrendered to the police, who told him he would have been the "next one" if he had not promptly surrendered.
On January 14, 2008, two gunmen in General Santos City shot dead Allen Conjorado, 23, and his brother Ronaldo, 15, inside a store owned by the brothers' aunt. The aunt's 6 year old daughter was also shot, but survived despite a head injury. A relative told Human Rights Watch that Allen was known in the neighborhood for selling drugs, but Ronaldo was not, and never received any warning prior to the killing.
Death Squad Members
Another category of victims includes death squad members themselves- who may be targeted because they acquired too much information about the squad's operations, because they fail to perform their tasks, or because they are particularly exposed.
Other Victims
Local activists also say that an increasing number of people are being murdered because some death squad members have become "guns for hire" and are killing people in exchange for payment. A rights activist in Davao explained:
" It costs only 5,000 pesos (about US140) to hire an assasin. If you owe more than 5,000 pesos to someone, would you pay back, or would you hire a killer to take care of the lender? If you have a dispute, it's so easy to and cheap to eliminate the other."
"Now the DDS moonlights, and work as 'guns for hire' for pretty much anyone willing to pay the price. The targets used to be criminals but now they include non-criminals. The DDS is expanding their business. The creation of the DDS has made killing a very profitable business. You are not safe, even if you did not commit any crome. You can still become a victim."
pp9
VIII.Targeted Killings
The following cases, involving 28 targeted kilings, were documented by Human Rights Watch during our research in Davao City, General Santos City, and Digos City in July, 2008.
Davao City
Jaypee Larosa, 20, killed on July 17, 2008
Jaypee Larosa, 20, had no criminal record and lived in Lanang, a quiet residential neighborhood in Davao.
At around 6PM on July 17, 2008, Larosa left home, saying he was going to a neighborhood internet cafe. A relative told Human Rights Watch that around 7PM the family heard six gunshots. A neighbor then rushed to their house and said that the "twin" had been shot, which the family immediately realized meant Jaypee, as he had a twin brother.
Family members rushed to the internet cafe, and found Larosa with several bullet wounds in front of the cafe. They took him to a hospital, but he was declared dead on arrival.
According to family members, eyewitnesses told them that Larosa had been shot by three men wearing black and dark blue jackets who arrived on a Honda Wave motorcycle. After they shot him, one of them removed the baseball cap Larosa was wearing, and said, "Son of a bitch. This is not the one," and they immediately left the scene. The police recovered an empty cartridge from a 9-mm handgun.
The family believes that Larosa was mistaken for someone else.
Shortly before the killing, the family had heard that some twin brothers had committed a robbery in the neighborhood where they used to live. A police officer had mentioned to members of the community the names of the Larosa brothers as potential suspects.
Convinced that the Larosa brothers could not have been involved in the robbery, the family confronted the police officer. On July 15, the police officer filed a libel complaint against the family. On July 16, the Larosa family filed a counter-complaint. The following day, Larosa was killed.
Adon Managit, 15, killed in July, 2007
Adon Mandagit, 15, used to live in Calinan, south of Davao City, with his family. Several years before he was killed, local police arrested Adon and beat him once for sniffing "rugby" (an industrial solvent commonly used by Filipino youth as an intoxicant) and for an alleged theft. "Ricardo," a close friend of the Mandagit family, told Human Rights Watch that Adon's mother then filed a complaint against a Calinan Police Precinct policeman for mistreating her son. As a result, the policeman was removed from the station and the police paid damages to the Mandagit family.
According to Ricardo, after the incident, the Calinan police warned Adon's mother that unless her son changed his behavior, "Something may happen to him." The mother then asked Ricardo to take her son to Davao City, and Adon moved there in early 2007.
In Davao City, Adon started working with Ricardo as an informal car washer in the Bolton area of the city.
Ricardo told Human Rights Watch that they were always together, and he tried to keep an eye on Adon, fearing for his safety. Adon's mother told him that some "men on motorcycles" were looking for Adon in Calinan, coming to the house, and asking the mother for his whereabouts.
In July 2007, Adon was shot dead in front of Ricardo. Ricardo told Human Rights Watch:
"It was around 3PM. Adon and I were on Bolton Street, washing cars near a Jollibee resturant. I went to buy cigarettes but the moment I left Adon, I heard gunshots and immediately turned around. I saw two men firing at Adon. One of them, short and heavy-built, was two or three meters away from Adon. I believe he fired the first shot. Adon stumbled, and another, taller man finished him off with another two gunshots....There were many people in the street-after shooting Adon, the men waved their guns at the crowd, telling people to disperse. Women were shouting, some people hit the ground, and some were running away. I got scared and hid behind a fruit stand. I could see everything from there."
According to Ricardo, the short man was in jeans and black jacket, and the tall one was wearing jeans, an off-white polo shirt, and a baseball cap. After shooting Adon, the men jumped on a waiting motorcycle and took off. Ricardo noticed that the motorcycle was a DT sports model, and the driver had long hair. The gunmen were armed with 45 caliber handguns.
After the gunmen left, Ricardo approached Adon. The boy was already dead- two wounds were visible in his head (one in his forehead and a second in the back of his head), and another bullet wound in the neck. Ricardo then quickly left the scene, fearing for his own life- Adon's killing was not the first one in the area and he was afraid he might be targeted as well.
Ricardo believes that Adon might also have been killed because a month before the shooting he had witnessed the murder of another car washer in the same area. As a witness to the killing, Adon was then questioned by the police. He also had given an interview about the murder on a local television channel.
Rolando Jimenes, 50, killed on June 15, 2008
Rolando Jimenes was a retired member of the CAFGU militia and lived in Davao City. In 2003, police arrested him for murder and he served time in prison until July 2007. According to a relative, shortly after his release, Rolando joined the Davao Death Squad and took part in death squad raids along with other members. He did not try to hide his affiliation with the death squad from his family.
On June 15, 2008, Jimines was drinking with a friend in a bar. An individual present in the bar later told a member of Jimines' family that a death squad member, who apparently knew Jimines, arrived on a motorcycle and came into the bar and told the customers to leave. He then approached Jimines and shot him several times, first in the side, then in the neck, twice in the head- in the middle of the forehead and in the right cheek- and then in the chest.
After the shooting, the gunman ran out of the bar where an accomplice waited on a motorcycle, and they sped off.
The police arrived at the scene about 30 minutes after the killing and conducted a basic examination of the crime scene, fingerprinting the victim and collecting bullet cartridges. The family did not file a case because, according to the witness interviewed by Human Rights Watch, "They knew about his job and thought it was useless to file." The witness was not aware of any action taken by the police to further investigate the case.
Nerito Calimbo, 42, killed on May 22, 2008; Jocelyn Calimbo, 44, killed on May 22, 2008; Aaron Sumitso, 26, killed on May 22, 2008
Nerito Calimbo, 42, was a self-employed businessman working in the mining industry, and a former New People's Army fighter who surrendered to the Government and was granted amnesty after serving two months in prison. After his surrender, he held different jobs, including as a bodyguard. Jocelyn Calimbo, 44, Nerito's wife, was a nurse.
A relative of the Calimbos told Human Rights Watch that on May 21, 2008, dozens of members of the Criminal Investigations and Detection Group (CIDG) from the Davao City Police, armed with 45-caliber handguns and wearing bullet-proof vests, entered the Calimbo residence. They searched the house without a warrant.
The officers took Nerito Calimbo to their office for questioning. They accused him of kidnapping and murder, and of being a leader of a well known gang. The next day, May 22, he was released on bail.
Calimbo's wife, Jocelyn, and his brother-in-law, Aaron Sumitso, picked him up at the barracks of the Davao City Police Office. They got into a taxi, which soon stopped because of traffic. Two men on a motorcycle approached them, shot the Calimbos and Aaron Sumitso, and fled from the scene. The taxi driver, who was unharmed, drove them to a hospital, but all three were declared dead on arrival.
The Calimbo family decided not to pursue the case with the police, fearing retribution.
In late May 2008, Chief Inspector Antonio Rivera, Chief of the Investigation Division and Management Section of the Davao City Police, told journalists that they had released a composite sketch of one of the suspects. Senior Superintendent Jaime Morente reportedly said the San Pedro Police were investigating the case, and looking at all possible motives behind the killing. Local media reported that Nerito Calimbo was a suspected leader of a well known gang called the Chigo Robbery Group.
Before Calimbo was released, CIDG-Southern Mindanao Chief Jose Jorge Corpuz allegedly had warned the victim that he was being targeted for assassination, but later clarified that his warning was based upon the presumption that Calimbo's enemies would take advantage of his release from CIDG detention.
At this writing in February 2009, the police had not reported the arrest of any suspect in the case.
Conrad Dequina, early 20s, killed on October 10, 2007
Conrad Dequina, in his early 20s, lived in Davao City. According to a friend, he was known to sniff rugby and was a suspect in a murder case. Prior to the killing, a barangay official had warned Dequina's family that his name was "on the list," and advised that he leave town.
At around 10PM, on October 10, 2007, Dequina was hanging out with friends in his neighborhood, when neighbors heard gunshots. Dequina's friend, who witnesed the killing, told Human Rights Watch that he saw three men wearing baseball caps and denim jackets.
He said that the assailants shot Dequina six times with what appeared to be 45-caliber handguns. They also shot and killed another man who was standing next to Dequina- possibly by accident.
The friend said that after the shooting, the gunmen drove around for some time, as if looking for someone else, but left just before the police arrived. He told Human Rights Watch:
"Nobody said anything, because they were all afraid. The police asked who the victim was, and laughed as if they liked what they saw. They didn't talk to any of the witnesses. And then they left, leaving behind the body and empty shells. They didn't do anything. They didn't seem to care about any evidence."
The friend does not believe the police followed up on the case. With regard to the other victim, the friend said:
"We knew the second guy was a mistake, because his name was not on the list. Everybody knew whose names were on the list. I have not seen the list, but a barangay official had the names on a piece of paper, and carried it when he visited each house to inform the families."
Dequina's friend said that three other friends of his were killed in the neighborhood between June and July 2008. He said that they were gang members and all had received warnings before the killings. All three were killed in the same manner as Dequina, and he knew of no police follow up in any of the cases.
Jumael Maunte, 24, killed in August 2007; Cyrus Gitacaras, age unknown, killed in August 2007
On August 12, 2007, Jumael Maunte and Cyrus Gitacaras went missing. On August 16, Maunte's family saw on the TV news that two bodies had been found in Mawab, Davai del Norte, about 90 kilometers northeast of Davao City. Maunte's mother went to the funeral parlor and identified one of the bodies as her son's. The body bore many bruises, a large blackened wound in the head, and three gunshot wounds in the chest. The wrists and ankles were tied with thin metal wire. The family, who are Muslims, immediately buried the body.
The second body belonged to Cyrus Gitacaras, a friend of Maunte's. The body, which had been found beside a highway by a jeepney driver, had gunshot wounds to the right eye and the chest, as well as bruises on the head. The wrists and ankles were tied.
According to Maunte's relative, Gitacaras had a long history of trouble with the law, including theft, drug use, and robbery. He was a suspect in a robbery case, and the authorities had released him from a city jail only five days before he went missing. Neighbors and barangay officials had told him his name was on a "list." Gitacaras told his friends that a police officer had warned him to watch out or he might be "killed on the street."
Maunte was a drug user. To his relative's knowledge, he had never received any warnings that his name was on a list or that his life was in danger. Fearing for his safety, his family told him to avoid Gitacaras, but Maunte would not listen, as they were close friends.
After the discovery of the bodies, Maunte's family located an individual who had been with Maunte and Gitacaras at the time of their abduction, but had managed to escape. He told the family that on August 12, the three of them were in Butuan City, which is about 220 kilometers northeast of Davao City, when a group of armed men approached them and took the two away.
The police never contacted Maunte's family about the case. According to Maunte's relative, when Maunte's mother asked the police if they had any leads in the case, they said they could not pursue the case because they did not know who was responsible for the killing. The survivor refused to make a statement to the police, as he was scared for his life.
Danilo Macasero, early 30s, killed in late May 2007
Daniel Macasero was a known drug dealer. According to a neighbor, a barangay official told Macasero that his name was on the "list." Neighbors tried to convince him to stop dealing drugs, but he continued.
Macasero's neighbor who witnessed the killing, told Human Rights Watch that in late May 2007, four men wearing baseball caps and jackets arrived in Macasero's neighborhood on two Honda XRM motorcycles. The men appeared to be staking another know drug dealer's house, and at around 8PM, Macasero walked past them.
One of the men then followed Macasero and stabbed him without warning, Macasero tried to run away, but another assailant caught up with him and stabbed him again. The man stabbed him 12 times in total.
The men then pulled out handguns that, according to Macasero's neighbor, appeared to be 38-caliber silver pistols, and pointed them to those gathered around. Macasero's neighbor said that one of them said, "Don't do anything. You are not part of this." Another one then kicked Macasero's face as he lay on the ground, and said, "Don't follow this guy, He's an addict."
Macasero's family took him to the hospital, but he was declared dead on arrival.
Richard Alia, 18, killed on July 21, 2001; Christopher Alia, 17, killed on October 20, 2001; Bobby Alia, 14, killed on November 3, 2003; Fernando Alia, 15, killed on April 13, 2007
From July 2001 to April 2007, the four Alia brothers from the Bankerohan area in Davao City fell victim to apparent death squad killings- they were stabbed to death one after the other, by unidentified perpetrators.
Richard Alia, 18, was a member of the "Notoryus" gang in Bankerohan and police had arrested him several times for petty crimes. In 2000, he survived a murder attempt when an unidentified perpetrator shot at him.
In early July 2001, the police tried to arrest him again, but his mother resisted. She told Human Rights Watch:
"The police from the San Pedro Police Station came to our house to pick him up for an alleged rape, but they didn't have a warrant. I asked for one, but they didn't have it and said they didn't need it. I protested, and then a policeman, who introduced himself as Senior Police Officer (name witheld), told me, 'OK, you don't want to give your child to me, then watch out because your sons will be killed, one by one!' I was really shocked he mentioned the other sons as they were just little kids then, but he was very angry because I was pushing him out."
On July 17, 2001, at around 4PM, Richard left his house to have a drink with a friend. Several hours later, a neighbor, who witnessed the killing, informed his mother that Richard had been stabbed to death. According to Clarita Alia, when she arrived at the scene, Richard was already dead, having sustained a fatal wound on his right side. She was unsure whether police ever opened an investigation into the killing, and she did not try to pursue the case, fearing for the safety of her other children.
Three months later, on October 20, 2001, Richard's younger brother, Christopher, 17, was also stabbed to death. Clarita Alia said:
"When somebody informed me that Christopher had been stabbed, I was startled, shocked- I realized they had started killing my kids one by one. When I got to the market where the killing happened, I saw Christopher being held by his older brother, Arnold. I think that Arnold was probably the target because he is my oldest son. People at the market said that two men were following Arnold that morning, but then apparently lost him and targeted Christopher instead. Christopher suffered one fatal wound in the chest, and had some smaller wounds on his arms- apparently, he was trying to protect himself...When the police arrived at the scene, they didn't try to find any witnesses, they just kept asking me, 'What happened? Who killed your son?' I was hysterical, and kept telling them, 'Why are you asking me? You are the policemen- ask winesses around here!'"
After Christopher's killing, his mother filed a case with the Commission on Human Rights, but she was not aware of any action taken by the Commission. Human Rights Watch sent a letter to the Commission with inquiries on the case of the Alia brothers along with some other murder victims in September 2008, and re-sent the letter a month later, but received no response.
On Nomvember 3, 2003, Bobby Alia, 14, was stabbed to death in the Bankerohan Market, the same place where Christopher had been killed. Shortly before his killing, police had arrested him for allegedly stealing a cellphone. His mother managed to secure his release- she said Bobby complained about police torture as they tried to obtain a confession from him. Two days after he was released, Bobby was stabbed in the back with a butcher's knife.
This time, witnesses to the incident said they could identify the perpetrator, a known local hitman, allegedly with close ties to the police. Clarita Alia decided not to share this information with the police. "I didn't tell them," she said, "Because this person is very close to the police, and the police know full well who the killers of my children were." She did not know whether the police had investigated Bobby's killing.
Fearing for the life of her other son, Fernando Alia, Clarita Alia tried to keep him away from Davao City. Fernando attended a boarding school away from Davao City, but according to Clarita Alia, unidentified people kept approaching Fernando there, saying, "He would be next." In 2006, Fernando returned to Davao, and soon thereafter was arrested for the first time, for sniffing rugby. He survived one murder attempt in November 2006, but unidentified assailants stabbed him to death on April 13, 2007. His mother told Human Rights Watch:
"I always kept him at home, never allowed him to go out alone. But that night I was so tired, I went to sleep early and told my daughter to keep an eye on Fernando. But apparently, he told her that he would just go to a neighbor's house, and she allowed him to leave. Next thing we knew was that he had been stabbed in the morning, by two perpetrators, on a bridge near the market. He did not die on the spot- an ambulance took him to the hospital, and when my daughter got there, the doctors were trying to revive him. But they dis not succeed, and several hours later he was pronounced dead."
Clarita Alia said that two minors who allegedly witnessed the killing from a distance were too scared to testify. As with the three other killings, the mother had no information from the police about the progress of the investigation, and to date none of the perpetrators have been arrested.
Jesus Ormido, 18, killed on October 10, 2004; Jay-ar Omido, 20, killed on June 1, 2006
Jesus Ormido, 18, was a tricycle dispatcher in Davao City. In the past he had been jailed for several months for sniffing rugby and stealing cellphones. A barangay official once told Jesus' grandmother that Jesus should be careful, adding that he would not want anything to happen to "any of the family members."
At around 4PM on October 5, 2004, two men wearing black skimasks and black jackets approached Jesus Ormido at the tricycle terminal where he worked. Without warning, they stabbed him once and shot him four times. According to a relative (who had talked to witnesses), the men rode a black and white DT type Yamaha motorcycle. Jesus' relative said the witnesses heard them saying, "You will not be the last. We will get another in your family." Police officers were in the vicinity, but they did not chase the assailants. Scene of Crime Operations (SOCO) officers arrived and collected spent shell casings. The police later told the family that they could not file a case because no witness could describe the gunmen.
Jesus Ormidio did not die on the spot, and police took him to a hospital. His condition stabilized, but five days later, as his family was waiting outside his ward, they were suddenly called in. By the time they arrived at the ward, Jesus was bleeding profusely from his earlier wound. The doctors performed CPR, but were unable to save him.
A patient on the adjacent bed told the family that a big man had come in, wearing a black shirt and a white doctor's gown with its hem stuck on his waistband on the backside, "as if he had put it on hastily." He had squeezed Jesus' wound until it bled. Jesus kicked around, but he could not yell, because a tube was blocking his airway. After some time he was still, and did not move again. The police who arrived at the hospital concluded it was murder, but according to the relative, did not follow up with an investigation.
Jesus' younger brother, Jay-ar Ormido, 20, also worked as a tricycle dispatcher. On June 1, 2006, Jay-ar went to a neighbor's wake where he met an acquaintance who was a police officer. Jay-ar stayed overnight, but as he was leaving the next morning, the police officer and another man driving a green DT-type motorcycle approached him.
According to Jesus' relative, an eyewitness said the policeman shot Jay-ar once, without saying anything. Jay-ar fell on the ground, tried to get up and run, but could not. The policeman then shot Jay-ar, who was lying on the ground, five more times. The witness said that the policeman and the other man drove away aboard the motorcycle.
SOCO officers recovered spent bullet casings from the crime scene, examined the wounds, and talked to witnesses. They also took. Jay-ar's body to a funeral parlor.
After learning from a witness that a police officer had been on the motorcycle with the other assailant, Jay-ar's family filed a complaint against the police officer, only to discover that he was no longer in service and had left Davao City. The family was unaware of any further action being taken on the case.
Rodolfo More Jr., 22, killed on November 10, 2005
Rodolfo More Jr. lived in a neighborhood in the Agdao District in Davao City known as "Barrio Patay" (Place of Death), because of the numerous killings that have occurred there over many years.
According to a relative, More's family heard that he had been "on the list." On November 20, 2005, More was arrested for trespassing and theft- it was his third arrest. On the afternoon of November 22, a relative picked him up at the Santa Ana Police Station in Davao. They got into a jeepney a few meters away from the station. The relative sat with her back against him, and turned around when she suddenly heard his scream. Rodolfo was lying on the bench of the jeepney. More had been stabbed in the chest. She saw a man jump out and walk away, as if nothing happened. The driver seemed too shocked to stop the vehicle, and since More's relative was also in shock, and didn't know what to do, she just asked the driver to take them home.
When they arrived at More's home, his father took him to a hospital, where he was declared dead on arrival. To the family's knowledge, the police did not investigate the case. The More family did not go to the police as they were concerned they would have to pay to file a complaint and could not afford it.
Kim "Keno" Garcia, 20, killed on November 11, 2005
Kim "Keno" Garcia had been a gang member in Davao City since he was 13 years old. He was jailed several times for theft, rugby sniffing, and other petty crimes. According to Garcia's friend, who learned of the details of the killing from an eyewitness, on November 11, 2005, Garcia was waiting for a friend in front of a convenience store when two men on a motorcycle approached him and stabbed him to death. Garcia sustained 14 stab wounds. Prior to the killing, he had once left the city after receiving an anonymous warning. The friend told Human Rights Watch:
"In 2004, he received a letter warning him that unless he left, he would be killed. He came back in June 2005 because he wanted to be with his gang. He was handed over to the police by a village watchman shortly after his return. The police asked, 'It's you again? Weren't you warned already and haven't you left the place?'...That's why we concluded that there was some cooperation between the DDS and the police. Of course, it wasn't the police that warned him, but they knew about it very well."
Garcia's friend dis not know whether the police ever opened an investigation into the killing.
Romeo Jaca, 17, killed on May 26, 2003
Romeo Jaca, 17, was a leader of a youth gang with several dozen members. The gang members drank and used drugs together, were involved in theft and prostitution, and fought with rival youth gangs. A few months before Jaca's killing, his mother heard that the barangay office was collecting names of gang members. She tried to convince him and his older brother to leave the neighborhood.
According to Romeo's relative who learned of the circumstances of the killing from eyewitnesses, late on night on May 26, 2003, a neighbor told Jaca that an official with the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency wanted to see him. Jaca left home to meet the official, walked past a small alley, and stopped in the middle of the street when he saw someone standing on the other side. He then turned and ran back into the alley but the asailant followed, shooting him while three other men cornered him. He was shot three times, in the head, back, and leg. The gunman and three others fled immediately. Two of them rode in a white van without a liscence plate. The other two drove a DT-type offroad motorcycle with no liscence plate.
The police later told the family the cause of death was a gunshot wound in the head inflicted by a 45-caliber handgun. But, according to Jaca's relative, the family did not file a case and the police did not follow up with any further investigation. The relative said:
"A lot of kilings happen. Nothing gets resolved. Nobody gets convicted. There is no point in filing a case (complaint). If we file a case, we are afraid other men in the family would be targeted next.
General Santos City
Danilo Auges, 38, killed on May 26, 2008; Aldrin Alba, 22, killed on June 10, 2008; Dodon Borga, 17, killed on July 2008; "Kawaylan" 20, killed on July 17, 2008
Danilo Augues, a construction worker in General Santos City, was a drug user who used to hang out with local drug dealers. His relatives say that he had been arrested once for stealing a cellphone, but released once the phone was returned to the owner. They say he did not deal drugs himself, although the media tried to portray him that way after the killing.
On May 26, 2008, Auges was grilling fish in the yard of his house with a friend and a nephew. At around 430PM, a relative of Augue's came home. She told Human Rights Watch:
"I went into the house, and when I came back into the yard some time later, I saw Danilo face to face with a gunman. The gunman had dark skin and long hair, and was wearing basketball shorts and a loose t-shirt. I saw his companion on a motorcycle parked a couple of meters away- it was a black XRM motorcycle, and the driver was wearing a military hat...The gunman, who had a pistol in his hand, was asking Danilo about some other man, Jon-Jon. I came forward and said that there was no one with such a name in our block. But the gunman didn't leave. Danilo apparently sensed something was wrong and tried to get inside the house, but at that moment the gunman shot him. He first shot him in the back, and then, when Danilo fell on the ground, the gunman kneeled next to him and shot him twice more, in the head, behind both ears....I was in shock, and kept shouting, 'Dan! Dan! Dan!' The gunman then jumped on the motorcycle that pulled by and they drove away."
According to the relatives, the police did not arrive until about 30 minutes after the killing even though the police station is located very close to the house and neighbors immediately reported the incident to them. Auges' relatives provided the police with a description of the gunman. A Scene of Crime Operatives team took pictures of the crime scene, collected Auge's fingerprints, and retrieved one of the cartridges, telling the family that the bullet was from a 45-caliber handgun.
At the time they spoke to Human Rights Watch, the relatives were not aware of any progress in the investigation and were scared to inquire with the police, fearing retribution.
Shortly after Augue's killing, at least three of his close acquaintances also became victims of apparent death squad killings.
According to Augue's relatives, shortly after her brother's killing, the family of his friend Aldrin Alba received a text message on a cellphone, which read, "The person who receives this message will be the next one to be killed after Danilo."
Aldrin Alba was killed on June 10, 2008. Three armed men arrived at Alba's house on a motorcycle. They first shot him in the legs and then shot him four more times as he was trying to run into the street. Two other friends of Auges,' Dodon Borga and "Kawalyan," were shot dead in a similar manner in the first week of 2008. Auges' relatives told Human Rights Watch that her brother and Alba were killed, the two men fled the town and went into hiding. However, their families later said that armed men on motorcycles found Borga and Kawalyan and shot them both dead.
Gabriel Sintasas, 24, killed on March 19, 2008
The family of Gabriel Sintasas, a charcoal trader from General Santos City, shared a house with his cousin, Frederick Lanuy. On January 2008, the neighbors told Sintasas' family that several men on a motorcycle had started coming to the neighborhood looking for Lanuy, who then left town and went into hiding.
In March 2008, Sintasas and his pregnant wife moved to her mother's house so that the mother could look after the wife.
At around 7AM on March 19, 2008, the family was having breakfast. Gabriel, who finshed his meal first, went out to the street and stood near a fence. Almost immediately, an unidentified perpetrator shot him desd. The family believes he was mistaken for Lanuy, whom he resembles. His mother described the incident to Human Rights Watch:
"I went outside after him. He was outside with hid two year old son, helping the child put his shoes on. I turned for a second to go back to the house, but I just made two steps when I heard gunshots. When I turned around, I saw a man holding a gun directed at Gabriel- he was lying on the ground, and my grandson was standing next to him...The man with the gun was about 25 years old, handsome, and was wearing a blue baseball cap, blue shorts, and a jacket. I cried, 'You idiot! This is not Eko (Frederick's nickname)! You got the wrong man!' I knew that these people were looking for Fredrick- they just mistook my son for him! The killer didn't say anything in response, but he looked at Gabriel in shock, apparently realizing he's made a mistake...There was a motorcycle parked some eight meters away. It was a blue XRM, and the driver was wearing a black jacket, black pants, and a black helmet with white stripes. He pulled over and urged the killer to get away...Gabriel was still alive when I approached him. He tried to speak and his eyelashes were fluttering. But he was turning pale very fast. There was a bullet hole behind his ear. Just one. But there was a lot of blood...We were trying to ask the child what happened to his father, but he couldn't say anything. He was just pointing his finger behind his left ear. There was nothing we could do. We just stayed there, crying."
Sintasas' relatives told Human Rights Watch that when the police arrived at the crime scene, he was already dead. The police examined the wound and the position of the body, and picked up the spent bullet casings. Sintasa's wife said that the Scene of Crime Operatives investigators questioned her but did not take down her statement. The police told the family that Sintasas had been shot with a 45-ciber handgun.
Because it was Muslim holy weel the family hurriedly buried the body. Since then the family has had no further interaction wuth the police. Sintasas' wife:
"We didn't go to the police to inquire about the case, because we had a strong suspicion that the people who killed my husband were either policemen themselves or well known to the police. A wife of an officer from the Fermin Lira Police Camp told me some 10 days after the killing that this murder caused some trouble in the police- they called a meeting when they discovered that it was a mistake and that they felt sorry."
According to relatives, Frederick Lanuy surrendered to the police shortly thereafter and was charged with drug dealing. When Sintasas' wife came to visit him in detention, Lanuy said that when he turned himself in the policeman told him he was lucky he surrendered on time otherwise he "would have been the next one."
At the time they spoke to Human Rights Watch, the relatives had no further information on any progress in the investigation.
Allen Conjorado, 23, killed on January 14, 2008; Ronaldo Conjorado, 15, killed on January 14, 2008; "Malaya," shot on January 14, 2008
Allen Conjorado was a fisherman, and his younger brother, Ronaldo Conjorado, worked as a laborer at a company that manufactured fishing boats. Both lived in General Santos City
A relative who witnessed the killings told Human Rights Watch that Allen was known in the neighborhood for selling drugs. Neighbors told the family that he was on the list of "people to be executed." The neighbors repeatedly warned the family that Allen should leave, but he did not take the warning seriously. The family never had any warning regarding their 15 year old son Ronaldo.
The relative told Human Rights Watch that on January 14, 2008, Allen and Ronaldo were at a amall store owned by their aunt. At around 11AM, three men on a red and white Honda XRM 200 Honda motorcycle appeared outside the store. They parked the motorcycle, and two of them entered the store and shot Allen and Ronaldo, as well as their aunt's six year old daighter. When they walked out, the third man, who was waiting outside, shouted that someone was still alive, and the two gunmen returned and shot Ronaldo again.
According to the relative, the motorcycle had no liscence had no liscence plate and the two gunmen wore baseball caps, khaki camouflage shirts, and jeans. The police later told the family that the gunmen had used a 45-caliber and a 9MM handgun.
Immediately after the shooting, their relatives took Allen and Ronaldo to the hospital, but both were pronounced dead on arrival. The aunt's daughter, who was also taken to the hospital with a head injury, survived.
According to the relative, the police have not contacted the family since, and the family has not been informed whether the police had opened a case.
Digos City
Marco Angelo, 16, killed on March 27, 2003
On March 27, 2003, in Digos City, the family of highschool student Marco Angelo waited for his return from school. When he did not come home in the evening, they thought he might have stayed with a friend, but in the morning the family got worried and started searching for him.
At around 8AM on March 28, an acquaintance informed the family that Marco's body had been found outside the city, and that he had been "salvaged" (Philippine slang for a 'Targeted Killing").
According to the family, Marco's body bore marks of torture- burns on his chest, teeth knocked out- and one bullet wound, under his chin. The body was tied with a rope. The body was found in a secluded place, and the family did not manage thr family did not manage to find any direct witnesses to the killing.
The family said that despite their requests, the police did not conduct a thorough investigation into the killing, and instead kept saying that Marco had been killed by members of the gang from his school.
A local community leader, who has been following Extra-Judicial Killings in Digos City, provided Humam Rights Watch with further details of the case. He believed that Marco was a suspected drug user and had been killed by the Digos Death Squad after his classmate, a Death Squad member, delivered him to the place where the execution took place. The classmate, according to this source, was the son of a policeman who was one of the Death Squad handlers in the area. Marco may have been tortured because the Death Squad was trying to get the names of drug dealers from him. A local official, familiar with the Digos Death Squad operations, confirmed to Human Rights Watch that this was likely a motive for the killing.
Abdul Naser Diamad, 30, killed in 2001
According to a relative, Abdul Naser Diamad dealt drugs and had been arrested before for selling drugs.
Diamad's relative, who talked to eyewitnesses, told Human Rights Watch that on April 1, 2000, two gunmen aboard a motorcycle shot him twice, on his cheek and neck, in front of his house. He required hospitalisation for several weeks, but survived. When the family inquired with the police, the police said he had beeb shot by other drug dealers, but didn't explain how they knew that.
Eyewitnesses told the family that the assailants used what appeared to be one 45-caliber handgun and another 9MM handgun, and were riding an XRM Honda motorcycle. One was wearing a baseball cap, the other a khaki army hat. The family told police what they heard from witnesses, including that the shooter appeared to be a known police officer, but the police ignored this information.
Diamad's relative said the police neither conducted a forensic investigation nor talked to witnesses. The police told the family that they did not file a case because they could not identify. The gunmen.
About a year later, Diamad was finally shot. The relative told Human Rights Watch thar he had witnessed the killing. He sand that the gunmen, at least one of whom had an automatic rifle, shot Diamad in front of his house. He was first shot in the stomach, and when he fell on the ground, the gunmen shot him again. Diamad's father rushed him to the hospital, but this time the doctors did not manage to save his life.
The relative told Human Rights Watch that the family was unaware of any progress in the investigation. He mentioned, however, that a police intelligence officer, who was a family friend, told them that Diamad had been shot by members of a death squad.
pp10
IX.The Perpetrators: Inside the Davao Death Squad
" Neither of (my friends in the death squad) has education, so there aren't that many choices out there for them. They prefer this job to being involved in ordinary crime because this is the safest illegal activity that also pays well. They are not afraid because the person who would be the one to arrest them is usually their boss, and the rest is coordinated with the police."
-"Anthony" describing friends who are members of the DDS, Davao City, July 27, 2008
In our research, we spoke with nine persons with insider knowledge of the structure and functioning of the so-called Davao Death Squad (DDS). Some of these "insiders" were relatives or friends of current or former DDS members, others had directly talked to members of the DDS, or had dealings with them. Some of the sources also provided information on other similar groups. Their accounts were detailed, internally consistent, and credible, and provide insight into the inner workings of the DDS. This chapter is based on those accounts.
The most detailed account provided to Human Rights Watch was from a young man, Ramon, who claimed that his closest friend has been an active member of the DDS since 2005, Ramon also asserted that he had, on one occaison visited a DDS training compound and on another occaison socialized with a large squad of death squad members. Human Rights Watch also interviewed two barangay officials who had detailed knowledge of the functioning of the DDS in their part of Davao City, and explained the role of the police and barangay officials in the killings.
Membership, Structure, Equipment
Corroborated accounts by several persons interviewed by Human Rights Watch suggest that in recent years that the DDS has developed into a well structured force.
Most members of the DDS fall into two main groups. According to several insiders, the older members, some of whom were recruited back in the early 2000s, were primarily members of the so-called "Sparrow Units" of the NPA who surrendered to the Government, as well as some former military and police personnel.
One insider said that a high ranking DDS member in his area had been a member of a "Sparrow Unit" who surrendered directly to Davao City Mayor Duterte. He then ran a private business while at the same time working for the DDS. In October 2007, this man won an election into a barangay council and became the head of the Peace and Order Committee in the barangay.
"Cecilia" talked to Human Rights Watch about a neighbor of hers- an alleged long time death squad member. She said:
"He was also an employee at the City Hall, and a member of "Guardian." Its a fraternal organization for former and current military and police officers, plus some civilians. He told me he had been a driver for the DDS for eight years. Sometimes he was tasked to kill, and he had killed a few peiple."
"Angela" said that an uncle of hers was a retired member of the CAFGU militia. In 2003, he was arrested on murder charges and sentenced to 12 years in prison. However, after serving less than 5 years, he was released on probation and joined the DDS two months later. Angela said, "My uncle told us he was hired as a tirrador (hitman)."
Other recruits are young men and boys, many of whom habe no job and no place to live. They often have a criminal record, and were themselves at one time "on the list." Thus, for them the choice was between being a potential victim of the DDS, or joining the ranks. Ramon told Human Rights Watch that some members of the DDS are as young as 17 years old, although, they are used as look outs rather than hitmen. A local community leader in Digos City told Human Rights Watch how a high school student, the son of an alleged death squad member, "delivered" a classmate to the squad for the latter's torture and execution, suggesting that at least in some cases children play a more active role.
Another insider, "Anthony," said that four DDS members he knew, between 25 and 35 years old, were all jobless and involved "in a bit of drug pushing" before joining the DDS.
The DDS, which according to Ramon currently has more than 500 members, is run by handlers. Such a handler is called an Amo (boss).
The amo is usually a policeman or ex-policeman, and un some cased, a barangay official. Ramon mentioned that his friend's amo was a former policeman.. He said that this man lived in the Catitipan area of Davao City, which has housing for police officers near a police camp. Two other insiders, "Fernando" and "Anthony," who knew two and four death death squad members respectively, also said that all of their friends' handlers were acting police officers.
A local journalist, who has been investigating Extra-Judicial killings in Davao City for almost ten years, believed that all handlers report to the police precinct commander in their area who distributes money for "operations" and reports, in turn, to an official in the City Government- "the big boss." Anthony also said that he was aware of of a three tier system- high ranking police officials, regular police officers ("handlers")), and the "personnel" (hitmen, drivers, and lookouts).
Two local barangay officials interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that in their area, the two handlers were the Chief of Barangay Police ("chief of operations") and a barangay council member currently the head of the barangay Peace and Order Committee.
In one illustrative case, a few months before 21 year old Noel Mindoza was shot dead, the local barangay captain told his mother that he should stop taking drugs, because the "Davao Death Squad" was on the watch. The barangay captain told the mother, "If Noel does not stop, I will give you a coffin."
Insider accounts suggest that, depending on the area, each amo handles ten to twelve members, sometimes divided into cells of two, three, or four men. For example, Ramon said that his friend was part of a cell of four people, and his amo handled three such cells, which often met together as a group. Fernando also said that each of the cells his friends belong to had three people- a hitman, a lookout, and a driver. They switch roles from operation to operation.
According to Ramon, the handlers provide members of the group with weapons- handguns and knives- as well as motorcycles for transportation. They also sometimes provide housing and food- especially when new recruits are youth who ran away from home or when members need a temporary hideout.
All insiders interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that the firearms issued to DDS members were mostly 45-caliber handguns. On occasion, DDS members use 38-caliber or 9MM handguns, typically because they owned the guns prior to joining the DDS. In the cases reported to Human Rights Watch, the perpetrators typically used 45-caliber or 38-caliber handguns.
Ramon explained that the use of 45-caliber handguns makes it easy to distinguish the killings committed by the DDS from ones perpetrated in the course of gang wars. He said that the vast majority of gang members cannot afford 45-caliber handguns, which cost about 30,000 Pesos (about US625) each. At best, gang members can afford 38-caliber handguns, but would use homemade guns called "sumpak." Ramon added, "My friend's amo once said that the guns they received were purchased by the city government for the police and then distributed among the (handlers)"- an assertion Human Rights Watch could not verify.
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As I haven't included unnecessary annotations from the report I need to mention at least one here; The purported victim in Davao City, Jaypee Larosa, the first of all twenty-eight victims listed above, is the nephew of Leonilo Larosa. Larosa is himself a well known hitman in the Davao Region. In December of 2007 he murdered radio disc jockey Ferdie Lintuan so that that connection is of course very important in considering the innuendo made in the Jaypee Larosa killing. Indeed, most of the cases HRW chose to focus on are bogus. Stabbings? First let me say that there is indeed a fair amount of highly organised Extra-Judicial Execution and Killing there is of course an operative difference between "killing" and "executing") and most of it is coming from the Big Kahuna himself, the sociopathic Vice Mayor of Davao City, Rodrigo Duterte. However, imagine that you are putting together a group to undertake such an endeavor. Would you have the assailant shoot or stab? If you pull a knife on someone they need only be armed themselves and it is all over for your killer, and after unmasking his identity, probably you as well. There is far too much room for error with bladed weapons.
Of course, within the last 6 months old Ruthless Roddy has put together a new group of orgiastic bloodletting psychopaths known as the "Latigo Squad." The group of lovelies travel the city's poorest barangays at night looking for young teens violating the city's curfew for teenagers and children, and/or engaging in minor vices like drinking and smoking and instead of killing them, has been horribly humiliating them by whipping them- yep, whipping them- until they collapse in a bloodied heap. Indeed, most often this has been done by men wearing superhero-like capes and masks (I am serious mind you). Lest anyone fear that Ratchety Roddy is facing a new, even more insane competitor, on the October 4th, 2011 edition of Vice Mayor Rodrigo's Tuesday TV show, "Ato Ni Bay," the Vice Mayor once again came within a milimeter of outing himself when he looked at the camera and asked critics if they prefer he shoot such children in the head. Then he dared CHR, the Commission on Human Rights to investigate him yet again. He said instead people should be criticising parents who allow their children to run around the city's streets at all hours of the night. Ahhhh, who needs movies and books when Davao City's own Benevolent Dictator is on the airwaves?
So, who is to say that Jolly Rodrigo might not want a few slicing and dicing kills just for good measure? Either way, HRW could have found very compelling cases to feature instead of highly questionable ones that they instead focused on. Each ome only has a "relative," almost always unnamed, making accusations absolutely devoid of any kind of proof, even circumstantial. Makes me wonder if it was even an authentic attempt at tackling the issue. Had I been Duterte's Public Relations hack (egad, perish the nightmare), I couldn't have hoped for a lamer "investigation." Still, factually it passes muster and offers at least an entrypoint for someone who truly wants to look into the subject.
I will conclude the report in "Part 3."
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